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er details, was submitted to the wisdom of
Congress, and was regarded as of secondary
importance. I thought then, and think now,
that such an arrangement would have been
attended with the happiest results. The
whole matter of the currency would have
iieen placed where by the Constitution it was
designed to fdacefl— under the immediate
supervision and control of Congress. The
action of the Government would have been
independent of all corporations, and the
same eye which rests unceasingly on the
specie currency and guards it against adult
eration, would ulso have rested on the pa
per currency, to control and tegulute its
issues ard protect it against depreciation.
The same reason which would forbid
Congress, from patting with the power
over the coinage, would seem to operate
with nearly equal force in regard to any
substitution for the precious metals in the
form •of a circulating medium. Paper,
when substituted for specie, constitutes a
standard of value by which the operations
of society are regulated, and whatsoever
causes its depreciation effects society to an
extent nearly, if not quite, equal to the adul
teration of the coin. Nor can I withhold
the remark, that its advantages contrasted
with a Bank of the United States, apart
from the fact that a bank was esteemed as
pbnoxiou's to the public sentiment, as well
on the score of expediency as of constitu
ftionalitv, appeared tome to be striking and
itibvious. The lelief W a ba,,k would
afford .by an issue of ,000,000 of its
notes.,fudging from the expeiic?ce of the
late U. States Bank, would not have occur
red in less than fifteen years; whereas, un
der the proposed arrangements, the relief
arising from the issue of $15,000,000 of
Treasury notes would .have been consum
mated in one year; thus furnishing in one
fifteenth part of the time in which a bank
could have accomplished it, a paper medi
um of exchange, equal in amount to the real
wants of the country, at par value with gold
and silver. The saving to the government
would have been equal to all the interest
which it has had to pay on Treasury notes
of previous as well as subsequent issues,
thereby relieving the government, and at the
same.time affording relief to the people.—
Undei all the responsibilities attached to
4lie station which I occupy, and in redemp
tion of a pledge given to the last Congress
at the close of its first session, I submitted
the Suggestion to its consideration at two
consecutive sessions. The recommendation,
however, met with no favor at its hands.
While I am free to admit that the necessi
ties of the times have since become greatly
ameliorated, and that there is good reason
■to hope that the country is safely and rapid
ity emerging from the difficulties and embar
rassments which every where surrounded
■it in 1841, yet 1 cannot but think that its
restoration to a sound and healthy condition
would be greatly expedited by a resort to
the expedient in a modified form.
The operations of the Treasury now rest
on the act of 1789, and the resolution of
ISI6, and those laws have been so adminis
tered as to produce as great a quantum of
good to the country as their provisions are
capable of yielding. If there had been any
distinct expression of opinion going to show
that public sentiment is averse to the plan
either as heietofore recommended to Con
gress, or in a modified form, while my
own opinion in regard to it would remain
unchanged, l should he vety far from again
presenting it to your consideration. The
Government lias originated with the States
and the people, for their own benefit and
advantage; and it would lie suhveisive of
the foundation principles of the political ed
ifice which they have reared,to persevere in
a measure which in their mature judgements,
they had either repudiated or condemned.
The will of our constituents, clearly expres
sed, should be regarded as a light to guide
our footsteps ; the true difference between
a monarchical or aristocratical government
and a Republic being, that in the first the
will of the few prevails over the will of the
.-many, while inthe last the will of the many
-ehould be alone consulted.
The report of the Secretary of War will
firing yon acquainted with the condition of
that important branch of the public service.
The Army may be regarded,in consequence
of the small number of the rank and file in
. eacheCompany and Regiment, as little more
than a nucleus arnuud which to rally the
military force of the country in case of war,
and yet its services in preset ving the peace
of the frontiers are of a most important na
ture. 1b all cases of emergency, the reli
ance of tire country is properly placed in
the malitiaof the several States, and it may
■well deserve the consideration of Congress,
•whether anew and more perfect organiza
tion might not be introduced, looking mainly
t<• the volunteer companies of the Union
for the pres°nt, and of easy application to
the great body of the malitia in time of
war.
The expenditures of the War Department
have been considerably reduced in the last,
two years ; contigencies however may arise,
which would call for the filling up of the
regiments with a full complement of men,
and make it very desirable to remount the
Corps of Dragoons, which by an act of the
last Congress was directed to be dissolved.
