Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE ‘amaiEis’sig,) Kill be published every S.l TLRD.I Y Morning, In the Two-Story Wooden Building , at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, IW THE CITT OF MACON, GA. By WM. B. IIA Hit ISO. SPEECH OF Hon. JOHN C. CALHOUN, On Ole Slavery Question. Delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 4, 1850. I have, Senators, believed from the first that the agitation of the subject of slavery would, if; not prevented by some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeav ored to call the attention of the two great par ties which divide the country to induce them to adopt some measure to prevent so great a disas ter, but without success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no at tempt to resist it, until it lias reached a period when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have thus had forced upon you the greatest and the gravest question that can ever come under your consid eration : How can the Union be preserved ? To give a satisfactory answer to this mighty question, it is indispensable to have an accurate and thorough knowledge of the nature and the character of the cause by which the Union is endangered. Without such knowledge it is im possible to pronounce, with any certainty, by what measure it can be saved ; just as it would bs impossible for a physician to pronounce in the case of some dangerous disease, with any cer tainty, by what remedy the patient could be saved, without similar knowledge of the nature and character of the cause of the disease. The first question, then, presented for consideration, in the investigation I propose to make, in order to obtain such knowledge, is: What is it that has endangered the Union ? To this question there can be but one answer: that the immediate cause is the almost universal discontent which pervades all the States com posing the Southern section of the U nion. This widely extended discontent is not of recent ori gin. It commenced witli the agitation of the slavery question, and lias been increasing ever since. The next question, going one step fur ther back, is: What has caused this widely diffused and almost universal discontent? It is n great mistake to suppose, as some have done, that it originated with demagogues, who excited the discontent with the intention of aid ing their personal advancement, or with the dis appointed ambition of certain politicians, who resorted to it as the means of retrieving their fortunes. On the contrary, all the great politic al influences of the section were arrayed aganist excitement, and exerted to the utmost to keep the people quiet. The great mass of the people of the South were divided, as in the o'her sec tion, into Whigs and Democrats. The leaders and the presses of both parties in the South were very solicitous to prevent excitement and to preserve quiet; because it was seen that the effects of the former would necessarily tend to weaken, if not destroy, the political ties which united them witli their respective parties in the oilier section. Those whoknow the stengtli of parly lies will readily appreciate the immense force which this cause exerted against agitation, and in favor of preserving quiet. But, as great ns it was, it was not sufficiently so to prevent the wide-spread discontent whicli now pervades the section. No: some cause, far deeper and more powerful, than the one supposed, must ex i-t, to account for discontent so wido and deep. The question, then, recurs : VVliat is the cause of this discontent ? It will be found in Ihe be lief of the people of the Southern States, as prevalent as the discontent itself, that they can not remain, as things now arc, consistently with honor and safety, in the Union. The next ques tion to be considered is : What has caused this belief? One ofthe causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced to the long-continued agitation oftlic slave ques tion on the part of the North, and the many ag gressions which they have made on the rights of the South during the time. 1 will not enumerate them at present, as it will be done hereafter in its proper place. There is another lying hack of it, with which this is intimately connected, that may be regar ded as the great and primary cause. It is to be found in the fact that the equilibrium between the two sections in tho Government, as it stood when the Constitution was ratified and the (iovernment put in action, has been destroyed. At that time there was nearly a perfect equili brium between the two, which afforded ample means to each to protect itself against the ag gression of the other; but, as it now stands, one section has the exclusive power of controlling the (iovernment, which leaves the other with out any adequate means of protecting itself against its encroachment and oppression. To place this subject distinctly before you, 1 have, Senators, prepared a brief statistical statement, showing the relative weight of the two sections in the Government under the first census of I'DO and tho last census of 1840. According to the former, the population of the Utfffed States, including Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, which then were in their incip ient condition of becoming Status, but were not actually admitted, amounted to 3,1)2!),827. Os this number the Northern States had 1,1)77,81)1), and the Southern 1,1)52,072, making a difference of only 25,827 in favor ofthe former States. The number of States, including Vermont Ken lucky, and Tennessee, were sixteen ; of which eight, including Vermont, belonged to the North ern section, and eight including Kentucky and Tennessee, to the Southern, making an