Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

tiie Hill be published every SATURDAYAfternoon Jn the Tuo-Story Wooden Building, el the Corner of Walnut und Fifth Street, IX THE CITT OF MAC OX 9 CA. Ky WM. B. lIAKRISO*. TERMS: Tor the Paper, in advance, per annntn, $2, if not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum. will be inserted at the usual rates —and when the number of insertions de sired is not specified, they will be continued un til forbid and charged accordingly, O’Advertisers by the Year will be contracted with upon the most favorable terms. O’Sales of Land by Administrators,Executors or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on th ; first Tuesday in the month, between the hours often o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in which the Property is situate. .Notice of those tfales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Bays previous to the day of sale. jjf7"Sales of Negroes by Administators, Execu tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on the first Tuesday in (he month,between the legal hours of sale, betore the Court House of the county where the LettersTestainenlary,or Administration or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv ing notice thereof for Sixty Bays, in one of the public gazettes of this Btate, and at the door of the Court House where such sales'are to be held. (Ty Notice for the sale of Personal Property mast be given in like manner Forty Days pre vious to the day of sal*. q3*Notice to the Debtors and Creditors olan es tate must be published for Forty Days. that application will be made lo the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne groes must be published in a public gazette in the Hiate for Four Months, before any order absolute can he given by the Court. qj’Citations for Letters of Administration on an Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must be published Thirty Days for Letters of Dismis ion from the administration ofan Estate,monthly far Six Months —for Dismission from Guardian ship Forty Days. (ry’Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, must he published monthly for Four Months— for establishing lost Papers, for the full'space of 'Hirer, Months —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of Three Months. N. B.’AII Business of this kind shall receive prornpt attentionat the SOUTHERN TRIBVJYE Office, and strictcare will be taken that all legal Advertisements are published according to Law. qj’AU Letters directed to this Office or the Editor on business, must bo post-paid, to in sure attention. 43 01 1 1 1 ra 1. From the Augusta Republic Soutiiet'ii Conversion. We believe that the majority of the peo ple of Georgia would favor a Southern Con veil lion, if their views were put to the test by a fair expression of them at the polls. Elections, in which there is n) ex citing opposition, are always characterized by meagre votes. Hut the inference will be drawn from the demonstration at the polls on Tuesday, the 2d inst., that the people of Georgia, if not opposed t.o the. Convention, are at least indifferent about j it. There are some things in connection ■with this matter, to which we would call attention. We have always understood that the object of the meeting at Nashville was to devise some moans, the most sure, speedy and eflecuve, to maintain not only the constitutional rights of the South, but the union of these States which was estab- ! lished by our political fathers upon the ! broad and glorious principles of justice and equal rights, it was lo be consulta tory and advisory, not dictatorial and final. Many in tiie South believe, no doubt, that it is unnecessary to hold the Convention. They think the difficulty can be adjusted without it, and therefore oppose it. For the opinions of such, when respectfully urged, we have unqualified respect, but it ts far ditierent in reference to others, who seek to prejudice the friends of the Con vention by the use of harsh epithets and libellous assaults. They are calculated to do injury to the cause of the South. They seetn to exhibit to the people of the non slavcholding States a deep seated atnl al ia >st vital division am mg the people of the South, which is sustained by a bitterness and apparent hate which nothing can re move. We sec that the Chronicle and Sentinel has admitted into its columns a letter from a correspondent writing from Cumming, Forsyth county, who denoun ces the Convention movement as an “infa mous plot'' That paper has opposed it vvith a virulence hut little less violent.— The Southern Senators recently held a meeting in Washington, and, to a man (with the exception of four who were ab sent,) approved ofholding the Convention, and that paper sneeringly tells them, they will soon know their true position ! Ma ny other papers at the South are taking the same wretched and ruinous course.