I refer you to the accompanying report
of the Secretary, for information in relation
to the Navy of the United States. While
.every effort has been and will continue to lie
.•made to retrench ull supeifluitics and lop
.off all excrescences which from time to time
■ may liaye grown up, yet it has tint been re
garded as wise or prudent to recommend any
•materialebauge inthe annual appropriations.
“The interests which ate involved are of too
important a character to lead *o the recom
mendation of any oilier than a liberal poli
cy. Adequate appropriations ought to lie
made to enable the Executive to fit out all
the ships that are now in a course of build
ing, or that require repairs, for active ser
vice in the shortest possible time, should
any emergency arise which may require it.
An efficient Navy, while it is the cheapest
means of public defence, enlists in its sup
port the feelings of pride and confidence,
which brilliant deeds and heroic valor have
heretofore served to strengthen and confirm.
I refeyou particularly to that part of the
Secretary's Report which lias reference to
yrecent experiments in tW application o.
steam and in the construction of war steam
ers, made under the superintendence of dis
tinguished officers of the navy. In addition
to otliei manifest improvements in the con
struction of the steam engine and applica
tion to the motive power, which has ren
dered them moie appropriate to the uses of
ships of vviir, one oi iliosc officers lias
brought into use a power which makes the
steam ship most formidable either for attack
or defence. I cannot too strongly recom
mend this subject to your consideration,
and do not hesitate to express my entire
conviction of its great importance.
1 call your particular attention also to
that portion of the Secretary’s report which
has reference to the act of the late session
of Congress which prohibited the transfer
of any balance of appropriation from other
heads of appropriation to that for building,
equipment and repair. The repeal of that
prohibition will enable the Department to
give renewed employment to a large class
of workmen who have been necessarily dis
charged in consequence of the want ol
means to pay them—a circumstance atten
ded, especially at this season of the year,
with much privation and suffering.
It gives me great pain to announce to
you the loss of the steam ship the “ Mis
souri.” by fire, in the Buy of Gibraltar,
where she had stopped to renew her sup
plies of coal, on her voyage to Alexandria,
with Mr. Cushing, the American Minister
to China, on board. There is ground for
higli commendation of the officers and men,
for the coolness and interpidity and pefect
submission to discipline evinced under the
most trying circumstances. Surrounded
by a raging fire, which the utmost exertions
could not subdue, and wliichthreatened mo
mentaii!” !?? explosions of her well sup
plied magazines, the officers exhibited iiq
sign of fear, and the men obeyed every or
der with alacrity. Nor was she abandon
ed until the last gleam of hope of saving her
had expired. It is well worthy of your con
sideration whether the losses sustained by
the officers and crew in this unfortunate af
fair should not be reimbursed to them.
I cannot take leave of this painful sub
juct without adverting to the aid rendered
upon the occasion, by the British authori
ties at Gibraltar, and the commander, offi
cers and crew of the British ship of the line
the “ Malabar,” which was lying at the
time in the bay. Every thing that gener
osity or humanity could dictate, was prompt
ly performed. It is by such acts of good
will by one to another of the family of na
tions, that fraternal feelings are nourished
and the blessings of permanent peace se
cured.
The report of the Postmaster General
will bring you acquainted with the opera
tions of that Department during the past
year, and will suggest to you such modifi
cations of the existing laws as in your opin
ion the exigencies of the public service may
lequire. The change widt h the countiy
has undergone of late years in the mode of
travel ami transportation has afforded so
many facilities for the transmission of mail
matter out of the regular mail, as to require
the greatest viligence and circumspection
in order to enable the officers at the head
of the Department to restrain the expendi
tures within tlie income. There is also too
much reason to fear that the franking priv
ilege has run into great abuse. The De
partment, nevertheless, has been conducted
with the greatest vigor, and Las attained at
the least possible expense, all the useful
objects for which it wss established.
