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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY Wm . b . ai vis it iso \. WM. B. HARRISON, 1 AND J-EdITOHS. WM. S. LAWTON, } TEHMa] ~ Fot tlio Paper, in advance, per annum, $2. If not paid in advance, JB>3 00, per annum. JIDCE EOLqUITT’S LETTER. Columbus, May 14th, 1850. Gentlemen— Your letter informing mo that I had been selected by the Legisla ture, a Delegate to the Nashville Conven tion, ought long since to have been an swered. The apoolgy I offer for the seeming neg ligence, is the severe and continuing ill ness of my family. 1 feel myself compelled to accept 7he tvust conferred upon me, by the Legisla »,ure; and you will permit me to assure you, that in my own situation and the sit uation of my family, nothing hut my hon est conviction of the importance of the crisis, could induce me to do so. The small vote given in the State for the dis trict delegates, and there having been tick ets cast at the polls against the convention, is a strong motive for my acceptance. — The election for delegates having been de termined by the Legislature, and no issue having been submitted as to the propriety of the convention, the small vote for “no convention” may show the weakness of those who stand in opposition to the reso lution, while the small vote for delegates should not be construed in the same man ner. I did not go to the polls, because there were no opposing candidates, and the election of those gentlemen, selected l>y the different parties, was certain. Fif ty votes were as good under the circum stances, as a thousand. There seems to have been a secret understanding upon the part of such as opposed the convention, to create no excitement before hand, and hunt up, privately, such as they could have vote “no convention” on the day of election. This attempt to disparage the resolution of the State Legislature, and to ridicule the proposed convention, makes it the more necessary, that every delegate, who feels for the interest of the South, should be at his post. ThcNashville Convention must be held, decisive measures adopted uud those mea sures carried out by the South, if we hope to maintain that equality of rights secured to us by the constitution. It is unfortu nale, that there exists any division as to the propriety of holding the Convention; and it will be doubly unfortunate, sh uld that convention fail to adopt with unanimi ty, decisive and efficient measures. To dally, now, is not only a virtual, but an actual surrender of our slave property, to the mercy of Abolitionists. 1 know full well that very many in the Southern States feel alarmed for the safety of the Union, should the Convention assemble and the action ol the Convention be sanc tioned by the People. I have no fears for the Union of these Slates. The oulv danger we need apprehend, rests in our making an unjust and dishonorable sacri fice of our rights, for fear of dissolution. No matter what course we may adopt, 1 will stand pledged for the safety of the Union. If we tamely submit to injustice and fraud, of course the Union will be pre served ; and L apprehend that too many o< our patriotic citizens, have abeady come to the conclusion,that submission o wrongs, no matter how flagrant, inflicted by Con gress, is the only way of preserving the confederacy. Laboring under this conviction, they are willing to remonstrate, complain and threaten, and when these have proved un availing, sit down, fold their arms, read Washington’s farewell address and rise up singing paeans to our glorious Union. One misfortune which attends this tn..de of preserving the Union, is, that those who inflict the wrongs anticipate the result, and laugh at its imbecility ; another objec tion is, that weean make no calculation at what point our injuries and wrongs are to terminate. Let it once be understood, that we are resolved, let what may come, to preserve the Union, and we may boast of freedom, purchased by the blood of our revolution ary fathers; we may boast a cons.itution, the work of our tried and patriotic States men, while we are in a condition as depen dent and despicable as are the down-trod den subjects of despotism 1 have been taught to love the Union with a holy and sacred love ; but 1 have in tny bosom an indomitable hatred t fraud, \ injustice and oppression. Submission to wiongs for the “sake of the Union, pro ceeds upon the principle that we shall ei ther bo forced to heir them, or destroy the Government. This Ido believe; and feel fully satis fied that the Union will be more certainly, and more effeclually perpetuated by an un yielding determination not to suffer impo sition, no matter what consequences may flow from resistance. The coward who lies down quietly un derinjury and insult, may acquire the rep utation for being a peaceable citizen, but will have no more character or property than calumny and fraud