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GEORGIA GAZETTE.
Hntant yt.
’ .. . : If ~~ ~ *
* fCtntittmdfnm otar lass, mod eomlnieeU)
Should now conclude, having as far as the
‘OLwSSSS# confined will per
<n^r wbal * at pwpofcd m
• ££jj| l* RSRB this ellay; but it Teems necellary to con
cr ome Pthcr matters relating to the
* dSyilSsHWcl fab j eA . # have been often mention*
Sf3SWCSc(* ed to jultify the taxation.* I have not
,j : * time to Andy hi what order these matters
would moft ppopetly fall uider conffderation, l (hall take
Jbem jurt as they happened to occur to my mind.
. Uiias been, said t hat the impositions upon the colonies
jwvp bben lhe rnbre.in filled upon, and the more rigorous',
from an apppehen lion that they, were aiming at indt pendency ;
*ad bocaiiigehe Mtniftry wrreexalperated at their disputing
Xhe ftarfrwaimit** .right to tax them.
♦: A% I®. :the dependency or independency of the colonies,
I Mfo/ccjvt how these terms can be applicable to them.
They are a part of the Beitilh dominions,—but, can one
jUftrtif a belaid tohle dependent on another, when
HU. have the! fame common rights? They kavo indeed a
recipfocalrdcpeitdeftce upon ono another for afltftance, con-
JtcSskenop andTecurity of theta common find refpeftive rights;
bnt they do not derive th fe rights from one another. • Prom
Jtto&fihprof nature alone they receive then*. , And no other
power has a tight to infringe’ ,t hem; If the ipdependency
which the colonies are supposed to aim at,-means nothing
Wore; than that.they claim the taamhatuhU rights of liberty
Aad property, -as ahei^countrymen irv England; it i very
Iter lain inch is their claim. wAnd.nthe people in England
do not acAopatfrdgeitbat they depend upon the mere will
and favour of ady power on earth tor their enjoyment of theta
fights;r so neither do the colonies. And is there any thing
in Jfhde pruiendoiu. th iq can jull'y offend our brethren iif
in England I Would they, with us to part with our, cleared
ifthcriukce’without re npntlrating with the honell boldnef*
•nd.freedom of Euglith neii ? Would they wilh as, upon ’
such an interesting opcafion, to behave in a manner unwor
thy our relation to them ?
iPth’eltdtyeodcmey ivhidh the colonies were tappoftd
goaijn ar, was .adctign to throw off their Allegiance tb hi*
and thk crown of Gretat-Britainp nothing pould be
more unjuib than such a fuppolstkm j * Tor never were fubjefts’
BSOftfiroiiglf) arid ntfeftionatcly attached to their Sovereign,
than the colonies are,, without exception, u> his Majelly’
King GcOrgd the. third, and Wslßoy.il House; * never were
people mbre runanimous and’ firm m the r .idherence to the
law* and ionftitntion of Engladdy'or more ready to rifle theta
Uvea and properties, in their defence. 1 his affeftion and
loyalty proceeded both from a ftnfe of duty and interclt;
fibr under flidlrlawfdl Tovereigns, his Majedy's predeoe(Tors,
they enjoyed* |M were protested in the poflefton of thor*
rights, arid p ivileges, and found their King ever’ ready to
hear their'petitiohs and promote their welfare. While thby
pofleft theta advantages, what motives can the Englifli A
mericarts poifibly, ’ Have to throw off their to his
Majcfty or desire a change of government. Their rjghw, liberty.
and nrdbeKjf irintffirfl yfecured to them by the Englilh con :
ftitutioni wfcu ban they with for more under any govern
ment are injured and oppreft undcratyran
meal will naturally,delire and seek • change;
the EnWifh colonies, whose rights arc secured to them
hr the excel Uhtfcpadilution of England can with refpeft to
government, ’ form nt wilh of beyond it, and can
have no change but for the worse. If the colonies were at
Ibis time, or Ihoujd be at any future period,enure!\yomcon
• ijtftcd with the people iu.any other part of the world, and
had thefyftem of their laws,- and their conllitution now to
form, they could no way aft so wifely as by adopting the
Upl and conllitution of England for their own; and pur
•rine themfelvet under the protection and government of a
powerful and so good as he muA be who** ar.