equal division of tho States, between the two sections, under tho first census. There was a small pre ponderance in the House of Representatives,and in the electoral college, in favor of the Northern, owing to tho fact that, according to the provis ions of the Constitution, in estimating federal numbers, fivo slaves count but three ; hut it was too small to affect, sensibly, the perfect equili brium, which, with that exception, existed at the time. Such was the equality of the two sections when the States composing tiietn agreed to enter into a Federal Union. Since then the equiVibiiutn between them has been greatly dis turbed. According to the last census the aggregate population of tlieUnite.il State amounted to 17,- 0(ij,357, of which the Northern section contain ed 1),728,1)20, and the Southern 7,334,437, mak ing a difference, in round numbers, of 2,400,000. The number of States had increased from six teen to twenty-six, making an addition ol ton States. In the meantime tho position of Dela ware had become doubtful as to which section she properly belongs. Considering her as neu ,ral, the Northern States will have tnirtcen and the Southern States twelve, making a difference '» the Senate of two Senators in favor of the former. According to the apportionment under (ho census of 1840, there wore 223 members of (be House of Representatives, of which the Northern States had 135, and the Southern States (considering Dclawnre as neutral) 87, making a difference in favor of tho former in the House Representatives of 48. The difference in (he Senate of two members, added to this, gives (° (he North, in tho Electoral College, a majori ()' of 50. Since the census of 1840, four States ,:iVe been added to the Union: lown, Wiscon- S| "> Florida, and Texas. They leave the diflor ’ "te in the Senate as it stood when the census Vi 15 liken ; hut add two to the side ofthe North THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES— VOLUME 11. in the House, making the present majority in the House in its favor of 50, and in the electoral college of 52. The result of the whole is to give the North ern section a predominance in every department of the Government, and thereby concentrate in it the two elements which const'itue the Federal Government ; a majority of States, and a ma jority of the population, estimated in federal numbers. Whatever section concentrates the two in itself, possesses the control of the entire Government. But we are just at the close of the sixth de cade, and the commencement of the seventh. The census is to bo taken this year, whicli must add greatly to the decided preponderance of the North in the House of Representatives and in the electoral college. The prospect is, also, that a great increase will be added to Its present preponderance in the Senate during the period of the decade, by the addition of new States. Two Territories, Oregon and Mincsota, are ulready in progress, and strenuous efforts are making to bring in three additional States from the Territory recently conquered from Mexico, which, if successful, will add throe other States, in a short time, to the Northern section, making five States; and increasing the present number of its States from fifteen to twenty, and of its Senators from thirty to forty. On the contrary, there is not a single Territory in progress in the Southern section, and no certainty tiiat any ad ditional State will be added to it during the de cade. The prospect then is, that the two sec tions in the Senate, should the efforts now made to exclude the South from tiie newly acquired Territories succeed, will stand, before the end of the decade, twenty Northern States to twelve Southern, (considering Delaware as neutral,) and forty Northern Senators to twenty-four Southern. This groat increase of Senators, ad ded to the great increase of members of the House of Representatives and the electoral col lege on the part of the North, which must take place under the next decade, will effectually and irretrievably destroy the equilibrium which ex isted when the Government commenced. Had this destruction been the operation of time, without the interference of Government, the South would have had no reason to com plain; but such was not the fact. It was caused by the legislation of this Government, which was appointed as the common agent of all, and charged with the protection of the interestsand security of all. The legislation by which it has been effected, may he classed under three heads. The first is, that series of acts by which the South has been excluded from the common Ter ritory belonging to all of the States, as the mem bers of the Federal Union,and which have had the effect of extending vastly the portion allot ted to the Northern section, and restricting with in narrow limits, the portion left the South. The next consists in adopting a system ol' reve nue and disbursements, by which an undue pro portion of the burden ot taxation has been im posed upon tlio South, and an undue proportion of its proceeds appropriated to the North; and the last is a system of political measures by which the original character of the Government lias been radically changed. I propose to be stow upon each of these, in the order they stand, a few remarks, with the view of showing that it is owing to the action of this Government that the equilibrium between the two sections has been destroyed, and the whole powers of the system centered in « Bmil™.! majority. The first of the series of acts Gy v» hicti itie South was deprived of its due share of the Ter ritories, originated with the Conledcracy, which preceded the existence of this Government. It is to be fouud in the provision of'iho Ordinance of 1787. Its effect was to exclude the South entirely from that vast and fertile region which liesbetween the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers, now embracing five States and one Territory.