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U.S., Russia try again to slow arms race By NICHOLAS DANILOFF WASHINGTON (UPI) — > a break o{ six months, the United States and Soviet Union are resuming their strategic arms talks this week ’ in a new effort to stem the seemingly inexorable arms race. , ' The trick,” said one U.S. official as the American delega* tion headed back today to the Geneva negotiating table, “is to s close some more doors without opening any new ones.” Previous U.S.-Soviet arms control agreements left various doors open to both sides for developing new weapons and modernizing old ones —a fact which Sen. Henry M. Jackson, D-Wash., has criticized sharply. The limited nuclear unger ground test ban which former President Richard Nixon con cluded in June in Moscow, for example, still permits under ground testing of nuclear weapons whose explosive force is less than 150 kilotons —about 10 times the power of the > Hiroshima bomb. The 1972-1977 Interim Agree ment concluded at the 1972 Summit conference freezes the number of missiles possesed by the United States and Soviet Union and puts a ceiling on the , number of nuclear submarines they may maintain. But it does not prevent either side from improving its arsenal qualitatively. Ambassador U. Alexis John son, a career Foreign Service officer, is leading his delegation back to the Palais des Nations for the resumption of the talks Wednesday at a time when both superpowers are calculated to have a staggering and burgeon ing amount of “overkill.” The Center for Defense i Information, directed by retired Adm. Gene La Rocque, esti mates the United States now has enough nuclear armaments > to equal all the bombs it dropped on Japan and Germa ny during World War II 2,404 . times over —the equivalent of 369,769 Hiroshima-type explo sions. The equivalent figures for the » Soviet Union are 718,538 Hiro shima-type explosions, or 4,671 Second World Wars. Adm. La Rocque’s precise * figures are disputed by some, but his general point about the fearful might of the superpow- » ers is accepted by the highest government officials. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, in particular, is » appalled by these nuclear arsenals. On July 3, immediate ly after the Moscow summit , conference between Nixon and Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezh nev, he warned at a Moscow news conference: * “If we have not reached an agreement well before 1977, then I believe you will see an explosion of technology and an * explosion of numbers at the end of which we will be lucky if we have the present stability —in , which it will be impossible to describe what strategic superi ority means. -Russians smash art show * MOSCOW (UPI) - “It’s just like Czechoslovakia,” one man shouted as a handful of Russians pelted the advancing Soviet bulldozers with balls of mud. The mud failed to stop the bulldozers from smashing up an abstract art show, however, just as rocks could not keep Soviet tanks from overrunning ’ Czechoslovakia in 1968. Bulldozers, water trucks and burly police barreled in Sunday to disperse about 500 men, women and children gathered in a Moscow suburb for an unsanctioned exhibit of abstract •' 3FT- The Soviet Union, which only sanctions art depicting “Social ist realism," arrested six ‘artists, manhandled some fo reign diplomats and assaulted five Western newsmen. A group of 13 underground artists picked a patch of wasteland in suburban Seme novskoye for the exhibition, hoping the out-of-the-way loca tion would head off troubles with Soviet officials. Authorities used an iron fist * to break up the show, however, claiming the rainswept muddy tract southwest of Moscow was needed for budding a “park of rest and culture.” “And one of the questions which we have to ask ourselves as a country is what, in the name of God, is strategic superiority? “What is the significance of it, politically, militarily, opera tionally, at these levels of numbers? What do we do with it?” Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger, responsible for current decisions which could affect the security of the nation’s defense a decade from now, accepts the imperative necessity of arms control. 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In a July 3 press conference in Washington, immediately 1 following Kissinger’s perfor mance in Moscow, Schlesinger acknowledged that getting a comprehensive agreement might mean a long wait. “The possible objection to that is that you may wait more or less eternally,” Schlesinger conceded. Paul Nitze, a high Defense Department official who repre sented the Office of the Secretary of Defense on the American negotiating team in previous Strategic Arms Limi tation Talks, resigned in mid year, criticizing the piecemeal aproach. The American delegation thus is returning to Geneva against the background of divisions in the government over how best to approach the next round of arms control negotiations. Instructions to the U.S. delegation still were being considered as late as Saturday, when President Ford held a two-hour meeting with his National Security Council. The next phase of the arms talks, suspended since March 19, is expected to be ex ploratory, seeking out areas of possible future agreements with the Soviets. Page 5 Kissinger remains the prime force on the American side in the conduct of the negotiations, although Schlesinger, as one official put it, “is his own man and is not letting the secretary of state have a free ride.” Kissinger’s main concern now is to reach an accord to limit the deployment of multiple nuclear warheads. The United States is allowed to deploy these multiple warheads on its large missiles under the terms of the 1972-1977 agreement. The Soviet Union is allowed to develop, test and deploy them : — Griffin Daily News Monday, September 16,1974 as well. There are other “open doors” which need to be closed. These include putting restrictions on modernization of old missiles, limitations on research and development and controls on strategic bombers which so far have not been dealt with at all. Additionally, the Soviet Union wants to discuss the so-called forward-based systems of the United States located in Europe for NATO defense. The United States maintains these wea pons, which include tactical nuclear arms, are not strategic and should not be discussed in Geneva. Nineteen NATO and Soviet bloc countries open talks on reduction of forces in Europe Sept. 24 in Vienna. Kissinger plans to fly to Moscow at the end of October to resume his discussions with Brezhnev. The Kissinger-Brezhnev talks are seen by observers here as the next really significant event in the superpowers’ struggle — to borrow a phrase from former Secretary of State Dean Rusk —“to keep the nuclear beast in his cage.”