— The Washington Republic says: ‘‘We have rebuked faction and fanati- \ cism, whether it has taken the aspect of j abolition or of pro-slavery; and we shall continue to rebuke it under every form and face in which it may seek lo figure in the national council.” Was it rebuking fanaticism at the north, when, as we showed a few days since, it was inviting the anti-slavery men lo come to General Taylor’s plan, by telling them it would give them all they wanted ! It denounces the Southern Convention, and places it in the samo category with the Hartford Convention, using many harsh epithets against its friends, neither called lor by fair opposition, nor justified by truth, common sense, or common honesty. Hthis the way to sustain the south? Is l ')is the armour with which its friends "ould clothe themselves for the contest ? Instead of presenting the sublime spec tacle of a weaker suction uniting and landing together to maintain their rights, southern faith appears to bo broken, and THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES— VOLUME 11. malicious interpretation is resorted to by ! one portion of our people to cover with j defeat and infamy the patriotic motives and efforts of another. If the south is not wonded by this suici dal'policy, it will be, only because, she will arouse in lime, to ' a true sense of her danger. We wish her to act before she is disabled—why wait till the amputation of a limb, or some enfeebling paralysis, de prives her of the ability to make more than a feeble struggle against the resistless power of her enemies. .We have warned the’ , pe oplo faithfully, and now, every true southern heart to say, whcflhci" the course we are censuring is not one of subtle danger and | ruiuous consequence. We begtbc reader I to remember, that we object not to a fair, ; manly, and respectful opposition to the , ; Southern Convention, but to that poisonous pnd latal breath of slanderous denuncia tion,by which, such ttuc friends as repose in the warm and lovely bosom of the south, i are branded as disorganizes and traitors, because they would preserve its snow white purity from profanation and dis grace. Some seem to think, before we can act, we must absolutely see some volcanic manster from the North, in the very act of belching forth his horrid rocks and des tructive lava. We would act now to keep that monster down. That is the differ ence between us, and time will show whose opinions are entitled to most res pect. Our hope now is, that the demon strations which have been already made j at the South, which shook to extent the moving masses of the free States, and eli cited from Webster his uoble tribute to justice, may not altogether fail, because of recent demonstrations. We hope the peo ple of the North will not take fresh cour age and new hope from our apathy here. They certainly will not be checked by the foul calurauies of such presses and writers in our midst, as we have referred to in the course of our remarks. No. From them they will gather the material with which to operate upon Northern senti ment, and they will use it with terrible effect when they point to some of out presses and writers, and tell them, see how the South is now bleeding at the lungs. Let the people of the South preserve an unceasing vigilance. Home And Women. — If there has ever been a more touching and and eloquent eulogium upom the charm of home, and its dearesttreasure, Woman, than is contain ed in the following extract from the Chris tian Enquirer, it has not been our good fortune to meet it : “Our homes, what is their corner-stone but the virtue of woman, and on what does social wellbeing rest but our homes? Must we not trace u:l other blessings of civilized life to the doers of our private dwellings? Are not our hearthstones, guarded by the holy forms of conjugal, filial, and paternal love, the corner-stones of church and state, moresacred than either more necessary than both ? Let our tem ples crumble, and our academies decay; let every public edifice,ourhalls ofjustice, fail, but spare our homes. Ler no socialist invade them with his wild plans of com munity. Man did not invent, and lie cannot improve or abrogate them. A private shelter to cover two hearts dearer to each other than all in the world; high walls to exclude the profane eyes of ev ery human being; seclusion enough for children to feel that mother is a holy and a peculiar name—this is home; and here is the birth-placeof every virtuousimpulse, of every sacred thought. Here the church and the state must come for their origin and their support. Oh,spare our homes! ihe love we experience there gives us our faith in an infinite goodness, the pur ity and disinterested tenderness of home is our foretaste and our earnest of a belter world. In the relations there established and fostered, do we find through life the chief solace and joy of existence. What friends deserve the name compared vvith those whom a birth-right gave us? One mother is worth a thousand friends ; one sister truer anddearerthan twenty intimate companions. Wo who have played on the same hearth, under the lights of the same smile who date back to the same scene and season of innocence and hope, in whose veins runs the same blood, do we not find that years only make more sacred and more important the tie that binds us? Coldness may spring up, dist ancc may separate, different spheres may divide ; but those who can love any thing, who continue to love at all, must find that the friends whom God himself gave, are I wholly unliko any we can choose for our selves, and that the yearning for these is j the strongest spark in our expiring affec i tion.” The tower at Dover for a telegraph to France is nearly completed,"and the in sulated