Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE f 22 , mniij‘CJss*^ S) 1(7,7 be published every SATURDAY Morning, I In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, IN TIIE CITY OF MACON, GA. By WI,B. 11 V HtlilSOY. TERMS . i ['or tin Paper, in advance, per annum, $2, I if not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum. I will be inserted at the usual | Iratcs —and when the number of insertions de li red is not specified, they will be continued un li! forbid and charged accordingly, I O’Advertisers by the Year will be contracted ||\vit!i upon the most favorable terms. O’Salcs of Land by Administrators,Executors or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours (of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the | Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in which the Property is situate. Notice of these gales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days previous to the day of sale. O’Sales of Negroes by Ad ministators, Execu tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on the first Tuesday in the month, between the legal i hours of sale, before the Court House of the county Iwhere the Letters Testamentary, or Administration or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv ing notice thereof for Sixty Days, in one [public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House where such sales are to be held. O’Notice for the sale of Personal Property 'must be given in like manner Forty Days pre vious to the day of sale. nj*Notice to the Debtors and Creditors olan es tate must be published for Forty Days. that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne groes must be published in a public gazette in the thate for Four Months, before any order absolute I can be given by the Court. (Lj’Citatiom for Letters of Administration on ,iu Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must be published Thirty Days for Letters of Dismis sion from the administration ofan Estate,monthly for Sic Months— for Dismission from Guardian ship Forty Days. (Lj'R u ! cs sot the foreclosure of a Mortgage must he published monthly for Four Months— fir establishing lost Papers, for the full space of Three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space ot Three Months. N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive prompt attentionat the SOUTHERN TRIBUNE Office, and strict care will be taken that all legal Advertisements arepublished according to Law. r Q’AII Letters directed to this Office or the Editor on business, must he post-paid, to in sure attention. £* o r t v )} The Future. FROM THE N. Y. EVENING POST. The future! oh,could we hut look Into that dark mysterious book VVIi ich shrouds our doom, Hearts that are now with joy e'ato, Would then be sad and desolate, And filled with gloom. Could we but lifl the shadowy veil Which hides from us life’s mournful title, Our hopes w ould die ! Courage and faith would take their flight, Our life would be one sombre night, One heavy sigh. Oh, let us then ne’er seek to know What lime in its unceasing flow Will soon reveal ; But wisely from the present hours, And wisely from lifo’s passing flowers, The fairest steal. IJoTitt cal~ From the Richmond Enquier. Constitutional ItightNofthc South Recent developments have proven that the time has arrived when it becomes the representatives of the South to maintain mid vindicate, with united zeal and deter mined energy, her rights against the offen sive assaults of the North. We too, as constituents, must long ere this have be come sensible of the great wrongs inflicted upon us, and while we are painfully alive to every inroad upon our long cherished institutions, cannot conceal the deep inter est we manifest with regard to the pro ceedings of our present National Assem bly. From whence is the authority de rived to apply the Wilmot Proviso to our Mouth western territory, is a query which, horn the present gloomy prospect, will too soon be presented fur our consideration, in an aspect truly unpleasant and hopeless ly forbidding. For one, the writer, hum ble as his opinion may be, is ready to de ny the constitutional guaranty of this pro viso. The Constitution, as its framers de clare in the preamh’e to that significant in strument, was designed “to form more perfect union, establish justice,” &c. Is there anything in the discussion of free soilism which tends to harmonize this fra terui y of States I Is there anything in the agitation of that subject, which tends to cement the bonds of union I—Far from |t. Iho direct tendency of such a course is to marshal the North against the Souih ; to create sectional prejudices which time will scarcely, if ever, efface; to array one half of the Union in an unfriendly and hostile attitude to the otiier: thus throw ! ’ n 3 the apple of discord among us, dis turbing the harmony of the country, and Jeopardizing the existence of thecenfede to carry out the designs of spurious P ulanthropy; and thus has the strongest * ri 1 noblest incentive to the formation of ’ut solemn compact, been disregarded by blinded zealots. ( 'V here, we ask, would he tho “justice” 'j 1 measure! Justice to the North ' )us n<,t demand the introduction of such Proviso. The same channels through Ic h wealth has flowed in an uninter 'P f ed stream to her capitalist and manu- THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES—V OLUME 11. facturers, will remain