Newspaper Page Text
Griffin Daily News
4
On a night in May, 1941, a German
officer parachuted from a
Messerschmitt-110 into Scotland.
The final chapter in his strange
story is now being written...
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Rudolph Hess
Angry Shouts
4
• Greet Kennedy
’ In Ireland
By DONAL P. O’HIGGINS
• DUBLIN (UPI)-Sen. Ed
ward M. Kennedy wound up a
three-day visit today, the first
t member of his clan to hear
voices raised in anger against
him in Ireland, land of his
forebears.
• After Kennedy told a Trinity
College audience Tuesday night
that street agitation had lost its
effectiveness, about 500 leftwing
» students surrounded his car and
denounced him as an imperia
list, hammering on his automo
bile with their fists.
The senator and his wife,
Joan, had emerged from
Trinity College Hall when the
• students swarmed about his
car, pounded on the hood,
kicked the tires and shouted,
“Get out of Ireland, Ted.”
•
Police armed with truncheons
scuffled with the crowd. A
force of counterdemonstrators
’ joined the fray and battled the
students in scattered fist fights.
“That’s all right. You are
entitled to your own opinions,”
the senator shouted as the
small, dented black car drove
» away.
“Street demonstrations have
become mechanical and have
• lost their effectiveness,” he
said in his speech earlier. “This
is no time for a moderate to be
in retreat. History has dealt
* harshly with those who get
caught up with revolutions and
forget reformation.”
’ A scuffle broke out in the
back of the hall when a
leftwing student shouted Mao
, Tse-tung slogans.
Kennedy said the greatest
threat to world peace was
a oppression, whether against
blacks in the United States,
nation against nation or group
against group. He called the
| • nuclear arms race a “mad,
i mad chess game.”
The fighting climaxed Kenne-
Sdy’s three-day visit to Ireland,
where his late brother toured
seven years ago in unmarred
triumph.
There was goodwill, warmth
and courtesy for Ted Kennedy
and shouts of “We’ll see you in
the White House.” But for the
vast majority of the Irish
people the memory of John F.
* Kennedy is too fresh for them
to think of his mantle passing
to another.
i “It’s not the same at all,”
said Patrick Reilly, who fell out
of a window seven years ago to
catch a glimpse of John
I Kennedy.
11
Wednesday, March 4, 1970
Briton Strives
To Free Hess,
Once His Foe
By TOM CULLEN
NEA European Correspondent
LONDON—(N E Al—By a
peculiar twist of fate, the
Englishman who served the
indictment on Rudolf Hess,
the Nazi war criminal, now
leads the fight to free Hess
from prison in West Berlin.
He is Airey Neave, 54, Con
servative Member of Parlia
ment. and once a wartime
prisoner of the Gestapo.
As assistant secretary of
the International Military
Tribunal at Nuernberg after
the Allied victory. Lt. Col.
Neave (as he was them
served the war crimes indict
ment on Hess in his cell. To
day Neave has received sup
port from all three political
parties here for his demand
that Hess be freed from
Spandau prison, a move
which the Russians oppose.
“No one can accuse me of
being pro-Nazi,” declares
Neave. who escaped in 1942
from Colditz, one of Hitler’s
top security prisons. “I have
suffered at the hands of the
Gestapo, and 1 hate every
thing that Hess stands for.
“This is not a question of
politics, but of compassion.
Hess is now 75 years old,
and the last 28 years of his
life have been spent behind
prison bars, much of the
time in solitary confinement.
“His continued imprison
ment can serve no earthly
purpose, except to reflect on
us as civilized nations.”
By "civilized,” Neave
makes it clear that he refers
to the Americans, the Brit
ish and the French, all of
whom are party to the four
power agreement under
which Hess is imprisoned as
Spandau. “As for the Rus
sians.” he says, “I’m con
vinced that they intend that
Hess shall die at Spandau.”
At the moment Hess, who
was Hitler’s deputy, is in the
British military hospital at
Spandau, where he was
taken on Nov. 24, 1969, suf
fering from a stomach ulcer.
But already the Russians are
insisting that he is cured and
that he be locked up again
in Cell No. 7 of the huge,
empty, barrackslike prison.
No other prisoner is there.
Meanwhile, 190 members
of Parliament from all three
political parties have signed
a House of Commons motion
demanding that Hess be
freed immediately. The sign
ers include Czech-born Rob
ert Maxwell, a Labor MP
who lost all of his family in
Nazi concentration camps.
The British campaign to
free Hess dates from last
Christmas Eve. when Hess'
wife and son. Wolf, whom the
prisoner had not seen in 28
years, visited him in the
hospital. Britons were so
revolted at the way the Hess
family was treated on this
occasion that there was an
immediate public outcry.
Not only were his wife and
son not allowed to embrace
Hess during the 30-minute
visit, but they were not even
allowed to shake his hand,
under the four-power prison
regulations. After the visit
the Hess family members
were forced to sign a state
ment that they would not dis
cuss the prisoner’s condition,
under pain of being denied
access to him again.
The Rudolf Hess story goes
back to the night of May 10.
