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DAfLT fAPMI, El OIIT HUH. AH A—I’OUHTM l*A#KH»
r tvK wti-st a. run tvs. M t a a l k in AnyAsrt.
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From a lair Liwjwot I'aptr,
VERSES TO THE MISSES L .
Ill T. CawCHRl-X, Gas,
Adieu, Romance's heroines,
(live me Hie nymphs, who this (food hour
Mu) charm me, not ill firtinll’a scenes,
Hoi leach Tile beauty’* living power:—
My lim p, Hilt tun been mule tiKi lon(f,
Shull sleep at beauty’s name no more.
Ho but yoiiratnilct reward my siiiik,
Jemima, llow, and Elcauore,—
tn wIioac benignant eyca are beaming
The run of purity and truth,
Hueli an tve fancy woman's seeming,
In tlie creation's golden yniithi
The more I look upon thy grace,
Hniinit, I coulil look the more,
nut for .IrniioiV. ililnp fuee.
And the sweet voice of Elcauore.
llud I been Lawrence, kings hud wanted
Their portraits, till I’d painted tours,
And these had future heurta enchanted,
When this poor verse no inure endures;
1 would linve tell the Congress laces,
A dull-oy’d dlphimaticcorps,
Till I hail group’d you ss tlie Graces,
Jemima, itoac, mid Kbmtpre,
The Catholic bids fair sninVi befriend him,
Your poet’s limit is catholic too,
Ilia rosary slioli tie flow’ra yi send him.
His saintuiaya when tie visits youi
And my acre laurels for my duly,
Miraculous at your touch would rise.
Could 1 give verse one trait of lieuuty.
Like that which gluda me from your eyca.
Unseal'd by you, these lips have spoken,
Disus'd tu song for many a tlnyi
I a lust
•Ye’ve tun’d a harp whose strings were broken,
And warm’d a heart of callous clay;
Ho when my limey next refuses i
Tu twine for you u garland mure,
Come haek again ami lie tny Muses,
Jemima, Itoac, and Kleanore.
ANKomm’,8
Of the. Reverend George f/arvnt,
Mr. George Harvest, it minister of
Thames Dittnn, was one of the most absent
men ufliil time) he was a Inver of (rood
ruling, almost to gluttony, anti was fur
ther remarkable as a great fisherman; ve-
ry negligent in his dress, anti a believer in
gliosis. In his yutilli he was contracted
to a daughter of the Hilltop of London,
but, on his wedding day, being gutlgeun
fishing, he overstayed the canonical hour)
Anil the lady, justly, offended at Ilia ne-
S lect, broke on the match. He had at
tat time, an eatnte of 1300 pee annum)
but, from inattentinu anil absence, suf
fered his servants tn run him in debt so
jnurlt, that it was toon spent. It is said
that his maid frequently gave balls to her
friends and fi-'hiw-tiervans) and pursue-
drtl him tbit the nuise he heard, was the
effect of wind.
In the latter part of hie life, no one
vrottltl lend or let him a horse, ss lie fre
quently lust his beast from under him, or
at least mil nf Itis hands, it being his prac
tice to dismount and lead his horse, put
ting the bridle under his arm, which the
horse sometimes shook off', anil sometimes
it was taken off'by the bovs, and the par-
•on seen drawing Itis bridle after him.
Sometimes he would purchase a penny
worth of shrimps, and put them in his
Waistcoat pocket, among tobacco, worms
gentles, lor fishing, and other trumpery)
these he often carried about him till the
■tench heroine almost insufferable.—I
once saw such a mess turned out of his
pocket by the Dowager Lady Pembroke.
With all these peculiarities, he was a
man of some classical learning, and a
deep metaphysician, though generally
reckoned a little cracked.
Mr. ArtluirOnslow, speaker of the house
of commons, who lived at Kinder court, in
the parish of Thames Hilton, was verv
food ol Mr. Harvest’s company; as was
also Itis son and successor, lord Onslow
so much, that he had a bed there, and |i
veil more at Funder court than at his lod
gings (a baker’s in tlie village.)
On another occasion, having aecompan
icd my lord to Calais, they walked on the
ramparts; musing on soine geometrical
problem, he lost Itis company in the midst
of that town; Mr. Harvest could not speak
a word ol French; but, recollecting my
lord was at the Silver Lion, he put a shil
ling in his mouth, and set himself in the
attitude of a lion rampant; alter exciting
much admiration, he was led back to the
inn by a soldier, under the idea that he
was a maniac escaped from his keepers.