unobstructed. The same variety of employment will exist for her laborers and mechanics, while her prosperity, in general, will remain unin jured and unabated. But, while "justice” to the North does not require this interference, “justice” to the South docs demand that there should be no such interfence on the part of Con gress. The South, ever ready to do or die in the defence of national honor, bore fatal testimony to its own in common with our country’s rights, throughout the strug j gle with Mexico. The blood of her ! noblest sons crimsoned every contes ted plain, and the hones of her bravest heroes moulder on every hill, as monu ! ments of daring and military prowess. ! The tenitory was eventually purchased [ by the common treasure of gold and life. Has she offered up this bloody and invalu able sacrifice, for the acquisition of a ter ritory in the enjoyment of which we are forbidden to participate ? That we would be in a great measure excluded from this landed acquisition, none could gain say, if this nefarious proviso become a law of the land. Though we should he admitted to the rights of ci izenship in the new States, one species of property, in which the wealth of tho Sou'll principally consists, would he interdicted. Why this species of property more than another ? Slave t>v to be property. — Art. 4, 2d clause, 3d sec. Any power which can assume the authori ty to exclude slave labor, can, with Ihe same propriety, exclude any and every kind of property. Yet we hazard nothing in the expression, that there is no man who has any pretentions to sanity, who would claim for Congress the constitution al right to exclude tlie manufactures of the North or Northern capital. Where, then, I is the “justice” which ought always to be an ingredient of constitutional power, to banish the Southern man with his capital, for bis slaves constitute his capital? Yet, as soon as this mad scheme is enforced, an insuperable banieris erec ed between him and the numerous advantages he hoped to realize in this additional extent of coun try. We appeal to men of all parties —for it is a subject which rises paramount to pai ty considers' ions— to know if such par tial legislation is calculated to enhance the stabi ity of the Republic, to “establish jusfee,” or cany out the great objects for which the constitutional compact was formed! We appeal to those Northern desperadoes, who have set law and the Constitu ion at defiance, to know if their claims to the territory rise up superior to our own ! Kill there are those who are unwilling to usurp for Congress this unwarranted power, without some shadow of authority. “Congress (say they) shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States.” If this clause is applicable to the prohibition of slavery from the tertitory, it is equally so to the prohibition of slavery from our forts, arsenals, and other public works included, under the term “other property.” Such a construction of this term, would, at the time of the adoption of tiie Constitution, have rendered the clause as nugatory and invalid as if omit ted in toto. It should be home in mind that the same clause required the “con sent" of the State Legislature, in which such works might he deemed necessary, before the same could he erected. Out Eastern coast was but poorly defended by forts of any kind from foreign aggression. More than half of the exposed shore was within the limits of slaveholding States. If the framers of the Constitution inten ded to claim f r Congress the power to legislate over slavery with the public works, at that time necessary to be estab lished, it required no statesman’s sagacity to foresee that no such fortifications ever would be erected with the “consent” of our Legislatures. Nor is it even probable 1 that the Southern members would have yielded so tamely to the.usurpation ol'lliat i power over this “peculiar institution,” which they hud guarded with moie than human vigilance on all other occasions. Thus constructed at that time, the clause would have been void and of no effect—a perfect dead letter. The South so rightly jealous of the basis on which its institutions were to be founded, would not have vol untarily surrendered those lights by plac ing in her forts and arsenals the bomb of her own destruction, only requiring to be ignited by the hand of incendiarism. Suppose, for the sake of argument, that the words of the text would formerly have admitted of a twofold interpretation—the f< rmer claiming for Congress the power to legislate oversla'ery within our own national fortifications, thus rendering the sanction of our legislature to the location of such works a matter of impossibility: For no legislature would have dared, with this fact staring them in the face, to deed away is right to legislate on this most vi tal of all subjects. The authors of that instrument could easily foresee that the direct tendency of this construction would be to render our coasts as desti ute of for tifications as the miserable plains of Ara bia. The latter interpretation, leaving our domestic institutions untrammeled, and under the exclusive control of the States individually, would have had the effect of fulfilling the intention of the clause by the willing co-operation of our State legislatures. Looking upon the MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 2, ISSO. authors of that compact, renowned for its equality and wisdom, as sensible men, we