In regard to all the Departments, I am
quite happy in the belief that nothing lias
been left undone which was called for by a
true spirit of economy, or hy a systen of ac
countability rigidly enforcer,. This is in
some degree apparent from the fact, that
the Government has sustained no loss by the
default of any of its agents. In the complex,
hut atthe same time, beautiful machinery of
our system of Government, it is not a mat
ter of surprise, that some remote agency
may have failed for an instant to fulfil its
desired office; but I feel confident in the
nawfliiW, that nothing has occurred to in
terrupt the harmonious action of the Gov
ernment itself, and that while the laws
have been executed, wiili efficiency and
vigor, the rights neither of States nor indi
viduals have been trampled on or disregarded.
Inthe meantimellie country lias been stead
ily advancing in all that contributes to national
greatness. The tide of population continues
uubroketily to flow into the new States and
territories, where a lefuge is found not only
for our native born fellow-citizens, but for
emigrants from all parts of the civilized
world, who come among us to partake of
the blessings of our free institutions, and
to aid by their labor to swell the current of
our wealth and power.
It is due to every consideration of pub
lic policy that the lakes and rivers of
the West should receive all such atten
tion at the bands of Congress as the Con
stitution will enable it tobestow. Worksin
favorable and proper situations on the lakes
would be found to be as indespensahly ne
cessary in case of war, to carry on safe and
successful naval operations, as fortifica
calions on the Atlantic sea board. The ap
propriation made by the last Congress for
the improvement of the navigation of tho
Mississippi river, lias been diligently and
efficiently applied.
I cannot close this communication, gen
tlemen, without recommending to your most
favorable consideration, the interest of this
District. Appointed by the Constitution
its exclusive legislators, and forming in this
particular the only anomaly in our system
of Government, of the Legislative bodv be
ing elected by others than those for whose
advantage they ate to legislate, you will
feel a supetadded obligation to look well
into their condition, and to leave no cause
for complaint or regret. The Seat of Gov
ernment of our associated Republics can
not but be regarded as worthy of your pa
rental care.
In connexion with its other interests, as
well as those of the whole country, 1 recom
mend that at your present session you adopt
such measures, in order to carry into effect
the Smithsonian bequest, as in your judgment
will be best calculated to consummate the
liberal intent of the testator.
When,under a dispensation of Divine Prov
idence, l succeeded to the Presidential office,
3 CD U If U IS 11 it
the state of public affairs was embarrassing
and critical. To add to the in tution conse
quent upon a long standing coi troversy with
one of the most powerful natio is of modern
times, involving not only quest oils of boun
dary which under the most favnfnhle ciicuni
stanees, are always embarrassing, hut nt the
same time important nnii high principks of
maritime law—border controversies between
the citizens and subjects of tlte two countries
bad engendered a state of feeling and of con
duct which threatened the most calamitous
consequences. The hazards incident to this
state of things were greatly heightened by the
arrest and imprisonment of a subject of Great
Britain, who acting as t was a Hedged, as n
part of a military force, hid aided in the com
mission of an act violatve of the territori.il
jurisdiction of I lie UnitedStaies, and involving
the murder of a citizen af the Stale o( New-
Yoik. A large amountaf claims against (lie
Government of Mexico lernair.t and unadjusted,
and a w ar of several years’continuance with
the savage tribes of Fin Ida still prevailed,
attended with the desolatim of a huge portion
of that beautiful territory and with the sacri
fice of many valuable lives. To increase tl e
embarrassments of the Government, individ
ual and State credit had liecn nearly stricken
down, and confidence in the General Govern
nituit %vc* ao much impaired that loans o’ a
small amount could only be negotiated at a
considerable sacrifice. Asa necessary con
sequence of the blight which lud fallen on
commerce and mechanical ir.jasl’y, the ships
of the one were thrown out of Employment,
and the operations of the other had been
greatly diminished. Owing to the condition
of the currency, exchanges between and Cerent
paits of the country had becorric
high, and trade had to ur , n deprechi',
■“u pm op Cufiency in conducting its ti ansae
lions. I shall be permitted to congratulate
the country that, under an overriding Provi
dence, peace was preserved witltbul a sacri
fice of the national honor; the war in Flori
da was brought ton speedy Icrniinntion ; a
large portion of the claims on Mexico have
been fuily adjudicated and are in a course of
payment, while justice has been rendered to
us in other matters hy other nations; confi
dence between man and man is ia a great
measure restored, and the credit of ibis Gov
ernment fully and perfectly rc-cstaWished.—
Commerce is becoming more and more ex
tended in its operations, and rnamifiieturing
and mechanical industry once more reap the
rewards of skill and labor honestly.applied.