1941. when Hess, dressed in
a Luftwaffe flight lieuten
ant’s uniform, bailed but of
a Messerschmitt-110 fighter
over Scotland, landing on
the Duke of Hamilton’s
estate.
He had come on a special
Airey Neave
mission to Britain to make
peace between the British
and Hitler, Hess told the
astonished farmer who ran
to his rescue.
Winston Churchill, who
had been watching a Marx
Brothers film earlier that
evening, refused at first to
believe that the parachutist
was really Hess, so fantastic
did the adventure seem.
Locked in the Tower of
London for the duration of
the war, beetle-browed Hess
was later brought to trial at
Nuernberg, along with Her
mann Goering and the other
top Nazis, and sentenced to
life imprisonment for crimes
against peace. Today he is
the last of the seven Nazi
bigwigs once locked up at
Spandau.
Churchill frankly thought
that Hess was mad. but
Neave, who often saw him
alone at the time of the
trial, isn’t so sure.
“When I served the indict
ment on Hess he calmly
stuck it between the pages
of a novel by Evelyn Waugh
he happened to be reading,
and otherwise behaved
rather strangely.” Neave re
calls. "He was a great one
for simulating loss of
memory, but he was shrewd
enough where his own self
interest was at stake.
"For instance, he was sane
enough to ask for a separate
trial. And when this was
denied, he made a great fuss
about being seated next to
Goering, whom he loathed ’
Let’s hear it
for imported
strawberries!
HIDALGO, Tex. <UPI)~ When
the housewife puts fresh straw
berries on her cereal this winter,
she probably won’t even consider
the time and trouble it took or
the distance those berries had to
travel to get to the table.
She probably never heard of
Zamora or Irapuato, Mexico,
much less Hidalgo, Tex., yet a
majority of the strawberries
eaten by Americans this winter
will come from those areas of
Mexico, and they funnel into the
United States at the Hidalgo,
Tex., border checkpoint.
The first Mexican strawberries
were introduced to the U.S.
palate in 1958. Only 4,000
pounds were imported that year.
But the American taste buds
were pleased.
By 1967, a whopping 20.5
million pounds of fresh straw
berries and 72.6 million pounds
of frozen strawberries- were be
ing imported. The value of that
year’s import crop was more
than sl3 million.
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BRUCE BIOSSAT
Democratic Leaders Drag Feet
Hl
WASHINGTON (NEA)
By late afternoon on Tuesday, Feb. 24, campaign expert
Lawrence F. O’Brien knew that his private business con
sulting activities would not be an obstacle to his taking the
Democratic national chairmanship if he wished it.
Two days of hopping about for personal encounters with
his clients in and near California eliminated that problem
to a large degree. He was assured his new firm’s services
would be helpful even if he devoted himself heavily to
national politics in Washington.'
That Tuesday night he came to grips with Hubert Hum
phrey's offer of the post in terms for the first time almost
wholly political. When he went to bed, his decision was not
to take the job. Next morning it was still “No.”
He telephoned Humphrey at midday to report his deci
sion. Reports which suggest O’Brien was adversely affected
by a rustling of discontent among nine Democratic gover
nors attending a midwinter governors’ parley here are oil
the mark. Their little caucus did not begin until a half-hour
after O'Brien gave Humphrey his decision.
The fundamental fact is O’Brien never was fully per
suaded the heralded "consensus surge’’ for him as national
chairman was much more than a surface manifestation.
The evidence was conflicting.
Sen. George McGovern of South Dakota telephoned to
offer warm support. Influential intermediaries speaking
for Senators Edmund Muskie of Maine and Harold Hughes
of lowa conveyed comforting messages.
Though early reports had it that Lyndon Johnson, whom
he served in various ways for five years, opposed him.
Apathy Turns O'Brien Off
believable word came that LBJ did not object and was
staying out of the battle.
According to Humphrey, AFL-CIO President George
George Meany was reported favorable. Young leftish law
yers said they might find time to help draft issue papers.
Yet there were also disconcerting signs. Southern Demo
crats, led by Gov. Robert McNair of South Carolina, were
reported still wrathful over retiring Chairman Fred Harris’
alleged neglect of them. They advanced their own candi
date, lame-duck Gov. Bulford Ellington of Tennessee.
Intellectuals who keep formally aloof from most party
affairs but often mix in during election campaigns added
to the doubts.
O’Brien, jn his formal rejection of the post, observed
that his opposition included some "with whom the party
traditionally has had close relationships.”
Then there was the case of Sen. Edward M. Kennedy.
Though Kennedy at the outset announced a “hands off”
policy on the chairmanship issue, O’Brien was hurt that
his old friend never called. Humphrey and Kennedy did
talk to each other Feb. 23.
Kennedy’s silence had no acknowledged role in O’Brien’s
decision. After deciding, however, he was surprised to hear
from Humphrey how cool Kennedy seemed on the matter
when the latter two talked.
The big thing that turned O'Brien off was his conviction
that too many party well-wishers cared too little about their
fractured party to’ dig deep for needed money or do the
tough work required to make the vital repairs for the great
1972 presidential test.
(Newspaper Enterprise Assn.)