Such was his absence and distraction,
that he frequently used tn forget the pray
er days, and tu walk into Itis church with
bis gun, tu see what could have assembled
the people there.
In company, he never put the bottle
round, but always filled it when it sioud
opposite to him; so that he very often took
bail' a dozen glasses running. That he al ■
ways was drunk, and the test of the coin
pany sober, is uut therefore to be wonder
ed at.
One day Mr. Harvest being in a punt
on the Thames, with Mr. Onslow,, began
to read a beautiful passage in some Greek
author, and throwing himself backwards
in an erstacy fell into the water, whence
he was with difficulty fished out.—One or
two other instancertof like forgetiuluess
could be mentioned.
DERATE l.Y THE 8EJVATE,
ON THE UNION OK MAINE to MISSOURI.
(rosTiser.ii,)
Friday, January 14,
The Senate having resumed the considera
tion of the Hill for til* admission nf Maine into
the union, with the amendment reported there
to, which embraced the case of Missouri, also:
And the following motion, by Mr. Roberts of
Pennsylvania, being under consideration
■’That the biff for the admission of the stste
of Maine into the union, and the amendment
thereto reported he committed tn tlie Judicia
ry Committee, with instructions so to modify
its provisions, as to sihnit the state nf Muine
into the union, (divested of the amendment
nthruciug Missouri-.)
Mr. flnrfionr, of Virginia, laid, the
particular agency whirh he had heretofore
had in this subject mnrte it proper that he
should endeavor to shew the impropriety
of agreeing to the proposed resolution, am),
at the same time, vindicate the course
pursued by the committee in recoinmeid-
ingtlie amendment providing for the ad
mission of Missouri into the Union. To
a distinct understanding of the subject,
snid he, it is necessary we should advert
to the history of its progress. A select
committee, to whom the subject was re
ferred, brought in a bill whose object was
to provide for the admission of Maine in
to the Union. YVhile it was depending
before the Senate, I submit ted a motion
to recommit tlie bill, with instructions to
incorporate the very amendment which
lias now been proposed. Btfore this ques
tion was decided, a bill is sent up from
the House of Representatives, precisely
like that depending here. In conformity
to an existing comity between the two
Houses, the bill dependinghere, with the
instructions I had submitted, was post
poned, and the Senate proceeded to act
oil the one from the House of Represen
tatives. At the proper time, it was com
mitted tn the Judiciary committee, who,
as I think, moat wisely an.l justifiably,
reported the hill with the murh contested-
amendment in favor of Missouri—the. me
morial ofthat people having keen previ
ously referred to that committee, suppli
cating admission into the Union. It is
objected, first, by the member from Poini-
avlvnnia, that the commitiee got posses
sion of the subject rather curiously. In
justification of this assertion, he states,
that the memorial of the people of Mis
souri is that whic h was presented tlie lust
session. Nitre, this objection is of itself a
curiosity. Is it not the invariable usage
which obtains, in both branches, when a
petition has been presented, and its ob
ject not consummated, us is hut too com
monly the case, Congress either being
unable nr unwilling, to do so, liir the same
identical petition to be presented to the
ensuing Congress? Why present a new
one, the facts and grounds of the applies,
tion remaining the aacne? It is next ob
jected by the gentleman from Rhode-Isl
and, that the committee have exceeded
thcii powers, In recommending fhisamencl-
incut. Pray, sir, what it the object of
referring a bill to a committee—merely to
dot the i’s and cross the t’sp 1 had suppo
sed they had a more important duty to
perform.—Not only their right, but that
it was their lion mien duty to modify or
amend any and every part in relation to
the particular subject embraced by the
bill, and to extend its provisions so nstoj
Maine is ready to come into the Govern-1 eble truths, can see no serious difficulty to
ment, having formed har Constitution, the proposed union. 1 forbear to investi-
peiulentiy of the consideration that gate them at this time, because 1 have
Mate of things would make it necea- jbeen told by the chair, and properly told.
Indc[
this state
embrace every corresponding subject.:
Tins is not only a ralional rule, btil one ‘
which is prescribed by every well organi
zed deliberative body. It in' the first place
diminishes that multiplicity of laws nl-
of the two cases, 1 must be permitted to
state, that Maine lias no claim on us for
the precipitancy with which she has acted.