wires were expected to be sunk u’- cross the channel in the course of the month of April. Verdancy. —A countryman, after hav ing been shewn the sights in Buffalo sud denly asked, “But whore is the Buffalo platform ?” The gentleman accompany ing him explained, with some laughter, that tho staging put up, on that occasion, j had been taken down after the perform ance was over, MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, APRIL 20, 1850. Extracts from the Speech of >lr. Spalding, of York. Delivered in the House of Representatives, April 4, 1850. * * * The Constitution provides! that “new States may be admitted by Congress into the Union.” This is a com prehensive power, easily nndesfood, and can be practically applied to all the terri tory acquired from Mexico, as soon as there is a sufficient number of inhabitants residing there to warrant it. The main feature ot Gen Taylor’s plan is to admit all the territory as States, un der this provision of the Constitution, as fast as the people residing there desire to come into the Union in that form, and have the requisite population. * * I am opposed to the extension of si jvet v 1 in every form, and in all bills where Con | gress assumes to legislate for the people in .the territories, I think it right in principle, j and safest in practice, to incorporate in i the territorial bills the Jeffersonian restric tion, contained in the ordinance adopted under the old Confederation in 1787, pro hibiting slavery in the territory northwest of the Ohio river, and recognized after the adoption of the present Canstitution ! by a bill approved by General Washing ton, Agust 7,17 SD. I know that gentlemen who desire to extend slavery say, that by continuing the present dc facto governments in force, they will be excluded from alll this terri tory “with their property.” They will only be prohibited from taking slaves there. * * * * * * I aru not sure that the people of this country will oppose the annexation of Cu ba to the United .States if it can be done in a peaceable anil proper manner; but I think I may safely say that they will op pose her annexation as a slave State, for two reasons—first, because they regard slavery as an evil that even the limited guaranties of the Constitution relating to4.be surrender of colored persons from whom labor is due, should not be further extended over it; second, because they are unwilling that there should be any more territory annexed to the United Slates in which five colored persons , treat ed and claimed as property, should be e qual to three white persons in the basis of representation for the election of members of Congress. I use the words “colored persons,” because the word slave does not occur anywhere in the Constitution. So cautious were the framers of the Costitu tion not to recognize a rested right of prop erty in slaves, that they are called persons in the only three places to which reference is made to them in that instrument. * * I lie honorable gentleman from Geor gia [Mr. T oombsj who wanted “discord to reign forever,” unless we would give pledges in advance not to pass the Wil mot Proviso, has reminded us of our ob ligations under Ihe Constitution to sup press insurrection or domestic violence. In acknowledging this obligation, I trust I shall be permitted at the same time to remind that gentleman, that if there should be insurrec'ion in higher places than those alluded to by him, it would be equally the duty of the people to rally rouud the Precident for the pur poso of suppressing that also. I take leave, also, to call the attention of the gentleman from Georgia, as well as other gentlemen on this floor, who have spoken and written in favor of the propos ed Nashville Convention, to another pro vision of the Constitution, which says “that no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation;” nor, without the consent of Congress, “enter into any agreement or compact with another State.” These provisions of the Constitution should be carefully considered by those who are about to enter upon so treasonable a pro ject, and see how far they can go without committing an “overt act,” which would bring down upon them the whole power of the National Government, with Gener al Taylor at the head * * * The bold and fearless stand taken by John Quincy Adams, amid threats of per sonal violence,has finally broken tho Ath erton gag, and the odious twenty-first rule, which formerly stiffed discussion, and j trampled under foot the sacred right of petition, guarantied by the Constitution.