may choose to per mit him. 1 Tame submission to palpable and known wrongs inflicted upon us by a majorty in Congress, may win for us a reputation of loyalty for the Union ; but will as -Bure% prove us unworthy the gift offree ■sfflT' - —- It will be vain to bold up o*c form of Lrovernmen, as a model to the world while rights secured by its constitution ore con tcmptvously disregarded. I repeat; that the Union will be most certainly preserved, when it is known uti mi'takeably that we will not suffer injus tice ; that we are prepared to sacrifice ev ery thing we hold dear on earth, rather than bow down quietly to the papablc iu lliction of a single wrong. r l he reasons are obvious. There is a sense of justice in the human breast North, as well as South, and they know well enough when they disregard our rights and disturb our peace. 1 here is as much love for the Union North as there is South ; and when it is known and felt that we will not submit to aggression, that we would sooner see the temple of Union tumble into ruins, and the sunny South swallowed up by an earthquake; their sense of justice and love for the Union will control their action. We ask nothing but justice ! We only' desire to enjoy that equality of rights se cured to us by our common constitution ! This we must and will ham, regardless oj consequences. 'l'his should be the feeling of every Southern man; and inspired by this feeling and this determination, the de e gates of the slaveholding States should meet at Nashville, unfurl the banner, upon whose folds are inscribed in glowing capi tals “ Justice and the Constitution under which every Southern State should stand shoulder to shoulder, and around which every Southern man should rally, resolv ed to plant it firmly on the dome of the National Capitol, or perish in the attempt. If it be known at Washington; ifil be known through the length and breadth of the land, that every Southern State speaks the same language, and that every South ern heart vibrates with the same feeling, our Union will be preserved—a Union worthy of freemen—a Union that will con tinue to attract the admiration of the gen erous and brave throughout the world. There are, this day, many, very many men in the Northern and non-slavehold ing States, which despise the spirit of fa naticism that is sweeping ovet their section of the Union, and beat ing down such of them as dare vindicate our rights under the Constitution : they have been rnaderWm.s by our passive indifference to insu t and injury. They are impotent in defending the Constitution as it was fumed, while they dare hold up that sacred instrument as af fording protection to slavery ; but when the issue is changed, and made, as it must be made upon the fearful consequences tha> must inevitably flow from disregarding •>u rights, these noble hearted patriots will be made strong, and be held at home in double estimation. If disunion is to be the result, of aggression, ihen will the friends of the Union among them, rally a bout such men and forever put down the foul spirit that disturbs the peace and pros perity of the Union. If civil war is to be the result, then will the friends of justice, who understand our rights, and the friends of peace,who are not willing to see the di viding mountains made the dark mountains of death, combine, for the purpose of stop ping the strife and secuiing to the South that equality of rights and privileges guar antied by the constitution. Do we ask for anything in the legisla tion of Congress, which is not just ! Will any man, not blinded by fanaticism, say that we ask anything more than peace and security in our slave property, and that the Teiritories of the United States be as open to us, with our property, as it is to them, with theirs ? Shall this be denied us and we submit for fear of disunion ! for fear ot civil war] Is disunion s» desirable to the non-slaveholding States, arid Union so necessary to us, that we must tamely surrender what is honestly and justly ours in order to prevent a dissolution ? Is civil war so much a pastime with the non slaveholding States, that in order to es cape this, their holiday sport, we must re linquish our property, forsake our families and sacrifice our honoi ? It'the Union be necessary to our pros perity, it is equally so to theirs. If civil vva: be terrific to the South, the picture is equally appalling to the North. Over the heads of time-serving, truckling politi. j cians we demand our rights ? In des ite the croaking of partizan demagogues jwe must and will have justice. The only I question to determine, is, what are the un questionable rights of the slave States as equals under the constitution of the con federacy ? By the treaty with Mexico, the Uni'ed States have acquired an extensive territory, over which the laws ofthe Union have not as yet been extended. To this territory, the States have equal rights ; and whatever measure shall exclude one or more States, or their citizens from an e qual participation of it, is manifestly un just. l iie South has contributed as large ly in blood and treasure as the North, in procuring this territory. A part of it has been found rich in gold and minerals, inviting the industry and enterprise of our citizens. By what rule of justice can the Notth exclude the South fora sharing its enjoyment ? Shall Ibe told that the South is not to be excluded from California, if it be admitted as a State with the present constitution ? Shall Ibe told that there are Southern men there and that Southern men can 6till go there with out let or hinderance! Such replies are as insulting to our understandings, as the ad mission of California would he uujust to our rights ? The principal and most valua ble part ofthe property in the Southern States consists iri Slaves, and this property is to he excluded ! Our enjoyment is permitted upon terms. The condition up on which we are permitted tolive in Cali fornia, is a positive and absolute exclu sion. We caw live in California upon the express condition bylaw, that wc abandon and leave our property behind us ! The Northern citizen goes with all the property he jrossetset ! Is this equality I Is this justice ? Ought the South to sub mit to this exclusion I Let it be admitted that by this act, we are denied the full en joyment of rights secured to us by the con stitution, and if there be one drop of blood coursing through our veins w inch warmed the veins of our revolutionary fathers we will demand it ; and leave die result to Him who commands the storms. I shall be told in and out of Congress that the Gen eral Government will not be responsible for this exclusion ! That California has the undoubted right to form her own con stitution and determine the question of slavery for herself. That she has deter mined it, andlhat Congress does no more than admit a State in the Union. The shuffling, tricking management and fraud that has been practiced upon us,in order to present a reasonable pretext for submission to injustice, so far from sancti fying the act, makes it more odious aad de testable. What is California I Is it not lie fractional part of a Territory acquired from Mexico 1 How came it separated from the balance of the territory] Who fixed its boundaries] Who was au'hor ized toll .Id an election ] Who regulated the qualification of voters? Who has been appointed to take the census ! Have the laws of the Union been thrown over any part of the country? Perhaps it is the first time in the history of any govern ment, that an undefined number of men have attempted the exercise of any such power. Upon the common territory of the Uni ted States over which the laws of the coun try, to which it is attached, have not yet been extended, an unknown number of citizens or aliens, without any authority, without a claim of right, assemble, carve nut of this common territory a State, fix its boundaries, firm its government and then demand admission into the Union ! And this is the miserable arrangement by which Congress is to escape responsi bility and the South to be satisfied. The unprecedented, unauthorized, lawless ar rangement to strip the South of her rights renderes the act doubly hateful. Il California he admitted with her pres ent constitution,the fact cannot he disguiß ed; that Congress does enact the Wil ling Proviso in its most objectionable form. Examine the subject. The people who have formed the constitution for Califor nia and have arranged its boundaries, had no right in any acceptation of that word, to form a government. We know that] many of them, at the time of forming the constitution, were citizens of the States claiming residence in the States, and the residue were not in a situation, by proper legislation, to ask for a State government except in the chatacter of petitioners. As mere petitioners, they c<-ukl suggest a boun dary, and offer the draft of a constitution ; they could do no more. They are not in the situation of people living in an organ ized territory, who would have a right, not only to ask admission as a State, hut would have the unquestionable right to form a constitution, which Congress could not touch, if it bore the republican features of the government. But if the citizens of N. York, were to fix boundaries, & form a con stitution, for California they certainly could not ask Congress, as a matter of right, that it should be admitted as a State in the U nion. Suppose Congress had the power to admit the State, adopting the constitution and boundaries indictated ; J ask, emphati cally, if Congress would not be wholly re sponsible, for the constitution and boun daries. Clearly as much so, as if they should adopt a constitution,made by a sin gle individual, without respect to bis resi dence. by ratifying and adopting the plan suggested by