The correct course would have been, to
have obtained the consent of Congress
before she had proceeded as far as she
has. For I presume no one will pretend
that there is any constitutional obligation
on Congress to admit Maine at all into
the Union—for the very obvious reason,
that she now, as a part nf Massachusetrs,
enjoys all the inestimable blessings of
self government. She surely, therefore,
has not increased her claim on our indul
gence by the premature step she has ta
ken in forming her constitution; especi
ally, as she did not know but, according
to the new doctrine recently sprung up,
Congress might think proper to impose
restrictions—of which right she seems to
have deprived us, by making anil fashion
ing her Constitution according to her own
will and pleasure. Missouri, onthecon-
trary, quietly submitted tn the injustice
of which sh« was the victim at the last
session, and, for this submission, and her
forbearance to assert her right to self-
government. is held as an unworthy asso
ciate of the less respectful Maine.
Various other objections have been sug
gested by the member from Rhode Islsnd
but it must be palpable they are intended
merely as a light corps for skirmishing, and
to conceal the real point of attack. He
says that he does not know that the pen-
lile ol Missouri wish tn be udmitted into
the Union. I tear were one to come from
the dead to testily the fact, the gentleman
woultl he still incredulous. Were you not
pelitioned by the Legislature of the terri
tory at your Inst session? Did not the peo
ple, during the last summer, in every pos
sible form, indignantly denounce the at
tempted usurpation of Congress? And
lias not their Delegate in the other branch
of the Legislature signified the wishes of
his constituents by obtaining leave to bring
in a bill fur the purpose in a few days af
ter our meeting? But who need 1 refer to
these farts? Is there any circumstance
which rentiers it less desirable to the peo
ple of Missouri than at the last session?
What is it they pray for?—the right of
self-government—the choicest blessing of
Heaven to human kind. And, does ail
American Senator wish any other evi
dence of the existence nf this, wish but
that innate desire for this high privilege s,s ’
in man wherever he is found, but more
especially with a people principally com
posed of native born Americans, who have
eojoved the blessing and know how to ap
preciate it? But, he does not know tlie
number of people in the territory since
Arkansaw was detached. No! Was not
tfie latter territory detached during the Inst
session contemporaneously with the bill
for the admission of Missouri? Then no
objection was heard as to her wanting the
number to justify her admission into the
Union? lint if her number were suffi
cient then, much more so is it now, when
they have been incalculably encreased by
that tide of emigration which has so stea
dily flowed in the territory during the last
Tear. He is also not satisfied with the
sary only to adapt the different sections • that upon this question such an investiga-
of the bill to the peculiar circumstances 1 tion, would, as the lawytra say, be travel
ling out of tlie record. In the proper
stage of the question I will, la far as iny
feeble capacity will enable me, endeavor
to sustain them, to the satisfaction of ev
ery unprejudiced mind. But gentlemen
confidently ask us, why leek to compel us
to vote fur a measure of which we disap
prove, by uniting it with another, on which
there is no difference of opinion? For the
plainest of all possible reisons. You whu
ask, shall be compelled t, do, justice. Is
this a novelty in ethics Or in legislation?
If you apply to a court of equity for its
aid in reference to a subject relative to
which there is no doubt, what is the an
swer of the ChanceUw? You who ask
must do justice. ’Do uato others as you
would be dune unto,’ is t sublime maxim
of morality, inculcated by tlie highest of
all possible authority, and on which, we
are told, hang the law anil the prophets.
You who ask justice fur Maine, shall be
compelled to tin it for Missouri- And
shall we be called unreasonable, who view
the question in this light, if to preserve
equality, which is but Mother name for
justice, we unite them irdissolubly toge
ther, and subject them to a common fate?
