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Lett fits fropi a Farmer, in Pennjyhawa to the Inhabitants of. the
/,’ Brttijh Colonies,
t ’■ > - L E T T E R VI.
~>jrT m%y be objected again ft the arguments that have been of
-8 sered to the publick concerning the legal power of the parliament,’
8 * t,Thatthath always cxercifed the power ofimpoftng duties'for th#
•M perfjofoi of rtifing a revehue on the produaions of these colonies
carried to Groat-Britain, which may be called a tax on them.” To
this objc&ion I answer, that this is no violation of the rights of the cob
nies,*it being implied in th* relation between them and Great-Britain,
that they should not carry fuph commodities toother nations as should en
able them to interfere with'the mother country. The infpofition of du
ties on these commodities, when brought to her, is only aconfequence of
her parental right; and if the point ts thoroughly examined, the duties
wilbbefound to be laid on the people, of the mother country. Whatever
they muft propoitionably raise the price of the goods, and con
i’- quently must be paid by the consumers. In this light they were confi
dered^by.the parliament tn the a s th Charles 11. Chap. 7. Crt\. 2. whidi
f*y*f.that the productions of the plantations were carried from one to an
other,% from allcuftomi; “while the ftibjeAh of this your kingdom of
Magioad have paid great xuftams andimp-fitionsfor what of them ha ve been jhent
here,** Ac;
* Rehdes if Great-Britain exports these commodities again, the duties will
injure her own trade, so that (he cannot hurt us without plainly and im
mediately hutting herfelf $ and this is our check against her afting arbi
trarily in this relpicCk. *
#, be perhaps further objected, “ that it being granted that sta
tutes made/oreegulatiog'tradc are binding upon us, it will be difficult for
any perfons,,hnt the makers of the laws, to determine, which of them are
made for the regulation of-trade, and which for raising a revenue; and
thatfrom hence mayarife confu C an.”
To this I answer, that the objection is of no force in the present case,
•r fuchas referable it; because the aCI now in queltion is formed exprejly
FOR THE SOLE'PURPOSE OF’ RAISING A REV E NUB.
however, luppoftng the design of parliament had not been txpreft, the
objection team to me of nft weight, with regard to the iaftuence which
those who make it might expedt it ought to have on the conduCt of these
4ltfj4k. . j . 1
Itjs true, that impefstions for raising a revenue may be hereafter called re
gulations of trader But names will not change the nature of things. In
deed-wrought fir ml y to believe, what is an undoubted truth, confirmed
£>y the ufcVppy experience of many Hates heretofore fr~e, that unless
MOST r WATCHtUL ATTENTION BE EXERTED, A NEW SERVITUDE
bl*Y BE SPIFFED UPON US, UNDER THE SANCTION OF USUAL AND
iJUPVTAIIi TEAMS. *
the Cajors ruined the Roman liberty ander the titles of tribunicial
And diddtoriaJ authorities—old and venerable dignities, known in the moft
fou/ifhing times of freedom. In imitation of the fame policy, James the
11. when he meant to eftablilh Popery, talked of liberty of conscience, the
soft (acred of all liberties; and had thereby almost deceived the
dents intd deftrudion.
All artful rulers, who drive to extend their power beyond its just li
imts, endeavour to give to their attempts as much semblance of legality
it po&ble. Those who succeed them may venture to go a little further;
for each pew encroachment will be strengthened by a former. “ f That
(Which is now supported by examples, growing old, will become an ex
.•mpleitfelf,** and thus support frefti usurpations.
~ people'therefore can never be too quick in observing, nor too firm
Che beginnings of alteration either in form ox reality, refpefling
*“ tj day out fhouldobferve that no opposition has bee.-made to the legality of the
George lIJ. thap. 15. which is the first ail of parliament that ever rot
fojtd duties on the importations into America for the expreft puspefe of raising a
vrveteue there , / anjwer. — I ft,—That tbs. the ad txprejly mentions the raising a
revenue in America, yet it seems that it bad at much in view the “ improving
and jtcuring the trade between the fame and Great Britain,” which words art
part of itt title: jind the preamble fays, “ Hf here as it is expedient that new pro
• and regulations-should be eftablifhedfor improving the revenue of tins king
’ hd for extending and securing the .navigation and commerce between
• Gieat-Britain and .your Majesty’s dominions in America, which by the
peace have been Jo happily tsrtei.ded and enlarged ,” isle, idly, All the auttes men
tioned .nthat ad age itnpcftd Jolely on the productions and manufactures of
• “ r,l ß° countries, and not a fingft duty lari on any. produdion or masPtfadure of
our jot bar country. felly, B'be authority of oft provincial afftmblies is not therein
J° plainly attacked as by the last ad, •which makes provifien for defraying the
** admnrif ration of just ice, anf** thefupport ofcivil government.”
it being doubtful, whether the intention of the 4 tb George Hi.
*<*f{*?* J* auat not at much to regulate t ; . !e as to raise a revenue, the minds
ntsera wbtUy engrossed by the terror of tbt ft'amp ad, then impending
’ hh/er thorn, about the hncution of which there could be no doubt.
“V* rtafoutfo far diftingutjb the 4tb George 111 . ebap. if.from the last alt.