individuals, win. reside or happened to be upon the territory ; who had no authority whatever, the act be comes exclusively the act of Congress. So that Congress not only makes a consti tution for a State, (which she has no right to do,) hut excludes slax'ery by positive enactment in the most solemn form. The V\ ilmot Prov iso annexed to a Territorial Government, would afford such citizens as might reside upon it, when a constitution should he formed, the opportunity, if they so willed, to strike it out ; but bv making a constitution for the State, this fipportunn ly will he precluded \\ e have conclu sive evidence that the people in Califor nia considered it a matter of no conse quence, where even thei Senators might live— for it is known that my old friend I. Hutlet King, was voter] for as Senator. To have submitted to the enactment of the Wilmot Proviso, would have been an acknowledged, open surrender of our riohts to submit to his ft udulent arrangement which effectu 11y can ies out the Proviso, not only surrenders our just rights, but makes us parties to the fraud. I am in the habit •fspeaking plainly, and I must be per mitted to say,that the good peop’e of Cali fornia would never have dreamed of such assumption of power, if it had not been whispered in their sleeping ears, by agents sent by the present administration, with their aid and co-operation. This piece of trickery, by which the South is to he rob bed, if she submits to it, is the conception of party tactics, to save the President from that disgrace which was likety to follow his non-committal policy, during the Piesi dential canvass. The South supported he re lused to give his opinions upon the slavery question in the new territory \ The peo ple here relied on Lis being a Southern man and a slove-holder, and felt confident that his interest would bind him to veto the Wilmot Proviso. The North supported him under the firm conviction that he would not veto such a measure if enacted by Congress. They publicly proclaimed him opposed to slave ry extension, and that lie stood pledged not to oppose the will of Congress, upon the subject. Under such circumstances, it was manifest, if Congress organized ter ritorial governments, be could not escape exposure. He would be compelled to dis appoint the expectation of his supporters North, or the hopes of his friends South. To avoid the ruin of his popularity, this scheme has been suggested ; government agents sent to enforce it, with the assur ance, that, though unprecedented, unau thorized and a fraud upon the South, the force of Executive popularity and power would be employed to obtain the approval of Congress. Shame ! shame ! upon such conduct.— Thousands of honest whigs, who gave Gen. Taylor a warm support, denounce this shuffling. They prefer their country to party, and the rights of the South, to the President’s popularity. No man in his senses but knew that a constitution formed in California without embracing a clause prohibiting slavery, would be rejected by the present Congress. With this knowledge, this device was con cocted with the aid and sanction of a Southern President, and urged through the agency of Southern men, to perpe trate a wrong upon the South. And this fraud we are expected to approbate for the sake of party or the preservation of the Union. When the South bows their necks sub missively to such a violation of their rights they will have lost, foiever, that spirit which has always characterized her peo ple What will be the effect of submis sion upon the des iny of South? If yield ing now would satisfy our oppressors, there might he some virtue in bearing the wrong, for the sake of public tranquility. But what will be the result of submission! The certain, sure, and rapid destruction of all value to slave property; and the po sitive ruin of the Southern States. This language is strong ; but in my own opin ion, npt so strong as will he the sad reali ty. No man can successfully deny the fact, that Gen. Taylor sacrificed his inde pendence, and refused to make public his opinions and purposes, in relation to the Wilmot Proviso, through fear of losing the support c.f Abolitionists! No man can doubt, but that the noise made in the non-slaveholding States about frsee-soil isin, is ihe spirit of pure and unadultera ted abolitionism, or its products upon the public mind. The sum and substance of the vvho.e, resolves itself into this; that we at e to be stripped of our rights, through the force and power of Abolitionism. Wiil this fell spirit cease to disturb out peace, and leave unmolested, our proper ty, while it feels its potency in controlling the destiny of the country, reckless of the constitution ! Will the Northern section the Union cease to augment its power, when they ascertain through its ageney, the Southern States can be made their de pendent colonies ? Let the history of the last few years