The operations of trade rest on a sound cur
rency, and the rates of exchange ure reduced
to their lowest amount. In this condition of
things I have felt it to he my duty to bring to
your favorable consideration matters of great
interest in their present and ultimate results,
and the only desire winch I feel in connection
with the future is, and will continue to be, to
leave the country prosperous, and its institu
tions unimpaired. JOHN TYLER.
Washington, December, 1843.
————ww—^ini
PUBLISHED EVERY FRIED AY MORNING AT
THE VERY LOW PRICE OF TWO DOLLARS
AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM- 1 — ONE DOL
LAR AND FIFTY CENTS FOR SIXtMONTHS
ALWAYS IN ADVANCE.
MADISON, GEO i
Friday, Dcicniber 15, ISIS.
FOR FP.ISIIIIHT/F
IKI IE MIS Y ©lL^y. y
The Fanner of Ash!and’'—the fmencan
Patriot, Statesman and Orator.
FOR CONGRESS; “
GEN. DUNCAN L CLINCH.
[Election on the first Monday in January .J
president's message.
We are indebted to the Hon. A. H.
Chappell for an early copy of this document,
hy which vve were enabled to lay it before
our readers in an Extra on Saturday last.—
We do not think our readers stm.d in need
of our speculations on any of the various
interesting topics referred to by the Captain
in bis annual speech. We will sr,y, howev
er, that we consider it a plain, business
paper, and that it reflects more credit upon
the Acting President than that functionary's
past official career reflects upon it. Ilis re
marks in reference to the annexation of
Texas do not quite com* up to what had
been given out by bis confidants, but the
manly tone of his language to insolent Mex
ico makes amends for the few faults which
we might point out.
our streets.
We have been seriously reminded that it
is our duty to haul out Town Commission
ers over the o mis for tlteir neglect of the
stieets. We are not sufficiently acquainted
with the nature of their duties to be able to
judge bow far they are to blame, but of
one thing we are certain—many of our
streets are in a most shameful condition,
even worse than the high roads of the,coun
try. Only the other day a wagon loaded
with Cotton, mired down to the hobs of the
wheels in the street in front of our office,
and we are told that such occurrences are
not unfrequent in other parts of the town. —
It is not the proper time now to improve
the stieets, but we hope those whose duty it
is to attend to such matters will, at the prop
er season, put them in such repair as will
remedy the evil in future.
DEATH OF MR. LANE.
Our readers will remember the distres
sing accident to which we alluded in our pa
per week before last, by which Mrs. Hub
bard was killed and her son-in-law, Mr. Hen
ry B. Lane, had his leg dreadfully fractured.
It now becomes nui painful duty to announce
the death of Mr. Lane, who died on Wed
nesday last, in a few minutes after the am
putation of his leg. There are calamities
which only those who are fated to hear them
can measure the depth of woe they bring.
We may feel, and deeply too, for this afflict
ed family, but who can tell the anguish of
that unhappy wife, thus bereft, almost “ at
one fell swoop,” of mother, children and
husband —left, too, with her tender orphans
to prove the bitterness of poverty in this
bleak world. Every sentiment of humanity
pleads in her behalf; and vve hope, in Mor
gan County, the teais of the widow and or
phan will not bepermitted to flow unheeded.
Persons in town who feel disposed to aid
this afflicted and tiuly needy family, can do
so by leaving their contributions with T. B.
Rees, Esq., at his store.
THE SUPREME COURT.
We were yesterday conversing with n
gentleman, old in the ptofession of the l“\y,
though he has for several years abandoned
it, upon *F.o Subject of a Supreme Court, and
ne observed that if the present Legislature
established a Supreme Court,every member
who voted for it should have his name print
ed in golden letters, upon satin, placed in a
frame set with diamonds, and hung op in
every good man’s parlor in Georgia. “ The
people know not,” said he, “ how much
they have suffered for the want of it; and
how painful the reflection, that, probably,
some political aspirants will make a handle
of it in order to get into place, and thus ren
der it unpopular, and perhaps have it abol
ished at the very next session of the Legis
lature. The oldest lawyer in the State,”
continued lie, “ can not say with certainty
how an action is to be brought in order to
recover land belonging to the estate of a
dead man. It has been held that either the
heirs or personal representatives might sue
for it, at the option of the plaintiff. After
this decision had prevailed about twenty
years, it was suddenly revetsed in some of
the Circuits, and many plaintiffs turned out
of Court, (some on the appeal trial,) and in
these it was luled that the executoi or ad
ministrator alone could sue in the case sup
posed. This decision prevailed awhile, when
suddenly it was reversed, in one Circuit at
least, and ruled that the heirs alone could
siie for the ancestor’s realty, unless the ad
ministrator had applied for an order of Cou/t
to sell the land, in which case he might sue.”