— Slavery must now be discussed in and out of Congress upon its merits, like all other 1 subjects, especially in reference to its ex tension into territory now free. Let this discussion which has been forced upon us go on—it :s doing good. If it is a good institution, let it be shown up in broad day-light, here and elsewhere. Let it be examined in its moral, social, and political aspects ; and if it is found, instead of a blessing, to be a great moral, social, and! political evil, as 1 believe it is, then do not extend it, or attempt to extend it, beyond its present limits. The North lias no de- j sire to oppress the South, even if it has the power. The moral and religious senti ment of the people is against, slavery and oppression in all its forms, and unless that sentiment can bo changed, not by threats of disunion,but by reason and sound argu ment, they will never consent to have it extended at all beyond tbe boundaries of the States where it now exists. They will leave it untouched by any national legislation in thoso States, but will surround it by a cordon of free States. Thus far slialt thou go, but no further, is nearly the unanimous sentiment of the entire North. ****** From the .Veic- York Herald. A iews of .Hr. Calhoun. Liberty and Democracy. —“ People do not understand liberty or majorities. The will of a majority is the will of a rabble. Progressive democracy is incompatible with liberty. Those who study after this fashion are yet in the horn book the a, b. c, of governments. Democracy is levelling —this is inconsistent with true liberty.— People will choose protection instead of liberty. Anarchy is more to be dreaded than despotic power. It is the worst ty i ranny. The best government is that which draws least irotnthc people, and is scarcely felt, except to execute justice, and to pro tect the people from animal violation of law.” “People will learn wisdom only by punishment, and in tho case of our Union it will come.” Nation and A iitional. —“Why use that word nation and national as applied to the federal Union. It is wrong. Public sen timent ought to bo corrected throughout the United .States. It has a dangerous tendency. God knows we are tending too rapidly to consolidation already, and habi tuatingthe people to nationality helps it along. “Ours is a federal Union—composed of thirty distinct States. The convention scouted the word nation. So did General Washington, in all his public papers.— Many use the word nation, or national, from ignorance; others from habit, and with design. The United States arc not a nation. ‘The federal Union of the States’ ‘trie constitution’ or ‘government of the United States,’ are the only terms em ployed to designate this confederacy, and which express its meaning clearly. The United States, when used geopraphically, means that portion of the continent occu pied ’ey the States and the territories, and socia ly speaking, it means the thirty States in one. A citizen must belong to some one State. If so, he is, of course, a citi zen ofthe United States, but a citizen of, the l nited States as the name of a peoole, is an anomaly, is no proper and correct word which designates us a people. To apply to us, we should do as the French do, use the plural ‘peoples.’ The people i ofthe State of New Y’ork has a meaning. The people of the United States has not —it expresses what does not politically exist. The ‘peoples’of the United States would mean the people ofthe thirty dis tinct States—and would express a correct meaning. There is a word wanting—A mericans is understood, but lias no realty. A Mexican or Kamscbatkian has as much claim to die name of American as wo have. A citizen is known as belonging tohisovvn local sovereignty. He is a Georgian, Kentuckian or other State name, but there are no United StatesrV/»,r. The coun try occupied by trie States might have been dusignated as “Columbia” or “Allcghania” and been used geographically and socially. The extent of the States, and the people o’each State would have been known un der the general term of Columbian or Al leghanian. A nation means a people who are socially and politically united as indi viduals. We are hot to be limited. Ours is u federal union of States, and not of* individuals. Federal was the popular word in the old convention. It was so po pular that it was adopted by a political pirty, who rendered it odious. National or nation a very odious word in that con vjntion, but it came into use in the place of federal. Jefferson without thought of theidea convoyed, allowed it to be used. A paper was started in Washington with that name.” Revolutions in Europe. —“ Tho great mass do not understand liberty. Those revolutions in Europe amount to nothing. The people are not fit for it. In France, the government are as much dependent upon the army as in Napoleon’s time.— Anarchy will follow every republic in Eu rope and the people will abandon liberty for protection. My opinion is that Russia will be protector and ally of the property of Continental Europe, and end in a Rus sian despotism. The Hungarians should have kept the legislative branches distinct —one for the mass or commons, and the other body composed of trie old nobility, and consequently conservative. A revolu tionized country, must, adopt a constitution in accoi dance with the former established usages. Tho model of the Roman repub lic should have been adhered to. The ( Magyars should have been tho legislative body, and the Sclavonians the confirming body, of laws enacted by the other. “As in France, the Magyars have giv en up, under the influence of popular ex citement, the fucdal privileges—this will make trouble when they have obtained what they are fighting for—then there will be difficulties among themselves.