How could we stand justified in lending
ourselves t" a course of legislation, whose
result would be stamped with the most
consummate injustice? Do you npt know
that the very constitution by whose autho
rity we are here, is the result of compro
mise, brought about bv the very course we
are now pursuing? If the South had re
quired its claims, never so just, first to
have been yielded, and all control over
such cession to have been surrendered, by
the North, before its pretensions had been
heard, much less established, would not
such a proposition have been scouted? The
fact is, in all great national questions,
where different views and different feel
ings prevail, it is indispensable to any
prartiral result, that we practise towards
each other some degree of deference and
concession. The nnnd of man revolts at
that spirit nf arrogauce which claims un
qualified submission and acquiescence to
the pretensions of an equal, who at the
same moment refuses to listen to yours.—
Every consideration of propriety, and jus
tice, anil prudence, demands that he, to
wards whom injustice is about to be prac
tised, should reject every proposition
which has not perfect equality for its ha
lt is in this spirit that we who think
the claims of Missouri, fur the reasons be
fore assigned, to an admission into tho
Union, as unrestrained, as Maine, are
stronger than those nf Maine, believe it
would bo an act of folly and injustice to
suffer Maine to be introduced into the
Union, while Missouri was excluded. I,
therefore, repeat again, do unto others as
you woultl they should do unto you. Pre
cedent has been resorted to on this occa
sion, to influence our decision. It is sup
posed to be found in the instance of Ken
tucky and Vermont. With
think the gentlemen sin|
boundaries. Yet they, too, were critical
ly scanned during tne last session; ami
finally assumed such a shape- as to be
iioexreptionable. I will not lose more time
in meeting objections of this kind, which
nodi; Tl'r 1 ,o r rr be T' r
llrT 'r“ t T, ,S T" I remark that the gentleman who
ly. it prevents that irregularity and in- Ihem most h»v» f..li
. _ , irregularity ... . ...
consistency which ensue from a different
course. I appeal to the experience of the
Senate, when I assert, that the success of
a claim, for instance, depends sometimes
on the zeal, perseverance, and ability of
its patron. A claim thus supported, is
carried in triumph through tlie house—
while one no less just,, for want of those
efficient auxiliaries, is lost; and, in Icon
Sir II. I.npe» ami Mr. Shaw, the litter a mem
ber of the English commons were sentenced in
November, by Ihr Uunrt of King’s Heneh, to
fee ami imprisonment, for bribery, in canvas
sing for seats io [>a11 lament, sir M. Lopes was
fined to tlie amount of 10,0(10/. sterling, amt
sentenced to two years imprisonment. The vo
ters who received bribes were also imprisoned
far two or three months.-—vYuZ. ridt.
sequence, a chequered and unequal sys
tem ol legislation obtains. If this he true
on trilling occasions, how does the rea
son of the course pursued by the commit
tee increase upon us, and the necessity
of adhering to it upon subjects so impor
tant as those involved in the bill and
amendment! llut it is objected that the
two subjects are dissimilar, and, there
fore, should be. separated. If this be true,
why send it back to the committee? The
question before the Senate is, shall they
be joined us proposed by the committee?
It you disapprove of the junction, reject
it; but do not refer it tn the committee:
they have performed their doty—do you
perform Vonrs. But is it true, that there
is any difference in the two subjects, so
as to make it indispensable to separate
them? As to any thingyet before the 8e
uate, there is no essential difference;
and therefore nothing to require their se
paration. Let us enquire, first, irv what
they agree: Maine, it is readily admitted
lias just claims to an admission into the
Union; and I shall be greatly misunder
stood, if I am suspected of any hostility
to such admission. Her claims rest on
the extent of her territory, the number of
her people, the great length of her mari
time coast, her frontier situation, and
the necesity of the residence of her Go
vernment niton her borders, by which,
whenever the occasion occurs, the resour
ces of the state mav be called out imme
diately for her defence and protection.
\Y hat are Missouri’s claims? An equal
exent of country, the number of her peo
ple, her frontier situation, a right guaran
teed by the treaty by which we acquired
the country, but, above all, the invaluable
privilege of sell government, of which she
is now deprived: a privilege dear to every
American; the deprivation of which is the
last injury which can be inflicted upon
them. In what do they differ? It is said
bn
used them must have felt himself pressed
to the wall before he would resort to means
of defence of, to say the least, doubtful
propriety. It would have been better at
once fairly to acknowledge the real abject.
Let it be presented without ambiguity.—
Let the issue be made up, and, according
to the will of the majority, let the contest
be settled. I will state frankly what it is.