Now, w'e are incompetent to judge which
of these decisions is correct; but we can
readily say that there is two chances and a
half to one against any lawyer’s bringing an
action aright for the recovery of land belong
ing to a dead man’s estate. We wish our
friend had given us a statement of the losses
of time, trouble and money which these
changing decisions produced ; vve doubt not
vve could have shown that they quadrupled
what would have been the like losses in hav
ing the question settled by the Supreme
Court in a single case. The gentleman just
mentioned gave us a case which was pub
lished some years ago, but which deserves
to he published every year until vve get a
Supreme Court firmly established. A man
by the name of H*** ### * # k contracted to
build a house for a man for so much, and he
employed an under-workman agreeing to
pay him half what he got clear of expenses.
H. built the house and sued for the price in
the Inferior Court, wheie lie got a verdict.
The defendant appealed, and on the appeal
trial, a motion for a non suit was made on
the ground that the facts showed a co-part
nership between the two workmen, and,
therefore, they should both have sued. The
mntinuwas sustained, and H. was non-suited.
The two now sued, and got a verdict in the
Inferior Court. An appeal was entered. In
the mean time anew Judge came on the
Bench, who decided that there was no part
nership, and that H. should have sued alone,
and accordingly he non-suited him a second
time. 11. re-connnenced as at first—went
through the same steps —and on the appeal
trial was non-suited again, by a thiid Judge
who had come upon the Bench. This sow
ed him up, as vve say, for his debt was now
barred by the statute of limitations; arjJ i t ’ ne
poor man never got one dolls; f o| . t) ; 3 trouble
and expense in build’;,g the house. This is
no fiction ; wq could, if vve would, give the
tiptoes of Courts, parties and Judges. We
ask whether this be not monstrous 1 The
Judiciary of Georgia has been a proverb and
by-wotd among all the sister States, and well
it may be. Every other State in tho Union
has a Supreme Court. Now, but for the
cases just mentioned, it might be contended
that Georgia is wiser than the other five-atid
twenty ; but, with these cases before us,
(which are but a few of a multitude almost
as bad,) every candid Georgian will admit
that she has ever been in the wrong upon
this vitally important subject. Withal, what
is to be done with the plain written clause
of tlieConstitution,demanding such aCourt?
Does history furnish another instance of a
people living in direct violation of their fun
. damental law! The Constitution says there
shall l>e a Supreme Court, and the Legisla
ture has said, for years, there shall not he !
This is intolerable. If tho Constitution is
not to be obeyed, why, then, burn it up.
We cannot see why one precept of it is less
sacred than another; and if we cannot have
it entire in its operations, let us have it en
tirely inoperative.
MR. clay’s TARIFF PRINCIPLES AS THEY ARE,
AND DEMOCRATIC TARIFF PRINCIPLES AS
THEY WERE.
Mr. Clay’s protective Tariff principles, as
they are called, are at this time the subject
of clamorous denunciation by the locofuco
press throughout the South, and greater ef
forts are made to misrepresent his declared
views on this subject than on any other
question of National policy. The Hank is
become too popular with all reflecting men
longer to answer the pui pose of election
eerin'! in Georgia—and the old calumnies
against Mr. Clay have been exploded—and
until something new can he fabricated, with
which to delude tho popular mind, the bat
teries of the locofuco press must be direct
ed against “ Mr. Clay’s high protective tar
iff piiuciples,” and in defence of the new
light doctrine of political Mormonism, cull
ed “Free Trade.” O’de grand movement
in this warfare upon Mr. Clay in Georgia
was the shameful misrepresentation arid at
tempted suppression of his letter to Messis.