— The next of the series is the Missouri compromise which excluded the South from that large por tion of Louisiana which lies North of 36 deg., 30 in., excepting whatjis included in the State of Missouri. Thu last of the series excluded the South from the whole of the Oregon Territory. All these, in the slang of the day, were what is called slave territories, and not free soil ; that is, territories belonging to slaveliolding powers and open to the emigration of masters with their slaves. By these several acts, the Soutli was excluded from 1,238,025 square miles, an extemt of country considerably exceeding the entire valley of the Mississippi. To the South was left the portion of the Territory of Louisiana ly ing South of36deg., 30m , and the portion North of it included in the State of Missouri. The portion lying South of 36 deg., 30m., including the States of Louisiana and Arkansas, and the territory lying West of the latter and South of 136 deg , 30m.,called the Indian country. This, ! with the Territory of Florida, now the State, makes in the whole, 283,503 square miles. To this must be added the territory acquired with Texas. If the whole should be added to the Southern section, it would make an iucrease of 325,520, which would make the whole left to the South, 600,023. But a large part of Texas is still in contest between the two sections, which leaves it uncertain what wilt he the real extent of the portion of territory that may he lefl to the | South. I have not included the territory recently ac quired by the treaty with Mexico. The Nortli is making the most strenuous efforts to appro priate the whole to herself, by excluding the South from every foot of it. If sho should suc ceed, it will add to that from which the South has already been excluded, 526,078 square miles, and would increase the whole which the Nortli has appropriated to herself to 1,764,023, not in cluding the portion that she may succeed in ex cluding us from in Texas. To sum up the whole, the United States, since they declared their in dependence, have acquired 2,373,046 square miles of territory, from which tho North will have excluded the South, if she should succeed in monopolizing the newiy acquired territories, about three-fourths of the whole, leaving to the South but about one-fourth. Such is the first and great cause that has des troyed the equilibrium between the two sections in the Government. The next is the system of revenue and dis bursements which has been adopted by the Gov ernment. It is well known that the Government has derived its revenue mainly from duties on imports. 1 shall not undertake to show that such duties must necessarily fall mainly on the exporting States, and that the South, as the great exporting portion ofthe Union, basin reality paid vastly more than her due proportion of the reve nue ; because I deem it unecessary, as the sub ject has on so many occasions been fully discuss ed. Nor shall I, for the same reason, undertake to show that a far greater portion of tho revenue has been disbursed at the North, than its duo share ; and that tho joint effect ol those causes has been, to transfer a vast amount from South to Nortli, which, under an equal system ol rev enue and disbursements, would not have been lost to her. If to this be added that many of the duties were imposed, not for revenue, hut for protection—t hat is, intended to put money, not in the Treasury, but directly into the pocket ol the manufacturers,some conception may be form ed of thu immense amount which, in thojong (course of sixty years, has been transferred (Votrt MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 1850. South to North. There are no data by which it can be estimated with any certainty; but it is safe to say, that it amounts to hundreds of mill ions of dollars. Under the most moderate esti mate, it would be sufficient to add greatly to the wealth of tiie North, and thus greatly increase her population by attracting emigration from all quarters to that section. This, combined with the great and primary cause, amply explains why the North has acquir ed a preponderance over every department ofthe Government by its disproportionate increase us population and States. The former, as lias been shown, has increased in fifty years, 2,400,000 over that ol t lie South. This increase of popula tion, during sulonga period, is satisfactorily ac counted for, by the number of emigrants, and the increase of their descendants, which have been attracted to the Northern section from Eu rope and the South, in consequence ofthe ad vantages derived from the causes assigned. If they had not existed—if the South had retained all the capital which has been extracted from her by the fiscal action ofthe Government; and if it had not been excluded by the ordinanceof 87, and the Missouri compromise, from the re gion lying between the Ohio and tiie Mississippi rivers, and between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, north of 36 deg., 30m—it scarcely admits of a doubt, that she would ha\ e divided the emigration with the North, and by retaining her own people, would have at least equalled the North in population under the census of 1840, and probably under that about to be taken. She wonld also, ifshc had retained her equal rights in those Territories, maintained an equality in the number of States with the North, and have preserved the equilibrium between tho two sec tions that existed at the comineuccincnt of the Government. The