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But Can He Stir the Nation?
(Last of Two Articles.)
By BRUCE BIOSSAT
Washington Correspondent
WASHINGTON—(N E A)—
President Nixon tells his
most intimate counsel
ors that even if this nation
by some miracle solved all
its great problems tomorrow
it would still be missing
something vital it needs—a
sustaining spirit.
One influential aide says:
"He worries a lot about the
erosion of the nation’s spirit.
He doesn’t know if he is the
one to revive it, but he wants
to try . . . Recently he spoke
very eloquently to us in the
White House about the coun
try’s need for the lift of a
‘driving dream’.’’
Nixon is not the only one
who wonders whether he is
the man to stir the national
spirit again.
A Democrat who has seen
presidents come and go
sniffs caustically:
“The intellectual level of
this administration is abys
mally low. There is no clear
sense of purpose other than
to get Nixon re-elected in
1972. There is no philsophy
or ideology. . .
"On New Year’s Day, he
might have got in touch with
some of the nation’s best
thinkers and offered us some
ideas about where the United
States should be heading in
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“But what did he do?
Through his press secretary,
he handed out word that he
had called FBI Director
J. Edgar Hoover, football
coaches in Texas and Cali
fornia. and GUY LOM
BARDO.”
By this man’s measure,
the President ought to be
talking to the blacks, the
young and others who need
to be brought together but
right now are “at each
other’s throats.”
Many critics work this
vein, saying the President
has no guideline but the path
toward the next election.
The tenor of the Agnew
speeches, the hardlining of
administration men like At
torney General Mitchell, the
sometimes puzzling gyrations
of the Nixon forces on the
issue of southern school de
segregation—t h e s e are the
perceived elements the crit
ics designate as the Presi
dent’s “Southern strategy.”
But Nixon’s insiders deny
the Southern strategy except
to say they, of course, want
to win the South and do not
see why it should be isolated
from or punished by the rest
of the country.
Nixon’s defenders within
the White House declare that
those who say he has no
basic message are wrong.
They see his 1970 State of the
Union address as an “inau-
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gural for the ’7os” laying
down the beginnings of a
“subtle, sophisticated and
complicated” philoso
phy rooted in what is now
called the new federalism.
This has to do, of course,
with passing down both
power and money to the
states and cities, with much
more personal involvement
of the affected citizens,
through a variety of legisla
tive and administrative de
vices.
The idea is not really new
—but Nixon is the first presi
dent to do much about it.
Still, the skeptics question
whether this is the stuff that
can, as one aide suggests,
“breathe a new spark” into
the American spirit.
Nixon is not normally an
eloquent man. Nevertheless,
an old friend insists:
“When a speech is 80 to 90
per cent the product of the
President’s own writings—as
were his Miami Beach ac
ceptance speech, the inaugu
ral and the Nov. 3 Vietnam
talk—it moves people.”
And, the critics ask, can
the President stir a fresh
spirit widely when his stout
est verbal appeals are usual
ly attuned to his own con
servative support and to
George Wa 11 a c e’s to the
right?
Again, Nixon’s defenders
think Americans generally
are less put off than are
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newsmen by his own rather
confirmed habit of combin
ing hard words and soft
action (warning Hanoi not to
get cute as he pulls out troops,
throwing in inducements to
work as he announces wel
fare reforms perhaps more
human and surely broader
and more costly than present
programs).
Another judgment is that
Nixon calculates coolly that
he does not need to make
broader appeals because the
disorganized, nearly leader
less regular Democrats offer
him no real competition.
“He has got hold of the
middle,” says aveteran
aide, “and he’s got Wallace
boxed into a little hole.”
When it comes to the
young, Nixon’s posture is
still harder to discern. In
December, pressed by Sen.
Howard Baker of Tennessee,
he saw some young Ripon
Society (liberal) Republicans
who wanted his comment on
their “youth report.”
Whatever the President’s
feelings, the visit troubled
some aides. The young men
were ushered in and out of
the White House by a rear
door so the press could not
tap them.
In contrary evidence, top
foreign affairs aide Henry
Kissinger and other senior
White House assistants seem
to have met several times
with some young militants in
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private, both in and out of
the White House. One such
White House affair involved
six to eight visitors of college
background, including one
who claimed to have started
a riot and a woman of 18
years’ “campus” standing.
Yet, once more, the staff
jitters showed. By one aide’s
word, “The long-haired types
had trouble getting in and
were subjected to triple
checks at the various gate
points.”
Nixon’s approach to the
black community is likewise
multisided. There are no
effective moderate leaders.
An insider says:
“With the leadership wilt
ing, the militants are in the
saddle. Nixon can ignore
them and he does.”
Nevertheless, his black ap
pointees to second echelon
and other posts are numer
ous. He gained points with
his “Philadelphia Plan” for
greater employment of
blacks on federal construc
tion, and he insists he wants
infusions of capital to spur
much more black employ
ment.
On the opposite tack, he
appeals to the white South
with go-slow views on school
desegregation, offers a new
voting rights bill that could
hamper southern black voter
registration, presses south
erners for a U.S. Supreme
Court vacancy.
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His staff wasted valuable
White House energy and
misjudged to the end the
chances of Senate confirma
tion for defeated U.S. Judge
Clement Haynsworth of
South Carolina. But this
“mistake” may not bother
Nixon long. Southerners may
remember, but experts
would agree with the exper
ienced Democrat who says:
“A year from now most
people won’t remember who
Haynsworth is.”
After early season bloopers
over patronage and other
basic party matters, Nixon
today is getting good ratings
from key Republicans
around the nation as a politi
cal operator. This reporter’s
December canvass of GOP
governors confirmed this, as
well as the broad political
usefulness of blunt-t a 1 k i n g
Vice President Agnew.
“I don’t get the feeling a
genius is at work here, yet
things seem to come out
pretty well,” says one tough
White House aide.
How well, how sweepingly
and how long are the ques
tions. The “ifs” over war
and inflation are large. But
when were the "ifs” not big
for a president in this trou
bled century?
(Newspaper Enterprise Assn.)
(End of Series.)
Griffin Daily News
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