dictate an answer. In 1835, and in the earlier part of the year 1836, the debates in Congress will show that Northern Representatives denounced the mischievous disorganizing purposes of the Abolitionists, not hesitating to declare, that the prevalence North of these opin ions, would justly burst asunder the bonds of the Union. Mr. Wright, then a Sena tor from the Stßte of New York, among others, declared that their number was small and contemp ible, and to quiet all appiehensiot of the South, related an ef fort made by them to hold a State conven tion in Utica, and the uprising of the cit izens to prevent so wicked an assemblage. They were not permitted to hold the i meeting. In fifteen years how different the state of feeling in this great State ? The fact that Governor Seward is now a Senator, elected more for the peculiarity of his sentiments upon this subject, than the power of his intellect,, sufficiently an swers. What is the object of this strong and increasing body of men, before whose power General Taylor surrendered his in dependence, and to propitiate whose fa vor, the South is now called upon to sac rifice her rights ? They hare avowed if o pcnly /nm thefirst — the extire and full ABOLITION or SLAVERY. Who then can hope that we shall arrest their progress by increasing their strength? What Southern man can he so credulous, as to believe that by tame submission in tiie p esenr comroveisy, we shall purchase exemption from additional aggression ? The Northern press, to an alarming ex tent, is now subsidized, sound statesmen the e, have been overawed, or sacrificed; itinerant lecturers traverse the land, preaching a crusade against slavery ; the pulpit resounds with denunciation, and infuriate zealots unfurl the banner of the cross asthestandard around which abo litionists are to rally. Theii course is made identical with religion,and any appeal that can warm the heart or fire the imagination, is made to men, women and children to unite in ridding the land from the sin of slavery. And can we hope for safety, by giving them assurance, by yielding, that they w’ill achieve a bloodless victory ! Are vve already so intimidated by their power, that we must hunt out for pre'exts and sub terfuges to ward off for one short honr, the suspended blow ? We must be mild, gen'le and concilia tory, for fear of waking up the wrath of the monster whose teeth are sharpened to devour us. We must breathe softly, fur fear a strong breath may kindle a spark that will burn down the temple of Union. We must bow down submissively before the lowering storm ; for fear we may be prostrated by its force, as it passes over us. And is this really our condition 1 — Has the constitution no efficiency to afford us shelter! If so—how important that we should meet in convention, mingle our counsels at once and adopt decided mea sutes for our safety. Let the heart-rend ing examples of Jamaica and St. Domin go xvake up every Southern heart to the necessity of action. Our all is at stake. — In the name of our holy religion, and in the sacred name of liberty, the abolition ists are prostrating the only free govern ment on earth, and preparing a scene of bloodshed and massacre unparalleled in the history of the world. Let us not wait till the force of the moving avalanche crush us to powder.— The torch of the unfeeling incendiary is lighted; vve have plead, remonstrated, threatened, and still our hearthstones and bed chambers are threatened with confla gration. The same power that controls now the federal Legislature, has long s nee resolved not to stop short of universal emancipation. The accomplishment of their purposes, desolates the South and buries in blood AND RUIN OUR WIVES AND OUR CHILDREN. We cannot, with safety, delay action any longer. The fiiebrand has been cast, and we muit tread it out at once, or perish for our timidity. This is a perilous con flict ; it not only involves our honor and our property, but our very existence.— I he inexorable necessities of slf preserva tion call upon us to act, and to act with promptness, with energy, and with deci sion. I am apprised, that very many will con clude that I exaggreate the danger; that while I see the fearful condensati nos a tempest surcharged with the elements of destruction—they perceive nothing on the horizon, but afloating cloud, which is now passing away upon the summer breeze.