loss then of the equilibrium,is to be attributed to the action of this Government. But while these measures were destroying the equilibrium between the two sections, the action of the Government was leading to a radi cal change in its character, by concentrating all the povler ofthe system in itself. The occasion will not permit me to trace the measures by which this great change has been consummate if. It it did, it would not ho difficult to show that the process commenced at an early period ofthe Government; that it proceeded almost without interruption, step by step, until it absorbed vir tually its entire powers; hut without going through the whole process to establish the fact, it may he done satisfactorily by a very short state ment. Thatthc Government claims, and practically maintains, the right to decide in the last resort, as to the extent of its powers will scarcely he denied by any one conversant with the political history of the country. That it also claims the right to resort to force, to maintain whatever power it claims, against all opposition,is equally certain. Indeed itis apparent, from what we daily hear, that this has become the prevailing and fixed opinion of a great majority of the com munity. Now, I ask, what limitation can • ■ sibly he placed upon the powers of a go m inent claiming and exercising such rights? An.j. i it none can he, how can the seperute govc ments ol the States maintain and protect tl powers reserved to them bv the Constitution ri the people of the several States maintain thus; which are reserved to them, and among others, the soverign powers by which they ordained | and established, not only their separate State I Constitutions and Governments, hut also . e t onsiit..il.... « x. ... - ( States? But, if they have no constitutional meats of maintaining them against the rightclanned by this Government, it necessarily follows, that they hold them at its pleasure and discretion, and that all the powers of the system are in re ality concentrated in it. It also follows, that the character of the Government lias been chan ged in consequence, from a federal Republic, as it originally came from the hands of its framers, into a great national consolidated Democracy. It li asindecd,at present, all the characteristics of the latter, and not one of the former, although it still retains its outward from. The result of the whole of these causes com bined is, that the North has acquired a decided ascendency over every department of this Gov ernment, and through it a control over all the powers of the system. A single section govern ed by the will ofthe numerical majority, lias now in fact, the control of the Government and the entire powers of the system. What was once a constitutional federal Republic, is now con verted, in reality, into one as absolute as that of the Autocrat of Russia, ami as despotic in its tendency, as any absolute government that ever existed. As then, the North has the absolute control over the Government, it is manifest, that on all questions between it and the South, » here there is a diversity of interests, the interest of the lat ter will he sacrificed to the former, however op pressive the effects may be, as the South posses ses no means by which it can resist, through the action of the Government. But if there was no question of vital importance to the South, in re ference to which there was a diversity of views between the two sections, this stuto of things might be endured, without the hazard of de struction to the South. But such is not the fact. There is a question of vital importance to the Southern section, ill reference to which the views and feelings of the two sections arc as opposite and hostile as they can possibly be. I refer to the relation between the two races in the Southern section, which constitutes a vital portion of her social organization. Every por tion ofthe North entertains views and feelings more or less hostile to it. Those most opposed and hostile, regard it as a sin, and consider them selves under the most sacred obligation to use every effort to destroy it. Indeed to tho extent that they conceive they have power, they regard themselves ns implicated in the sin, and respon sible for suppressing it by the use of all and ev ery means. Those less opposed and hostile, re gard it as a crime—an olfenec against humanity, as they call it; and although not so fanatical, feci themselves bound to use all efforts to effect the same object; while those who arc least op posed and hostile, regard it as a blot and a stain on the eharacterof what they call the Nation, and feel themselves accordingly hound to give it no countenance or support. On tho contrary, the Southern section regards the relation as one w liich cannot bo destroyed without subjecting the two races to the greatest calamity, and the section to poverty, desolation, and wretched ness; and accordingly they fuel hound, by every consideration of interest and safety, to defend it. The hostile feeling on the part of tho North towards the social organization of the South, long lay dormant, hut it only required some cause which would make the impression on those who felt it most intensely, that they were re sponsible for its continuance, to call it into ac tion. The increasing power of this Govern ment, and the control of the Northern section over all its departments, furnished the cause.