— The Hungarians are fighting for a sub stance— in the Union between Austria and Hungary there wero stipulations which have been violated. The Ilungariansfight for their restoration. The great majority ofthe nation ofEurope are unfit for liberty. It is the greatest blessing, or the greatest curse, accoi ding as it is properly under stood and appreciated. “Liberty and slavery arc neither good nor bad in the abstract —each have their evils. Liberty is a groat blessing and can lie the greatest curse. So of slavery— what greater cruelty than to give a maniac libel tv ? Nations ore frequently unfit for i berty—then it becomes a curse. Tbe great mass of people prefer protection to anarchy. It must be the result in France.’’ llayti ond the Dominicans. —“ The Sec retary ot State determined to end the white party, and for tliis purpose I had an interview with both the Spanislinnd French ministers, and proposed that their govern ments should aid (with tho United States) tho Dominican party. It was favorably received by the ministers, and would have been carried into effect, but Mr. Buchanan, when he came into office, did not think it of any importance, and lot it drop. It was bad policy—the Spanish white mulattoes should be sustained. Mr. Tyler also ap pointed a political friend ot his, a Mr. Hogan, to go out ; hut 1 never saw his re port on his return from St. Domingo. It was never publshcd or noticed. “ihe blacks ot llayti should be put down. It is an island far superior to Cu ba. I suppaso if a large party were to go out now to aid the Dominicans, they would bo received with open arms: but the St. Dominicans, after the lluyliens were put down, would bo very suspicious, but in the end trio American patty would control the island.” Political Parties. —" Every old issue ol both parties is obsolete—dead! They j have no principles. Spoils, plunder, ab sorb both. It must end fatally. This ud | ministration may exist to its cud, but it is i doubtful. '1 be next Congress may end it. 1 The democrats will unite, in every free State, with tho free soilers, to gain the power anil patronage of the Stale govern meats, to finally break down tbe whig general administration, and get these spoils. Taylor is sitting unwisely—filling his places with whigs—disappointing twenty where ho satisfies one ; making a terrible opposition in his own party, who are equally desirous of spoils as the demo crats. If he drives off the South, at tho next Congress he must exist in feebleness until Iris term is out. For twenty years I have foreseen all this. Plunder and spils will cave in our system. I under stood our evils, and seo our danger clear ly. I have understood it ever since I was V ice President. My mind was then ma tured. 1 bad had an important part to fill and great experience and ample time to reflect. Corruption is in both parties eqal. ly alike now. 1 would not take the Presi dency to he trammelled. What have Ito gain ? My conscience is my only reward —its approval my only ambition. 1 would preserve the Union if 1 could. I would protect the South, The rights are sacred. Justice is ilte only safety for ihe foilera! Union. As things are going, the South will be forced to separate.” Null ftcation. —“I would have dictated my own term-; it Washington, but for one thing. Jackson was popular in Tennes see. It would have been a war in the South. I did not wish it. But for that 1 would not have compromised them. It would have been a Southern State against a Southern State, for Tennessee would have fought for Jackson. The Presidcnrr. “I have not a con cealed opinion. I will always take the liberty of speaking my honest convictions. If I do not to the full, it is because trie measures are not ripe. “Office can add nothing to me. Were I President, I would put the country right; but that is like putting salt on the bird’s tail. No man can bo President unless he will pander to trie public. A patriotic President is impossible.” flotations. —“In alllusion to the quota tion in the Soutchrn Address, ‘Timeo Danaos, et dona ferentes’—l never used a quotation before, and the world may guess at it.” Acquaintance in his own State. —“l am an object of as great curiosity to people outside of a circle of five miles in this State, as anywhere else. Not one man in a hundred in this State ever saw me. Slate Instruct urns. —‘l never knew what this State thinks of a measure. I never consult her. I act to tho best of my judg ment, and according to my coascience. If she approves, well and good. If she does not, or wishes any one else to take my place, I ara ready to .vacate. We are even.” Slaves in California. —The Natchez Free Trader says that slavery can be profi tably employed in California. It adduces the fallowing instances: “A gentleman from Adams county had two slaves with him there, and having been truly successful, and secured as much of the precious dust as he wanted, ho brought the slaves back with him. So well had they done for him, that he was offered two hundred dollars'® month for each of them if he would leave them behind. This he refused, as he did not wish to leave his faithful slaves under the care of those who might not treat them as he would. “Gen. Parmenas Briscoe, the father of the famous Briscoe Bill, of quo warrant a gainst the swindling Mississippi banks, has gone to California with probably tbe lar gest slavo force that has over been taken there by one owner. He and other plant- I ers of Mississippi intend to test the value of slave labor therein mining.” From the German Town Telegraph. A bout Clic Caterpillar. Mm Editor, —Os all tho insectiverous depredators, which prey upon the vege table