The gentlemen wish to impose restrictions
on the people of Missouri, and not on the
prop le of Maine. Here lies the difference
not in the unequal claims of the people of
these two portions of territories, but in the
newfangled scheme, the result of modern
& unwise counsels, which seeks to. fix on
Missouri the badge of inequality and deg
radation. I had fondly hoped that the good
sense of the Senate, and its regard to t|ie
just rights of every part ofthe Union, would
have resisted an attempt so repugnant to
the plighted faith nf the nation, the letter
ami the spirit ofthe constitution,and, above
all, the great anil unalienable right of the
people tn self-government; but, in this
ho
lemn as (he oceaiion requires,) and ask,
what ia to be done? We are pledged by
the most solemn sanctions of our religion,
to reject the meditated restriction on Mis
souri: the constitution, which we have
sworn to support, forbids it. You say that
you will not recede, because expediency
dictates it. Is, then, that vast region be
yond the Mississippi, with it! countless
inhabitants, forever to be subjected to a
colonial government? If it were practi
cable, does it become the Senate of the
United States to will it? But suffer not
yourselves to be deceivi'd. The same
spirit which animated the heroes and pa
triots of the revolution, warms the bosonii
of those hardy sons of the West; and
when you, by your resolves, arrest the
mighty fluod of the Mississippi, then, and
not till then, will you be able to repress
this unconquerable spirit I will not lift
the curtain to look into futurity, still lesa
to delineate wlmt I fear may be the awfnl
consequences. I am not easily alarmed,
nor am’ I disposed to be an alarmist; but
this I will say, that I fear this subject will
be an ignited spark, which communicated
to an immense mass of combustion, will
produce an explosion that wilt shake this
union to its centre.
There is one consideration connected
with the present question and its atten
dant circumstances, that swells beyond
even it, important as it is, and embraces
the foundations of our political fabric.-—
The crisis has arrived, contemplated by the
framers of the constitution, and to guard
agairiBt whose effects was the principal ob
ject of the creation of the Senate. 'I o us
does the constitution look, in the moment
of popular excitement, whether the rusult
of accident or design; to us belongs tlie
high attribute of prescribing limits to its
excess. Tlie framers of the constitution,
independently of their general knowledge,
were deeply read in the character of man;
they had seen him in every phase of which
he was susceptible in peace and war. They
therefore, knew that power and distinc
tion wera idols but too devoutly wor
shipped in every heart; that there were
too many who valued them even beyoud
their consciences, and whose sacrifice was
therefore considered small, compared to
their enjoyment. Nothing is more easy
tiian to sail gently down the current, with
all your sails swelled with popular breezes.
It ib that breeze- which becomes your
chart and compass. You fear no shoal or
breaker but popular displeasure. Bat
these great men, in tracing liberty and it*
effects from the master states of antiquity
to the present time, had seen, wherever it
had appeared, that it had been attended
with faction aud violence—conforming in
this to the law of all existing things, that
whatever is great is irregular. To create
some check in the constitution that might
stay its furv, was the result of profound
wisdom- To fulfil this grest purpose a
duration in office has been assigned
us, sufficient to fill the measure of
legitimate ambition. If true to our trust
we stand as an isthmus between the trou
bled wave of popular discontent, lashed
into a storm by local prejudices or He-
Y’itli submission, I; signining demagogues, and the constitu-
ingularly unfortu- tion. If, instead of resisting, we yield to
nate in this reference. I am authorised ’ the current, we swell the dreadful tide,
to say, from unquestionable authority, ( which, passing its limits, flood* the land,
that Kentucky was kept back some time and whelms every thing in ruin. The
for the purpose of enxpring the admission time lias arrived which brings to the-test
of Vermont. What do we propose to do? the theory of the constitution. This pm - *
Not to delay the admission of Maine for a tentous subject, twelve mouths ago, was
moment, but simply to unite Missouri a little speck scarcely visible above the
with her. I)oc9 this affect Maine? No: j horizon; it has already overcast the hea-
yet, in the very case alluded to, the F.ast .vens, obscuring every other object; ms-
refused justice to the West, for a portion terials are every where accumulating.
of time, with the design of making this 4 1 ’ ‘ *
act of their justice to Kentucky subser
vient to the wishes of Vermont to be ad-
witli which to render it darker. I can
not repress an expression of my fears as
to its catastrophe, unless it be dissipated
milled into the Union; and, although they by the wisdom and the firmness ofthe
are not in the same law, yet, as there was j Senate. To (Hand firm when deserted by
no difficulty at that time in admitting i the people; to prefer our duty to our hon-
ope I fear 1 shall be disappointed. It
is this attempt which constitutes the only
tliflan-ence between Maine and Missouri.
Now, 1 submit this question tn the candor
of gentlemen on the opposite side.
If the design alluded to, that nf impos
ing restrictions on the people of Missouri,
did not exist, or, existing, we wfi’re ready
to agree to it, would they have any diffi
culty in agreeing to the union nt these
states in the same bill? I answer for them;
they would not: the bill would have pas
sed, notwithstanding this union, without
criticism or question. But the question,
in our view, is as th-ugh this difficulty
did not exist; for that which does not ex
ist, anti that which ought nut to exist, is,
as to its effects, precisely the same. Now,
we say you have no right to impose these
restrictions, and, having no right, you
shall claim no advantage by the attempt.