Shat if. is not to bewbndertd at, that, the fir ftJhould have been fuhmitted to, tho *
the last fieould excitrtbe mhft uni vehal and spirited opposition. For this-will It
°* fydrUifft examination , ±f be, in the pt intipu on which it is founded,
and in ’ the cenjiouencts that must. attend it, if pojftble, more dejlru dive than the
w pJaittlj, a prodigy in our laws, not having one
mnuwfetiturt,
t locitta, f
’ .1’ i fc. . >
WEI}NE S D Ar, March 23, 1768.
the Itirr hf t and f °K- the - ,r fccunty * ne firll leads t 0 tbelaftt Ycton
mav Wtnt d i n °e th,ng K ce . rtain ‘ lhan *hat the forms oMil^.
so k Wh / n 15 P ne : . to'government, as wel[s,
IJ,hil I * e tftfr , et A* Ut tlie f P iri * giveth life.” a Cjr. iiL.o,
Ica . ve cnf p rc th ‘* remark by a few iltfonces. The crow>
nf & A°‘i “““j” ha * 1 1* P rero 2 at ' vc of creating Petrs.- The.exiftentS
LYf X rdCr ,n d J u . e l nUtßbcr Xn ? d 'Z™y is e< icntial to thrcondition,
exiprcife that prerogative, the peerage mufclfove
Ion? since decrcafed so much as to have Jolt in proper influence. Sup
pose a l rince, for fome unjult purposes, should from tiqie to time advance ■
so many needy, profligate wretches to that rank, that all the indepen
dance of the hotifo of Lordb Ihould be destroyed, there would then be t *
The house of commons claims the privilege of forming all
and will not fulFer either of the other branches of the legiftatuie iu,aid
to or alter them, contending that their power (imply extends to an accep
tance or rejection of them. This privilege appears lo be just: But utt*
der pretence of this just priviledge, the fioufe of eoinm-.ns has clai.nei'S
hcenfe of tacking to money bills clauses relating to things of a totally did
k ani i t k* forcing them in a manner on the king and fords.
This fecins to be an abufeof that privilege, and,it miy be vastly. morfe
abused. Suppose a future house, influenced by Tome difeontented De
magogues in a time of danger, should tack to a-fpOncv bill fometfiing so
injurious to tbs’ king and peers, that they would not aflentto it, ap i yet
the commons (hould obftinatcly iniift on it, the whole kingdom would &
exposed to ruin, under the appearance of maintaining a valuable privilege.
In-these cases it might be difficult for a while to determine, whcthtfl:,
the king intended to excrcifc his prerogative in a conftitution.il maundir.or
not; or whether the commons infilled on their demand faClibufly, or for
the publick good : But surely the condud of the crown or of’the houfe
would in time fufficiently explain itfelf.
Ought not the People therefore to watch ? to observe fads ? to
into causes l to inveftigatc designs ? And have they not a right of judg
ino from the evidence before them, on.no (lighter points than theifZ,/A.r
ty and Happinef ? It would be less than trifling, wherever a govern
ment is eltablifhed, to make use of any arguments to prove fueli a right.
It is fufficient to remind the reader of day on the anniverfar/ of whicti
the firft of these letters is dated.
I willnow apply what has been said to the present question. The natuko
of any impositions laid by parliament on these colonies must tht
design in laying them., ft may not be ealy in every instance to difeuver
that design. Wherever it is doubtful, I think fubiniflion cannot be dan
gerous ; nay it must be right; for in my opinion there is no privilege
these colonies claim which they ought in duty and prudence mofoearneftly
to maintain and defend than the authority of the Britijh parliament to r -
fulate the trade of all her dominions. Without this authority, the bene*
ts (he enjdys from our commerce must be Joft to her : The bleflfogs >*
enjoy from our dependance upon her must be loft to us. Her strength must
‘decay; her glory vanilh; and (he cannot fuffer, without our partaking in .
her misfortune. Lit us therefore chcrijh her intcrefis as cur bii/U, and give hip
every thing that it becomes Freemen to give or receive. * .
The nature of any impositions (he may lay upon us may in general Le •
known, by confidcring how far they relate to the preserving in due ord£r
the connection between the several parts of the Bntijb empire. One thiflg
we may be aflured of, which is this-r-Whenever a statute imposes duties
on commodities, to be paid only upon their exportation frojp Great-Bri
tain to these colonies, it is not a regulation of trade, but a design to raise
a revenue upon us. Other instances may happen, which it may hot he
neceflary at prclent to dwell on. I hope these colonies will never, to th&r
latest exigence, want understanding fufficient to difeover the intentioq3
of those who rufo over them, nor the rtfolution neceflary for aflerting their
interests. They will always hive the iame rights, that all free dates have,
of judging when their privileges are invadad, and of using all prudent
meafurcs for preserving them. ,
Qnocirca vivite fortes
Fortiaque adverfis opponite pettora rebus.
Wherefore keep up yourfpirin, and gallantly oppojit this adverse courfr of aftafli .
A Jt A R M E R..
• BOSTON, Janu. ry 2;.
ONE of the firft things done by the House of Rcprefentatives in the
present session of the General Court, as appears by their printed
Journals, was the appointment of a committee to confider the (late of the
province. The charter of the province, and divers antient a£l; of par
liament, eflablilhfog the rights of the fubjedls, were read so the Houle,
as well as the late ads of parliament eftabliftiing a revenue in America,’
and the comroiflfons of the gentlemen appointed Comtnifiioucra of tjis
Customs icliding here. *1 he aforementioned committee reported tu the
House a letter to their Agent Mr. De Berdt, which, after long
tion and debate, was accepted by a large majority. Afterwards tj{s£u|ir
committee reported a immbie petition to his Majesty, which was
manner accepted, as were slfo letters to feveral-of
upon (he important fubjedof a taxation of the colouic*, without anypof
fibility of their having a representative in the Britilh parliament, W$
are told by fome gentlemen who have attended so the gallery that this
matter Is .treated mi the House with greateil seriousness. It i( hpped the
•colonies will be united iu their humble supplications to his
xejjef, as (here u A grcaiei euuoaragemcnt \o hope, for haV