THURSDAY, Octobbh 3, 1765.
obfemr ud defender of the Bnglife I>w> end teoftintioa,
r t I FC ore * colooiet ever so great and pori*
erful, they could fiever desire a change of government, bd
cause it would be to their own disadvantage ? their gieatneft
and power would be, in equal proportion, thegiratnefs find
power m England j while the inhabitants of aft part* of the
Brmih dominions enjoyed the fame common right?, there
would be no jealmsfy between themj they would rejoice
each other’s prosperity, and think ii an addition to their
own security and bappinefs. Thus imeh may fuftce, tb
lhw that there never can be a disposition in the colonies fb
break off their connexion with the mother country* so dek
pan from their allegiance to his Majesty, to refufe fubmif
lion to the Englilh government, ami adherence to the Ene-
Jith conltyution; so long as. they are permitted tohavetn|
full enjoyment of those rights wnich that conllitution entii
ties them to, they delire no more,—nor can they be fatis*
fied with left. 9
‘This brings me toconfiderthe nature of that relation that
really fubims between the mother country and the colonics.
If we suppose the king to aft in behalf of the whole Englifft
nation, which haring, by laws of its odm making, confer
red that office upon him, is bound tb abide by, ana acknow
ledge his aft ions in their behalf, as 1 their Own) then therd
will be ai Implied contract virtually fubfi/Hng, between’
the t kiug and the nation on the one parr, and the
for fettling the colonies on the other,
r The lands to be’fettled are foppofed td be not yet in th*
pnlieflion of either the king or any of his fuHj*ftv j but thd
implied contrast I take to be this—that if the adventurer*
will haxard their lives and proper ies in acquiring, accord
ing to the rules of jullicc, poflelfions in the desert regions of
America, far remote fiom their native land, and encountti
all the difficult es and danger necessarily attending such an
enterprise, thtt then the king and the nation will fuppori
and defend them in th**c poffeffionsi They paying due aU
legiance to his Majeily, and holding the. lands of him upon
upon llipulated conditions; and thar they Ibril lose nor part/
of their natural rirhtt, libtrty and pi oprrty % by such a removal t
but that tbi) and all tbtir ptjhrity fhtutr , JbaU at JdUy ini
frttly infly tbak, to all Intents, eon/iruSioKS, and purport ‘U&atfc
ever, at if tb*y and every of them were born he Bnvlund: ‘
For who would hive left their friend! nd country, and:
travelled into remote inhospitable defart?, exposed toathou**
fond hardlhips and dangers, to make settlements where they*
would be le(s free than they were at home?
Theft terms and conditions were certainly implied, if) thd
original contrast, and the enjoyment of these right* was f*-
preftly granted by charter.
The inhabitants of the colonies then, at e as much a parr
of the Englilh nation, as if they had remained at home) and
are with refpeft to their natural rights, no way inferior to
their brethren in England 1 for tartly they could not dtferve
to tale those rights, by expofin* themselves to so iffan y
hardlhips in making settlements so highly beneficial to their
mother country. ,
That the colonies, as well as the realm of England, are
fubieft to the Englilh government, and under the lame coin
mon head, they never pretenied to deny) on the cont.ary
they efieem it their great happinels and thar glory that the/
are so: Ail that they require is a free participation of the
advantage that government entitles them to, 111 common
with the people in England: And this the/ think no un
dutiful or unreasonable pretenfioii. f ,
They desire to render their mother country all the re
fpeft and affiliance that can be expefted from dutitaltnd
.ffeion< children, (trongl y .tiachrJ co ths mtewil <
the country and people from whence they sprung, and 1.1-
terelted in their preservation and welfare. But
the relation in which they Hand, can never require the co
os,ies to be excluded from their moll dfentui right*, iheif
iZty andproperty^ r can their mother coanAcnt-