This would be to suffer you to profit by
your own wrong; and, if I am correct in
saying you would have no objection to the
proposed consolidation, were it not for
this attempt to control the people ol Mis
souri in the exercise of the great privilege
of making their own government, and also
that you have no right so tu coutrol them,
we, who assume both these as unquestiou.
both, they passed at the same session,
But let us suppose the invidious distinc
tions which ate now attempted had been
insisted on against Kentucky or Vermont,
is it to be believed that tlie same caution
would not have been used which we pro-
f ose now to pursued In this conclusion
think Iain warranted by referring to the
law of tlie same session, in regaru to the
representation of those states. The cen
sus not having been taken, the ratio was
arbitrary, and, to prevent inequality, both
T-flites were united in the same laiv, and
two representatives assigned to each. So
much for precedent, sir.
In calling upon tlie Senate to support
the amendment, whose effect it will be to
admit Missouri into the Union, there is
one portion of the house t» which 1 feel
confident I shall not appeal in vnin. I
address myself to those who have just es
caped from the thaldi om of colonial gov
ernment. You have too recently escaped
from that degraded state, and entered in
to the fruition of all the blessings of self-
government, not to appreciate duly tbe
advantages ol the change. The unporlinn-
ed Missouri, the nation’s orphan, claims
to participate in this imineasureable bles
sing. Can you turn a deaf ear to her just
supplications? She knocks at that door
through which you have just entered.—
Dues it become you to bar it against her?
Leave this invidious, unhallowed task to
your veteran associ.tes. Remember the
question now is, shall Missouri be admit
ted stall? The question is rot involved
whether she shall be admitted with or
without restrictions. Whatever may be
your sentiments on this subject, itis not at
this stage that an expression of them is
called for. An opportunity will be fur
nished you hereafter of recording your
opinion on this point.
ora, requires a moral energy not often to)
be found. To disfranchise ourselves when
not called for by the magnitude of tlie sub
ject, is wanton suicide. But fearlessly
to commit ourselves to the breach, when
the peace and tranquility of our country
demand it, entities tliMe whu pet form so
illustrious a service, to the gratitude of
their country. 1 think I see around me
some who are ready to make the sacrifice.
To them, if my feeble voice can affect it,
shall be erected an everlasting monument
of imperishable fame. 1 do uot ask of
otliers what I am not ready to perform;
and if ever the day shall come when tlie
welfare of my country demands this sac-
crifice of me, and I shall be wanting in *
my duty, I pray God it may he my last.
(l)ebatr to be continued.)
— |J[| a—
SYMMES’ THEORY.
John eleven Symmes has addressed a lettcr
to the Editors of the National Intelligencer, in
reply to some observations ot'a writer under th j
signature of “Galileo,” tvho states that Mr. Sym,
ines’ theory can never be demonstrated. ME
S. states in reply—“That if our nation will grant
an outfit of two vessels, and place them under
my direction, and Galileo will join us, I feel
confident T can convince him, hv'oecutar ilrmou.
otrutim, of the general truth of 'my theory, and
perhaps lead hint in at one pole and out at the
other.”
Mr. President, the question essentially
involved in the measure under considera
tion, is one, in its consequences, of the
highest import to the tranquility and hap
piness of the Union. Let me appeal to
the other side, (and I design to be as su
Lefal Murder—A German journal (the Po
lice 1-amu) states that in 1512, four persona were
arrested and executed, in a city in tlie north nf
Germany, having been convicted of robbing Ml
churches and committing 7(1 murders. Unfor-
itunately, previous to their arrest, the Judges,
•deceived by probabilities and perjured witu, ta
les, had Condemned aud executed, as guilt) of
the- above crimes, 119 persons: namely, j priests, •
18 saersistans, 80 men ami 18 women! Assurcd-
!v, adds the Joumafist, had the institution of
the jury existed at that period, the judges would
not have bad to reproach themselves with these
119 judicial murdcis.
Found,
O N the Sunday before the fire, near Spring
Hill, a good SADD1.E, with a Bearskin,
Cirangle and Girth. Any person may recover
tiie same, on proving property, rewarding the
finder and paying for this advertissmejit. Ap
ply at this office. li—1»