— It was this which made an impression on the minds of many, that there was little or no re straint to prevent the Government from doing whatevor it might cliooso to do. This was sufficient of itself to put the most fanatical por tion of the North in action lor the purpose ol destroying the exislingrelatioti between the two races oftlic Snntfc The first original movement towards it com menced in 1835. Then, for the first time, so cieties were organized, presses established, lec tures sent forth to excite the people of the North, and incendiary publications scattered over the whole Soutli, through the mail. The South was thoroughly aroused. Meetings were held everywhere, and resolutions adopted, calling upon the North to apply a remedy to arrest the threatened evil, and pledging themselves to a dopl measures for their own protection, if it was not arrested. At the meeting of Congress petitions poured in from the North, calling up on Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to prohibit w hat they called liio internal slave trade between tlio States, announc ing at the same time, that their ultimate object was to abolish slavery, not only in the District, but in the States, and throughout the Union.— At this period, the number engaged in tlio agi tation was small and possessed little or no per sonal influence. Neither party in Congress had,at that lime any sympathy with them, or their cause. The members of each party presented their petitions with great reluctance. N overtheless, as small contemptible as the party then was, both ot' the great parties of the North dreaded them. They felt, that though amall, they were organized in reference to a subject which had a great and a commanding influence over the Northern mind. Each party, on that account, feared to oppose their petitions, lest the opposite party might take advantage of the one who might,by favor ing their petitions. The effect was that both united in insisting that the petitions should he received, and that Congress should take jurisdic tion of the subject for whicli they prayed. To justify their course, they took the extraordinary ground, that Congress was hound to receive pe titions on every subject, however objectionable it might be, and whether they find or had not jurisdiction over tho subject. These views pre- vailed in tho House of Representatives, and partially in the Senate, and thus the party suc ceeded in their first movements in gaining what they proposed—a position in Congress, from which agitation could he extended over the whole Union. This was the commencement of the agitation, which lias ever since continued, and which, as is now acknowledged, lias endan gered the Union itself. As for myself, 1 believed at that early period, if the party who got uppiie petitions should suc ceed in getting Congress to taka jurisdiction, that agitation would follow, and that it would in the end, if not arrested, destroy the Union. 1 then so expressed myself in debate, anti called upon both parties to take ground against assuming jurisdiction, hut in vain. Iliui my voice been heeded, ami had Congress refused to take juris diction, by the united votes of all parties, the agitation which followed would have been pre vented, and the fanatical zeal that gives impulse ■ i .t agi .lwn and which has brought us to our ; nit perilous condition, would have ■ ■ \ from the want ofsomctliing •:■ t ’ the flame That vvas the time for the North to show hi t devotion to tlio Union; hut us..; innately ho h ofthe great parties of that ol were so it on obtaining or retaining i. aset Milan ■ , that all oilier considerations ■•tv overlooked or forgotten. What has since followed are but the natural msuquences. With the success of their first movement, this small fanatical party began to acquire hoUMm ‘great' parties .- Tho necessary consequence was, a further in crease of power, and a gradual tainting of the opinions of both of the other parties with their doctrine, until the infection lias extended over both ; and the great mass of the population of the North, who, whatever may he their opinion of the original abolition parly, which still pre serves its distinctive orgnization, hardly ever fail, when it conies to acting, to co-opcralc in carrying out their measures. With the increase of their influence, they extended the sphere of their action. In a short time after the com mencement of their first movement, they had acquired sufficient influence to induce the Leg islatures of most of the Northern States to pass acts, which in effect abrogated the provision of the Constitution that provides for the delivering up of fugitive slaves. Not long after, petitions followed to abolish slavery in forts, magazines, and dock yards, and all other places where Con gress had exclusive power of legislation. This was followed by petitions and resolutions of Legislatures of tho Northern States and popu lar meetings, to exclude the Southern States from all Territories acquired, or to he acquired, and to prevent the admission of any State here after into the Union, which, by its Constitution, does not prohibit slavery. And Congress is in voked to do all this expressly with the view to the final abolition of slavery in the States.