Branham arid Bledsoe—a letter which,
since its recoveiy by the friends of its au
thor, lias been published by them all ovei
the land, and triumphantly pointed to as n
clear, frank and fearless exposition of the
true American policy. In this instance, the
foul weapons of his enemies have recoiled
upon their own heads, and the men who
sought by misrepiesentation and betrayal of
honorable confidence to exhibit Mr. Clay’s
principles in an odious light before the peo
ple ot Georgia, have reluctantly placed in
the hands of his fiends a means of vindica
tion which challenges contradiction, and is
worthy to he printed in letters of gold.
But even after the fullest exposition of his
principles has been given in terms too plain
to admit of misconception, or to he distort
ed from their true meaning by the ingenuity
ot his magnanimous enemies, we are told
that Mr. Clay is extremely odious to the
South on account of his protective policy,
and that no democrat —no man who pro
fesses the political faith of Thomas Jeffer
son, the great prnrnulgatoi of democratic
doctrine—can support him on that account.
Mr. Clay’s principles are pronounced anti
democratic, and all who favor them are de
nounced as “ Federal Whigs.”
Now, first, let us see what Mr. Clay’s
views are in relation to the Taiiff, and then
wo will enquire how nearly they correspond
with what has Lien considered true demo
cratic faith. Mr. Clay holds,
I. That a revenue sufficient for an econo
mical administration of the Government,
should he raised by duties on impel ts.
11. That in laying such a Taiiff, such
discrimination should be made as would
afford reasonable protection to A-meiican
Manufactures.
ill. That tiiere should be no prohibitory
duties, believing it best for all inteicsts that
there should he competition.
IF. That direct taxes and internal du
ties should not he resorted to except in time
of war, and then only to give vigor and
success to our arms.
V. That it would he impolicy to open
our ports to the “Free Trade” of other Na
tions, all of whom subject our commerce
with them to restrictions, often very great
and burthensome.
VI. That a Tariff, in order to secure the
best interests of the country, should be mod
erate, reasonable and certain.
“ IFe hold these truths to he self evident,”
and the principle upon which they are based
as truly patriotic, as purely American, as
those which prompted the immortal Decla
ration itself. They are the six at tides of
Henry Clay’s Tariff faith, as set forth in
his letter to Messrs. Branham and Bledsoe,
and, we think, we may confidently ask the
question—ls there an American patriot, ca
pable of understanding the true interests of
his whole country, who would to
subscribe to them 1
But, now let us co-„ ist Mr. Clay’s views
on this subject || )o se of Mr. Jefferson,
and discover, if we can, how far above the
Democratic standard tho former would car
ry the “ odious features” of protection, dis
crimination and ptohibition. -With this view,
we submit the following extracts from a Re
port made liy Mr. Jefferson, while Secreta
ry of State, to the House of Representatives,
in compliance with a call from ihat body.—
[See “American State Papers,” vol. 1, p.
303. J
“ Should any nation, contrary to our wish
es, suppose it may better find its advantage
by continuing its system of prohibitions, du
ties and regulations, it behooves us to pro
tect our citizens, their commerce and naviga
tion, by counter-prohibitions, duties and reg
ulations also. Free commerce and naviga
tion are not to he given in exchange for re
strictions and vexation ; nor are they likely
to pioduce a re-exaction of them,”
1 ***** *
“ Where a nation imposes high duties on
our productions, or prohibits them altogeth
er, it may he proper for us to do the same
by theirs, first burdening or excluding those
productions which they bring here in com-
petition with our own of the same kind ; se
lecting next such manufactures as we take
from them in greatest quantity, and which
at the same time we could the sooner furnish
to ourselves ot obtain from other countries
imposing on them duties, lighter at first, but
heavier afterwards, as other channels of sup.
ply open. Such duties having the effect of
indirect enrxmragemcnt to domestic manufac
tures of the same kind, may induce the man
ufacturer to come himself into these States
where cheaper subsistence, equal laws, and
a vent of his wares, free of duty, may ensure
him the highest profits from his skill and in
dustry.”
******
“ It is true, we must expect some incon
venience in practice from the establishment
of discriminating duties. But in this, as in
many other cases, we are left to choose be
tween two evils. These inconvenience* are
nothing when weighed against the loss of
wealth and loss of force which will follow
our perseverance in the plan of indiscrim
ination.”