are forced, nolens vole ns, to adopted the latter construction. We have briefly endeavored to show that it would result in a naked reductio ad absurdum to place this fanatical meaning upon certain words, which meaning proves wholly untenable and nonsensical when taken in connection with the spirit of the entire clause. If, then, this miserable subterfuge for argument fails, when traced to the legitimate consequences which must as inevitably follow its application to our forts, arsenals and other public works, as effect follows cause, then it must prove equally unsound when applied to the ter ritory. The authority to interfere with slavery in either case is derived from the same source ar.d traceable to the same narrow and paitial interpretation. \et in spite of justice, in spite of this constitutional guaranty toprotectourrights our property, and our safety, we have much tofear. Alieady the couds thicken, and the storm isbeard to mutter indistinct ly in the distance. We honor the Union formed by the common blood of our an cestors and cemented by the eternal fideli ty they swore to give it in that dark and trying hour. Tut when it becomes an en gine of wrong and oppression, it loses the magic charm with which it was wont to hind us j and under the garh of fiiend sliip, we almost see the glittering steel of assassin. We deprecate a dissolution of the Union, but the right of property and safety iise above all earthly considera'ions, and as soon as these are trodden under foot it becomes us, as a nation of freemen, to sever it from ocean to ocean. We have done all we can to avoid the mighty wreck. Much may yet be accomplished by wise and patriotic legislation; but should our warnings prove in vain, ( which God forbid !) the South can exclaim with an honest heart and unruffled conscience— “ Thou can'st not say I did it.” V. D. M. Powhatan County, Dec. 12, 1549. Charleston, Jan.24, 1850. To the Editors of the Courier: Gentlemen : — l send you the accompanying letter for publication. It was drawn from Judge lleydenfei.dt, as one best calculated to inform us of the position of Alabama in the present controversy between the South and North. That gentleman is well known as the author of the letter to the Governor of Alabama, wri ten in January last, by which the progress of Aboli tionism on our frontier States, and particularly Kentucky, was put a stop to, ns by magic. The same clear and determined mind will be seen in the production of the letter I now send you; and I hesitate not to say that the positions there taken are the positions of the State of Alabama. My propositions to him were simple; among others—“ Can these States live longer under a contemptible system of Compromise Govern ment P” You will see how (airly he meets the general proposition, and then how aptly lie ap plies it to the most fatal of all our compromises. But it is to the position which he assumes in re lation to the approaching Convention that I would draw your particular attention. It is there that we are to return to the integrity of our olu Constitutional Government, or to form anew one — we are no longer to listen to compro mise, in any shape or form. But Judge Hev denfei.dt speaks for himself. Your ob’t serv’t, A. 11. BRISBANE. Montgomery, Ala, Jan 16, 1850. My Dear Sir .-—After much delay, 1 had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 26th ult. In the midst of many pres ent engagements, 1 will attempt to make you an answer, although 1 cannot follow your propositions in consecu ive order.— The thought of the age is aroused to at tempt a solution of some of the questions you suggest —the mind of the South ought to be awakened to that portion of them which most seriously affect her well being. In considering the progress w hich man kind is constantly making, it is folly to suppose that, while in intellect and thought he is improving, in action he should stand still. If this be true of individuals, it must equally be true of Governments: and history gives us the recurrence at various periods, of reforms and changes, which exemplify that they also are the subject of this universal law. Our country was the first broadly to assert and maintain that Governments were created fur the benefit of the governed ; and the doctrine that the people have a right at pleasure to alter or destroy their existing mode of gov ernment is so clearly admited as to be come a political axiom. As undeniable as the last must also be considered the po sition that, when a Government is formed, it ought to be on distinct and well-defined principles, which w ill leave no doubt as to its own powers, and afford equal certain ty to its subjects. But, in the course of lime, the improving and changing condi tion and circumstances of a nation will ex pose and even create defects in the pow ers of the Government on the one hand while on the other, interest, selfishness, or the passions of one portion of society lead to usurpations of power and encroachment upon the rights of the minority, distinct ive of the purpose of government, and which, by constant concession, subvert the most cherishing principles, and must rasult in an absolutism which is next akin to anarchy- The first resistance to ag gression is always the cheapest and most succesful. Every delay lias no meet an accumulation of power and precedent, and gives a fresh argument for a renewal of wrongs, until the period is reached when there is no adequate remedy except in a thorough re-orginization. To apply these principles to the present state of controversy between the Northern and Sou hern States ot our confederacy, it will be necessary to ascertain what are and have been the benefits and evils result ing to each section from the action of the General Government. 