— That lias been avowed to he the ultimate object from the begining of the agitation until the prev ent time; and yet the great body of both parties of the North,with the full knowledge ofthe fact, although disavowing the Abolitionists, have co operated with them in almost all their measures. Such is a brief history of the agitation, as far as it has yet advanced. Now I ask, Senators, what is there to prevent its further progress, un til it fulfils the ultimate end proposed, unless some decisive measure should he adopted to pre vent it? Has one of the causes, which has ad ded to its increase from its original small and contemptible begining until it has attained its present magnitude, diminished in force ? Is the original cause of the movement, that slavery is a sin, and ought to he suppressed, weaker now than at the commencement ? Oris the Aboli tion party less numerous or influential, or have they less influence or control over tho two great parties of the North in elections ? Or has the South greater means of influencing or control ing the movements of this Government now, than it had when tho agitation common 1 To all these questions hut one answer can ho given: No, no, no. The very reverse is true. Instead of being weaker, all the elements in fa vor of agitation arc stronger now than they were in 1835, when the agitation first commenced, while all the elements of influence on the part of the South arc weaker. Unless something deci sive is done, I again ask, what is to stop this agitation, before the groat and filial object at which it aims—the abolition of slavery in the States—is consummated ? Is it, then, not cer tain, that if something decisive is not now done to arrest it, the South w ill bo forced to choose between abolition and secession ? Indeed, as events are now moving, it wiH not require the South to secede to dissolve the Union. Agita tion will ofitselfclfect it, of which its past histo ry furnishes abundant prooi as 1 shall next pro ceed to show. It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion can bo effected by a single blow. 3ho cords which bound these States together in one com mon Union aro far too numerous and powerful for that. Disunion must he a work ol time. It is only through a long process, and in succes sion, that the cords can bo snapped, until the whole fabric falls asunder. Already the agita tion of the slavery question has snapped some of the most important, and has grudunly wea ken. and all the others, as I shall proceed to show. The < ord that hind the Stnt- » together or; not spiritual or ccclestastirwl pofei'vt . others social, Some appertain to the benefit conferred by the Union, and others to the feel ing of duty and hligatton. The strongest of those of a spiritual and eccle siastical nature, consisted in the unity of the great religious denominations, all of which originally embraced the whole Union. All these denominations, with the exception, per haps, of the Catholics, were organized very much upon the principle of our political institu tions, licginning with smaller meetings,corres ponding with the political divisions of the coun try, their organization terminated in one great central assemblage, corresponding very much with the character ofCongress. At those meet ings the principal clergymen and lay members of the respective denominations from all parts the Union met, to transact business relating to their common concerns. It was not confined to what appertained to the doctrinesand discipline of the respective denominations, hut extended to plans for disseminating the Bible, sending out missionaries, distributing tracts, and establishing presses for the publication of tracts, newspapers and periodicals, with a view of diffusing reli gious information, and for the support of the doctrines and creed of the denomination. All these combined, contributed greatly to stregtlien the bonds of the Union. The strong tios w hich held each denomination together formed a strong cord to hold the whole Union together; hut, as powerful ns they were,they have not been able to resist the explosive effect ofthe slavery agitation. Thu first of these curds which snapped, under its explosive force, was that of tlio powerful Methodist Episcopal Church, 'l'ho numerous and strong tics which held it together aro all broke, ami its unity gone. They now form separate churches; and, instead of that feeling of attachment and devotion to the interests of the whole Church which was formerly felt, they are now arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged in litigation about what was formerly their com mon property. The next cord that snapped was that of the Baptists, onoof the largest and most respectable of tho denominations. That of the Presbyterian is not entirely snapped, hut some of its strands have given way. Thatoftho Episcopal Church is the only one of the four great Protestant de nominations vv hicli remains unbroken and entire. The strongest cord of a political character, consists of the many and strong lies that have held logctiiur the two great parties which have, with sonic modifications, existed from the be ginning of the Government. They both ex tended to every portion of tlio Union, and strongly contributed to hold all its parts together. But this powerful cord lias fared no batter than the spiritual, it resisted for a long time the ex plosive tendency of the agitation, hut has finally snapped its force—if not entirely, in a groat measure. Nor is tlioro one of the remaning cords which have not been greatly weakened. To this extent the Union has already been des troyed by agitation, in the only way it can he, by snapping assitnder and weakening tho cords which hind it together. If the agitation goes on, the same force, act ing witli increased intensity, us has been shown, will finally snap every cord, when nothing will he left to hold the States together except force. But, surely, that cun, with no propriety of iau guarge, ho called a Union, when the only means by which tlio weaker is held connected with tiie stronger portion is force. It may, indeed, partake much more ot Clio diameter ot subjuga tion, it the part of the weaker to the stronger, than tho union of free, independent and si cr cign States, in one Federal Union, us they stood in the carl v stages ofthe Government, and whit'll only is w orthy of tiie sacred name of Union. Having now, Senators, explained what it * that endangers the Union, and traced it to its cause, and