These were Mi. Jefferson’s views. Am?
; now we would ask, does he not go as far,,
j aye, even farther, than Mr. Clay ? Mr.Jef
ferson not onlj r asserts the constitutionality
of discrimination and protection, but lie goes,
beyond, and declares prohibition both ligha
and expedient. If Mr. Clay is wrong, he
certainly lias high democratic authority uq
liis side,
But we have other worthy testimony of
a more recent date in support of the sound
ness, constitutionality and expediency of
Mr. Clay’s Tariffprinciples. Mr. Calhoun,
the so called “ Cast-Iron model of South
ern Democracy,” and the father of the Free
Trade doctrine, who is now so inveterate
an opponent of “ protection”—in one of his
political manifetos, in 1533, says—
“ With these impressions 1 not only re
joice at the geneial pi ogress of the arts in
j the world, hut on their advancement in our
! own countiv; and as far as protection men/
be INCIDENTALLY afforded, in the ex
enise of constitutional power, I think
now as 1 have always done that sound policy,
connected wiih the security, independence
and peace of the counti v, requires it should
be.”
[See his Life, (pamphlet) page 40.]
Stait not leader, the a hove declaration was
from the very same John C. Calhoun who
was once denounced asthe piince oftraitors,
j but who is r.ow hailed as the “ cast-iron or
j acle of democratic and Free Trade princi
t pies. The above were his sentiments ten
I vears ago.
But to come down nearer to our own
times : Here is an extract from Mr. Van
Buitii’s letter to the Indiana Convention,
; written only about a year ago. It is un
questioriahly one of the most explicit,
I sti aight-foi wnid paragraphs that ever ini
i anated fiom its author, and is indeed so
! plain and undisguised in its meaning that
, we were at first almost disposed to doubt its
authenticity. Those who read tlie entire
j letter were a little mystified no doubt—hut
■ tike the extract as it stands and we think it
i shows veiy clearly what were his opinions
1 of discrimination and protection :
“Os tho constitutional power to make
discriminaiion 1 have no doubt. Equally
clear it is that the practice of making them
has existed from the commencement of the
Government, and constitutes a feature in
every principal tariff hill which is to be found,
upon our statute book. They are indeed
indispensable to the successful operation of
every revenue bill.” * * * “It (dis
crimination) is thertforo a power the constant
and faithful exercise which is, in my judg
ment, demanded by considerations rs justice,
humanity, and sound policy.”
We might go on, and say (what is suscep
tible of proof) that the distinguished loco
foco Senator, Mr. Wright of New York,
voted for the present Tariff, so obnoxious to
the Free Trade party —that Mr. Vanßurcn
voted for the most prohibitory bill that was
i ever enacted by the American Congress;.
1 and that Mr. Calhoun himself strengthened
* all the protection features and weakened all
the revenue features of the Compromise
Act, by introducing into the bill a great
poition of the aiticles to be admitted free
of duty. But all this would only go to
prove what democratic Tariff pi iticiplesurre
Mr. Jefferson's options were once consider
ed intliodox., but now the enemies of the’
; great champion of American policy are in.
. v ’-ot of political capital, and, presto / “dis
! crimination in favor of American industry”
j is “ larceny from the house” and “ reasona
ble protection” is out-and-out treason against
the Constitution—the banner of “Free
Trade” has been unfurled, and Mr. Clay is*
to be put down at the South for advocating;
the principles of Jefferson, the same which l
Mr. Van Buren has declared “ indispensa
ble to the successful operation of every rev
enue hill, and demanded by considerations
of justice, humanity, and sound policy, ,r
and which Mr. Calhoun has said were requi
site to the “security, independence, and
peace of the country.”
So mucli for the stability of locofuco pro
fessions.
(£/*• Wo regret to leurn llint Mr. Stephens’
has, since his arrival at Washington City*
been confined to his room by severe indispo
sition. The “Intelligencer” says—“his dis
ease lias, however, now begun to yield to med
ical treatment, and his friends confidently
hope that he w ill in a few days be at bis |>sß
in the House of Representatives.” Thousands
of his fellow-citizens of Georgia will await,
with intense interest, live news of his recoy
■ cry.