1 will not try to do this fully, because it would be the repeti tion ofan “oft-told talc;” hut, as far as 1 undertake it,l will not be embarrassed bv the common cant that we ought not to cal culate the value of the Union. Tne U tiion was formed on account of its anticipa ted value—it grew into regard, and fasten ed itself upon the affections of the Ameri can people from its real value in the bet ter days of the Republic—it is only on account of its value that it ought to be re garded, and when it has ceased to have value, it should cease to exist. It has often been discussed how the un equal laws, and unconstitutional expendi ture of the public revenue has enriched the Northern States, by building up their commerce, manufactures and internal im provements, at the expense of the South. I his subject forms a great pecuniary item in estimating tho advantages of the Onion, and has assumed sufficient shape and form in the Southern mind. But a more mo mentous question is now the all absorbing one, and to that my reply must be con fined. W lien our Confederacy was formed, the slave-holding States constituted its most important section. ’They possessed not only more wealth than the free States, but also at least four-fifths of all the terri toty within its limits, and each subdivision of that territory of far greater natural im portance than any equal portion of the Sou' h, and that which constituted her grea test wealth, was her propei ty in slaves. Ihus, by a safe rule of lessening, it fol lows that property in slaves was the most important interest of the Union, and the protection and defence of that property was necessarialy one of its great objects. How it has accomplished that object and what is its present attitude towards us, are the questions w liich demand our reflec tions. its history will answer, that, while it has not only failed to protect us from aggressions, it has been our worst enemy, and engaged, in our midst, in disturbing our peace.it has inflicted the most serious injuries upon our States and people, and now threatens to subvert our entire sys tem, by a plan of operations as skilful and sure as they are iniquitous. But assertion without proof have but little authority. Let us see what are the facts ; in 1794, our relations with Great Brit ain were of the most critical character. We complained against her for spoliations upon commerce, and the seizuio of our staves. A treaty, negotiated by Mr. Jay, was made for the amicable adjustment of these difficulties, by which full payment was allowed for the ships and cargoes of the North, and not one cent lor the slaves taken from the tSouih : and it was especi ally assigned by our Minister that the res titution cf slave property was not insisted on, front li:e fear that it would result in tlie defeat ot the treaty, ihus early in the history of their Union was the bouth taught the inequality in the protection it afforded between her property and the more favored chattels ot her co-federates. At a more recent period, which is within the recollection of most of us, when some of our vessels were wrecked on the Bri tish Islands, the slaves they contained were seized, their owners deprived of their property, and restitution ultimately refu sed. Great Biitain was allowed to read us a lesson on morality, and the statesmen of the Union bowed in submission and concurred. When at a latter period, a strip of worthless and frozen territory was the subject of legitimate dispute, these same statesmen cried lustily for the honor of the nation, and were ready to “let slip the dogs of war.” The South read with complacency the lesson, that her interest vveie unconnected with the honor of the nation, and that for the protection of her rights, the Union was but “as sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal.” In the ordinance of 1787, the South yielded to the fanatical clamor of the North, and an immense territory, the pro perty of a slave holding State, was given up to become the right arm of a power which was to be used fur her destruction. Upon the application of Missouri, she bad complied with every requisition of the Federal Constitution. The South stood upon vantage ground—but again was she fated to recieve her share of tlie blessings of the Union . That which was her most perfect right, she accepted as a boon ; and to receive in quiet one more slave State into the Union, she yielded to a most dar ing usurpation of power, and give up slave territory enough to make a dozen free States. She give up all, and got nothing in re turn ; and her statesmen, who were guilty of this act of mingled cow ardice and fol ly, solaced her wounded pride, by christ ening the heresy w ith the nnmeofeompro mis. Under that name it has since be come the fashion of the North to ask all that she w ant 9, and to get all that she asks. Texas came in, and there was another compromise. California and New Mexi co are ours, and now, forsooth, the South, the equal partner of the concern,is begging for a compromise ; begging to give up,once more, her honor, for the sake of peace.