explained its nature and character, the question again recurs: How cun the Union he saved? To this I answer, there is hut one way by which it can he, and that is, by adopting such measures as will satisfy the States belong ing to the Southern section that they can remain in the Union consistently with their honor and their safety. There is, again, only one way by which that can bo effected, and that is by re moving the cause by which this bcliuf lias been produc ed. Do that, and discontent will cease, harmony and kind feelings between tiie sections he restored, and every apprehension of danger to the Union he removed. The question, then, is: by vvhat can this ho doue ? But, before 1 un dertake to answer tliisquestion, I propose to show by what the Union cannot be saved. It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on the Union, however, splendid or numerous. The cry of “Union, Union—the glorious Union!” can no more prevent disunion than tho cry of “ Health, health—glorious health !’’ on the part of the physician, can save a patient lying dan gerously ill. So long as tlio Union, instead of being regarded as a protector, is regarded in the opposite character, by not much less than a ma jority of the States, it will be in vain to attempt to conciliate them by pronouncing eulogies on it. Besides, this cry of Union comes commonly from those whom we cannot beiiuve to he sin cere. It usually comes from our assailants. But wo cannot believe them to be sincere; for, if they loved the Union, they would necessarily be devoted to the Constitution. It made the Union, and to destroy the Constitution would he todestroy the Union. But the only reliable and certain evidence of devotion to the Constitution, is, to abstain, on the one hand, from violating it, and to repel, on the other, all attempts to violate it. It is only by faithfully performing these high duties that the Constitution can be preserv ed, and with it the Union. But how stands the profession of devotion to i the Union by our assailants, when brought to the test? Have they abstained from violating the Constitution? Let the many acts passed by the Northern States to set aside and annul the clause of the Constitution providing for thu de livering up of fugitive slaves, answer. 1 cite this, not that it is the only instance, (for there are many others,) but because the violation, in this particular, of the Constitution is too noto rious and palpable to be denied. Again : have they stood forth faithfully to repel violations of the Constitution? Let their course in reference to the agitation of the slavery question, which was commenced and carried on for fifteen years, avowedly for the purpose of abolishing slavery in the States—an object all allow to bo uncon stitutional—answer. Let thorn show a single instance, during this long period, in which they have denounced the agitators or their attempts to effect what is admitted to bo unconstitutional, or a single measure which they linve brought forward for that purpose. How; can we, with all these facts before us, believe that they are sincere in their professions of devotion to tho Union, or avoid believing their profession is but intended to increase the vigor of their assaults, and to weaken the force of our resistance? Nor can wo regard the profession of devotion to the Union, on the part of thoso who are uot our assailants, as sincere, when they pronounce eulogies upon the Union, evidently with the in tent of charging us with disunion, without ut tering one word of denunciation against our as sailants If liionds of the Union, their course should ho to unite with us in repelling these as •iql's, and denouncing the authors as enctni^ BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, II ill be executed in the most approved stile and on the best terms , at the Office ofthe SCTJTHSPsIT TPJBTTOTBs —BY— WM. B. HARRISON. ofthe Union. Why they avoid this, and pursue the course they do, it is for them to explain. Nor can tho Union be saved by invoking tho name of tho illustrious Southerner whose mortal remains repose on the western bank of the Po tomac. He was one of us—a slaveholder and a planter. We have studied his history, and find nothing in it to justify submission to wrong. On the contrary, his great fame rests on the solid foundation, tiiat, while he was careful to avoid doing wrong to others, he was prompt and de cided in repelling wrong. I trust that, in this respect, we liavo profited by his example. Nor cau we find anything in his history to deter us from seceding from the Union, should it fail to fulfil the objects for which it vvas instituted, by being permanently and hopelessly converted iu to the means of oppressing instead of protecting us. On the contrary, we find much in his exam ple to encourage us, should we be forced to the extremity ofdeciding between submission and disunion. There existed then, as well as now, a union—that between the parent country and her then olonica. It was a union that had* much >•> endear it to the people of the colonies. Un der its protecting and superintending care, the colonies were planted and grew up and prosper ed, through a long course of years, until they be came populous and wealthy. Its benefits were not limited to them. Their extensive agricul tural and other productions, gave birth to a flour ishing commerce, whicli richly rewarded the parent country for the trouble and expense of establishing and protecting them. Washington vvas horn and grew up to manhood under that union, lie acquired his early distinction in its service, and there is every reason to believe that he was devotedly attached to it. But his devo tion was a rational one. He was attached, not as an end, hut as a means to an end- When it failed to fulfil its end, and ins'eud ofuflording pro tection, vvas converted into the means of ojqires. sing the colonics, he did not iicsitate to draw his sword, and head the great movement by which that union was forever severed, and the inde pendence of these States established. This was the groat and crowning glory of his life, which has spread his fame over the whole globe, ami will transmit it to the latest posterity. Nor can the plan proposed by the distinguish ed Senator from Kentucky, nor that of the Ad ministration, Rave tho Union. I shall pass by, w itliout remark, the plan proposed by tho Sena tor, and proceed directly to tlio consideration of thatoftho Administration. 