kingdom, none, perhaps, are more universally destrnctive than the caterpil lar. In voracity they are scarcely exceed ed even by the locust, while they* probab ly exceed them in powr ofincrease, each female caterpillar producing, annually, Irom five or six hundred eggs. “It lias been estimated,” says a recent ento mological writer, “that one thousand but terflies, on an average, in right seasorto, produce from two hundred and fifty to three hundred thousand .caterpillars. If but a tnoiety of this vast number be fe males, their powers of increase are prodi gious. I hey will give birth to foity-five millions ol insects per second, allowing the average number of eggs to be three hundred thousand, and six thousand seven hundred and fifty millions in the third gen eral ion ! As the priqpipal portion of the food requisite to sustain this enormous mass ol insectiverous life, is derived from the vegetable kingdom, and mostly from those departments of which are of value to mankind, the injury which they produce is almost beyond the power of calcula tion. There are some caterpillars, how ever, that subsist by devouring the solid substance of trees and shrubs; others find their common aliment in the pith of plants, while a third cion restricts their ravages exclusively to seeds and grains.— Ihetc is also a species of caterpillar, which often attacks and destroys furs and woolen fabrics, and ore not unfrequently very destructive to feathers. We some times find leather perforated by them, and even detect them in flour, wax, meat and lard ; all of which are voraciously con sumed by caterpillars of peculiar species, and at particular stages of their develope ment and growth. The form of the cat erpillar, though various, is always more or less cylindrical. Their beads are covered with an indu rated or shelly helmet, and their todies are composed of twelve wings, and pro vided with from fourteen to sixteen legs, the first three pairs of which the micros cope discovers to be covered with an ex tremely hard anil shelly skin, supplied with several joints, of a tapering conform ation, and armed with minute claws; the remainder are'solid anil more cumbrous, unprovided with any regular joints, yet contractable, and endued with considera ble elasticity, and presenting at tlieir ex tremity a system of minute tubors, or hooks. 'J hey are well provided with visual or gans, having just eight eyes on each side. Their jaws open sideways, and they have two distant aiileriiioe, or feelers. The apparatus for the distraction of tire extremely delicate silken or arrenulous web in which they envelope themselves, is located near the centre of the lower liss or mandible, and consists of a minute con ical tube connecting with two bags, dis posed in the Interior, or body. These contain that sticky or gluulinous fluid which flows in a fine, invisible stream, and becomes indurated and elastic on ex posure to the air. Ihe quantity of silk produced by these insects, varies with tlieir habits and char acter; some produce but very little, —o- thers, such as the silk worm and the ap ple tree insect, elaborate in great abund ance. Before arriving at maturity catar pillars usually change theit skins four times. Most of them, at this period, cease feed ing; spin about tlieir bodies the web VVtuCti IS tu protect them, and suuu after pass their first transformation. Olliers suspend themselves in different ways by threads, without any covering or cocoon, while a third clan bury themselves in tlje soil, and there undergo their transforma tion in a naked state, which the former experience in tlieir protecting shrouds or cocoons, or in the open air. ’i hey arc sometime gregarious, herding together in immense numbers, and pass ing tlieir brief existence, or at least trio early part of it, in society. Some of them unite in tlieir labors, from habita tions, and appear to be directed by a sys tem of instructive laws and regulations, as is the case with the bee and ant. Others live and die in solitude. Such are somo of the peculiar characteristics of this singu lar worm, than which, perhaps, no enemy with which the husbandman has to con tend, is more common or destructive, or less perfectly unilerstood. A Practicle Farmer. Fast.— This word is a great bother to foreigners, especially Frenchmen, learning the English language. The difficulty with such words as plough, cough, dough, rough, etc., lies in getting at their proper pronunciation only, each having but a sin gie meaning, auv vyoiu mot uuuma v* triple signification; hence the trouble. Wc once beard a Frenchman upon tho load—last “Fast Day,” we believe—tell a boy to hold his horse swift. “Fast, you means don’t you, sir ?’ inter rogated the lad. “Vel ,fast, den ; be gar, 1 do not under stand dis.” “There goes a fast liotsb!” exclaimed a bystander, as streaked bj' a lively trot ting nag. “How is dat ?” nervously inquired the astonished Frenchman, derc is one horso fast and he go like zundcr all the time ; dare is my horse—he is fast too, and ho no move!” “This is Fast day in reality, by the ap pearance of the road,” said another. “Oh, I see den,” said Monsieur, “vy dis is fast day; every ting is fast —de horse dat go is fast —de horse dat is tied is fast —and dc folks dat eat nothing, and ilat is slow, is fast. Be gar vot h coun tries !” NUMBER 15