— She has descended so low, that she asks but to feed upon the crumbs, and the bless ed Union refuses even that. The Constitution gives to the s’ave hold er the right to recapture his fugitive slave, yet in contravention of this provision, State after State have enacted laws to deprive him of his right, and citizens of the Souih have been mobbed and murdered in attempting to enforce it. Even now, in the halls of Congress, we are told that no more slave States are to be admitted—that slavery is to be pro scribed in all places under the jurisdication of the Union, and our commerce in slaves is to he destroyed, This is the plan of op eration openly avowed, which aims at no thing less than the total overthrow of our domestic institutions. The twelve hundred millions of dollars which the South has invested in slaves, constitute almost her entire wealth; the continuance of the African race in its pre sent servile condition is her only safety. She lias reached that period when she must act for her preservation. She seems to be awakening to its necessity, and what is to he her policy is a question for her grave consideration. Shall she again con-1 cede away her rights, and let it be called compromise ? It has been the custom to style us “ a Government of Compromise.” Now, although the concessions of the South, on so many occasions, may have originated the term, it is neverthless a piece of gross absurdity. In the forma tion or organization of a Government, it may be well to yield even cherished ideas, for die sake of harmony and strength; but when the terms are once agreed to, and the contract signed, sealed and delivered, it must, of necessity, he a government of principle, with the rights and powers of all the parties to it fixed and determined by its character, and is no longer the sub ject of compromise. Such is the true po sition of our Federal Government, and if we yield a particle of our well defined rights, under any name whatsoever, it is a concession to usurpation, and is the en’er ing-wedge tootherand still greater wrongs, as our experience has well taught us. I do not know if the South is alive to this great danger, but I fear that is not from the dis position some have manifested to yield again, in the shape of compromise, to the hard pressed demands of the North. The only indication to the contrary, is the action of the State of Mis sissippi, in calling for a Convention of the Southern States. This has been in some meas ure responded to, hut what is to be its fruits? Some have said that it is lo be a united expression of the voice of the South, and threatening her united action if the North persists in her ag gressions. If this is to be all, then, us far as my bumble voice is concerned, I wish to have none of it. Wc have been called resolution-mongers long enough, and our resolves have produced naught but repeated insults and taunts from the lips of our oppressors Every consideration conduces to the belief that it will be the time for the South to act, and if she does act boldly and promptly, she will certainly save herself, and may save the Union by restoring to it the purity in which it was cre ated. Tlie people of the South are prepared for this action, and the feeling which now inspires the multitude, is far ahead of ihat which seems to move their politicians. If we accede to any new proposition, by which a part of our rights are again yielded, we accustom our people, by one more example, to doubt or to forget what belongg to them ; wo allay an excitement which a wise forecast seize upon to effect a thorough reformation in government, and a com plete recaption of the rights we have yielded, and those of which we have been robbed; and we afford afresh reason of calm for the abolition fanatics to mature their plans, recruit their strength, and renew their attacks—and at a time when ille moral force of our people will have been weakened by this new surrender. Let us, then, meet in convention with a pur pose worthy of a people who understand that they are fit for self government. Let our first and only duty be to form anew Constitution for the United States of North America, and which, while it will leave the door open for all, will af ford equal justice and protection to all, and prompt and efficient remedies for ifs infractions. If this be done, I think I hazard nothing in predicting that tho States will promptly enter into the new confederation. They have a keun perception of the difference in value between dollars and cents, on the one hand, and moral abstractions on the other. They struggle for the latter, to attain political impor tance—they will readily yield them to obtain the former. Their progenitors were engaged in bringing to us slaves from the African coast, as long as it was profitable and permitted—the same economical intuition will force them to let our slaves alone, when they find that, otherwise, it will cost them our custom. We afford the products which sustain their commerce, and the market of their varied manufactures; and we have the power to dictate our own terms, if we only havo the courage to exercise it. Let us, make our terms of the must rigid equaiity • let us hesitate to discard any partnership which disallow s the recognised property of one State to be carried to and held in another. It it be possible that the Northern States, unu sually regardless of their well being, should de cline to unite with us, we then havo, within our selves, the elements of prosperity and success, beyond calculation. By confining the operations of the natural rights of the citizen in a good BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, IT ill be executed in the most approved style and on the best ter ms,at the Office of the SCTJTEEMT TP*I3TJXT:E, -BY— * WM. B. HARRISON. NUMBER 4. 