1 however assure tho distinguished and able Senator, that in ta king this course, no direspcct whatever is inten ded to him or Itis plan. I liavo adopted it be cause so many Senators ot distinguished abilities, who were present when lie delivered his speech and explained his plan, and who were fully ca pable to do justice to the side they support, Ituvo replied to him. The plan ofthe Administration cannot save the Union, because it can have no effect what ever, towards satisfying the States composing the Southern section of the Union, that they can, consistently with safety and honor, remain in the Union. It is in fact hut a modification ofthe Wiltnot Proviso. It proposes to effect the same object—to exclude the South from nil territory acquired by the Mexican treuty. It is well know n that the South is united against the Wil myt Proviso, and has committed itself by solemn resolutions, to resist,should it he adopted. Its opposition is not to the name., (mt to that which lioiil to he unconstitutional, unjust, inconsistent with their equality as mouthers of tiie common Union, and calculated to destroy irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections. Them objections equally apply to what, for brevity,! will call the Executive Proviso. There is no difference between it and the YVilmot, expect in the mode of effecting the object, and in that respect I must say, that the latter is much tho least objectionable. It goes to its object, open ly, boldly, and distinctly. It claims for Con gress unlimited power over the Territories, and proposes to assert it over tho Territories, ac quired from Mexico, by a positive prohibition of slavery. Not so the Executive Proviso. It takes an indirect course, and in order to elude the Wilmot Proviso, and thereby avoid encoun tering the united and determined resistance of the South, it denies, by implication, _the author ity of Congress to legislate for tnc Territories, and claims the right ns belonging exclusively to the inhabitants of the Territories. But to cflect tlio object of excluding tho South, it takes cure, in the mean time, of lotting in emigrants freely, from the Northern Siaics and all othor quarters, except from the South, which it takes special care to exclude, by holding up to them the dan ger of having their slaves liberated under the Mexican.laws. The necessary consequence is to exclude the South from the Territory, just as effectually ns would the Wilmot Proviso. The NUMBER 10. only difference in this respect is, that what one proposes to effect directly and openly, the other proposes to effect inderectly and covertly. But the Executive Proviso is more objection,i uhlc than the V/ilmot, in another and more im portant particular. Tho latter, to effect its ob ject, intlicts a dangerous wound upon tho Con stitution, by depriving tho Southern States as joint partners and owners of the Territories, of their rights in them ; but it inflicts no greater wound than is absolutely necessary to effect its object. The former, on the contrary, while it inflicts the same wound, inflicts others equally great, and if possible, greater, as I shall next proceed to explain. In claiming the right for the inhabitants, in stead of Congress, to Legislate for the Territo ries, in the Executive Proviso, it assumes that the sovereignty of the Territories is vested in the former, or to express it in the language used in a resolution offered by one of the Senators from Taxas, (Gen. Houston, now absent,) they have “the same inherent right of self-^ovcrn ment as the people in tho States.” The as sumption is utterly unfounded, unconstitution al without exsmole and contrarv in the entirn practice of the Government, from its commence ment to the present time, as I shall proceed to show. The recent movement of individuals in Cali fornia to form a Constitution and a State Gov ernment, and to appoint Senators and Represen tatives, is the first fruit of this monstrous as sumption. If the individuals, who made this movement, had gone into California as adven turers, and if, as such,they hud conquered the Territory and established their independence, the sovereignty of the country would have been vested in them, as a separate and independent community. In that case, they would have had the right to form a Constitution, and to es tablish a government for themselves, and if, afterwards, they thought proper to apply to Con gress for admission into tho Uriion us a sovereign and indeponden State, all this would have been regular, and according to established principles. But such is not tho case. It was the United States who conquered California, and finally acquired it by treaty. Tho sovereignty, of course, is vested in them, and not in tho indi viduals who have attempted to form a Constitu tion arid a State, without their consent. All this is clear, boyond controversy, except it can ho shown that they havu siuce lost or been di \cstcd of their sovereignty. [CONCLVL'I.V ON I 'I'STII i ur J