9tate of society—by a thorough organization of our industry, combining all the occupations which are preferred by the immense resources of the Mississippi Valiev and the Cotton States —we must soon attain," over the rest of the vvorlj, a civilization as superior as are the boun ties w hich Nature has bestowed on us. I cannot, at this lime, go more into tbs sub ject of your inquiries. Such of them ts I have not dwelt upon, are so totally dependent upolt the success of thut which i have considered, that without the attainment of the one, 1 feel indifferent lo the others. In developing the important ideas and meas ures to which you are devoted, you have my best wishes for your success. Mv opinions co incide with yours, and I would gladly bes io. worker in their advocacy, were I not too bum ble to be useful. With the greatest regard, 1 am,your obedient servant, S. HEVDENFEI.DT. Gen A. II Brisbane, Charleston, S. C. The Old nii«l the New t ear. BV MRS. SIQO.IRNEJ. I mused as the midnight hour drew nigh, aud metliought the Old Year stood before me. Weary and way-worn he seemed.nnd in his hand was an hour-glass, whence the last-sands were fleeting. As 1 looked upon his wrinkled fore head, memories both pleasant and mourn ful came over me. Fain would I have constrained his longer stay,and spake ear nestly to him: “Many blessings hast thou brought me, I for which 1 give thee thanks. New have they been every morning, and fresh every moment. I hou hast indeed, from my heart’s gar den, uprooted some hopes that I planted there. With their clustering buds they ndl, and were never quickened again.’ Then he said, ‘Praise God, both for what 1 gave, and what I look away. And lay up treasures in heaven, that they may be there also. What thou callest blighted hopes, are oftimes changed into the fruits of rightousness. But I answered, ‘Thou hast also hidden from my sight the loved and the revered. Clods are strewn upon their faces; they re ply to my call no more. To the homes that they made so fair they return not, and the places that once knew them, will know them no more forever.* Still he said, ‘Give praise to God.— Ttouble not thyself about those that are with him. Rather make thine own salva tion sure, that thou mayst go un’.o them, and be parted no more.’ i hen, in a faint voice, he murmured, ‘My mission unto man is done. For me, the 6tone is rolled away from the door of the sepulchre. I will enter in, and slum ber with the years beyond the flood, till, the last trumpet soundeth.’ 1 gazed upon his wan brow, and to mo it was beautiful. Fain would I have swept away the snows that gathered a round his hoary temples ; but he suffer ed me .tot, and stretched himself out lo die. By his side I knelt, and said, ‘O depart ing Year! I behold a scroll folded beneath thy mantle. What witnessshull it bear of me at the judgment!’ Low and solemn were his last tones.— ‘Ask me not. '1 hou shalt know when the books ate opened, and the dead,small and great, stand before God.’ The midnight clock struck. And I cov ered my face, and mourned for his death who had once been my friend. 1 remem ber with pain how oft I had slighted his warnings and the opertunities he had giv en me of doing good, and had cast aw ay the wealth of time, that priceless boon from the. Eternal. Metliought from the flying lips came a feeble sigh, ‘Farewell— farewell.’ Then a passion of weeping fell upon me. And when again 1 lifted up my head, lo ! the New-Year stood in the place of the de parted. Smiling, he greeted me with good wish es and words of cheer, while around me lay many bright tokens of friendship and of love. But 1 was afraid. For to me he was a stranger; and when I would have returned his welcome, my lips trembled and were silent. Then he said, ‘Fear not. I come unto thee from the Giver of every good and perfect gift. ‘New Year, whither wilt thou lead me ! Art thou appointed to bring me joy or sor row, life or death V He replied, ‘1 know not. Neither doth the angel nearest the throne know. Only him who sittetli thereon. Give me thy hand, and question not. Enough for thee, that 1 accomplish his will. Make that will thine own, and thou shalt wear an an gel’s smile even here below. ‘I promise thee nothing. Be content to follow me. Take, with a prayer for wis dom, this winged moment. The next may not be mine to give. Yet, if we walk onward together, forget not that thou ait a pilgrim from eternity. ‘lf 1 bring thee the cup ofjoy, be thank ful, and pitiful to those who mourn ; and let men he unto thee as brethren. If the dregs of bitterness cleave unto thy lip, be not too eager to receive comfcit, lest thou betray the weakness of thy faith. God’s perfected discipline givetli wisdom. There fore count them happy who endure. ‘When morn breaketh in the east, gird thyself for thy duties with a song of thanks giving. For God is near to those who when night putteth on her coronet of stars kneel and ask that the day’s sins mar be forgiven thee. ‘So, when I bare no longer any dav or nights to give thee, and must myself die, thou shall bless me as a friend, and a help er on the road to heaven.’