— Their best hope is founded upon the pros pect, that a compromise at Washington will tranquilize the country. If the report of the Committee of Thirteen shall he a dopted, and the South acquiesce 1 shall feel bound to make personal preparation for my own safety and the safety of my family. If that be the best that can be and ne for the South, my last hope for safety in Congress expires. I have already said as much as I need say about the admission of California. It requires no argument to show that so far as this one measure is concerned, the abo litionists obtain all they could puss ibly ash or require. They have gotten all they could get no more. This part of the proposed compromise is, therefore, an awful and shameful sur render of our rights, and our honor. Does any man believe that those North rn Senators who are now so clamorous for the admission of California, would vote for its becoming a State, but for the clause in their constitution prohibiting slavery 1 W ould Mr. Webster do it! notwithstand ing his eloquent and conciliatory speech made in the Senate which has drawn to him the affections of a thousand Southern hearts ? Certainly not; his votes and his speches in and out of Congress, conclu sively prove that he would not. He has proclaimed too often in public assemblies that the Whig party was the FreeSoilpar ty, and has branded too often the North ern Democracy for being friendly to slave ry extension, to record his vote for the ad mission of California as a State, if by it slavery could he admitted. I like the tone of his speech ; it was calculated to tame refractory spirits and make them gentle in the enduranceofinsult and injury —the man ; while he bridles, saddles anil cruppers the horse, making him ready for the spur,is wise before he mounts,to sober his steed by kindworusaud gentie gestures. No matter, however, the horse is to be rid den. In the position of things Mr. Web ster "’ell knew that the South was to be subjected to the spur, and it was impor tant, if possible to prevent kicking up.— What is offered the South, as an equiva lent for giving up California? I must confess, I see nothing. All that savours of compromise in my estimation is this; that the abolitionists demand more than is now proposed to be granted. Congress com promises their requirements by saying* “ take two thirds of what you ash now, and wait af w years for the rest." So far, the re port of the Committee is a compromise and no farther. There is nothing propos ed for the South, except the humiliating consolation, that she is to submit bravely, for the sake of peace and the Union. After admi ting California in the very shape that the abolitionists desire, the committee proposes to form governments for the remaining territory without annex ing the Wilmot proviso. We are real ly piteously humbled if we consider this a boon. We insist that Congress has no right to exclude us or our property from any of he territories of the United States. She dees exclude usfrom by far the most valunble part, and most graciously stays her hand as to the balance. Does the South estimate this as an equivalent ? But poor as is this show of mercy, 1 believe that it is mere show; and that when these territores shall presume to become States, they will be rejected by Congress unless their constitutions prohibit slavery. 1 will at least hazard the opinion, that a majority of members of the present Con gress from non-slave-holding States will not dare pledge themselves publicly, in carrying out this very compromise, to ad vocate the admission of remaining territory when it applies for admission as States, if they are to be slave States. They will make no such pledge ; for the same pow er at home which makes them free soil men in Congress, would crush them if they dared do it. In this proposition the South gains nothing. In curtailing the boundary of Texas, the South sustains a positive loss, in point of strength on the slavery question, Texas is now a slave State, and therefore, by this part of the proposed compromise, a portion of slave territory is made free. By the proposed legislation for the Dis trict of Columbia. Ido not suppose that the most visionary imagine that the Soutl receives a boon, acquires any addition, right, or gains an atom of strength fori) 3 defence. The only remaining propositin is, to change the law of 1793, as, ifpZ? bh-, to enforce a plain clause of the cona' tution in our favor. And has it come t this, that we must give up conditionalh, valuable rights, in order to have the prom, tsc, that one of the plainest clauses in tl Constitution shall not be violated ? A ] is to be passed, by which it is that wl may by possibility recover fugitive slaves l The constitution declares they shad be ( l e livtred up. The Constitution has been disregarded ; and we are to imagine that, the same people who have trampled it under foot,, will obey a law. The supreme law 0 f the land is treated with utter contempt and yet, vve are to concluke they will have respect to a law of Congress. But I am utterly opposed to the passage of any law by Congress, which will authorize any Federa. Officer to take from the jurisdiction of any State the protection of its citizens Such a law strikes down at one blow the sovereignly of the States, and consolidates the Government. 1 am not the less op posed to it because it is to be passedf l)r our benefit. It is wrong in principle, and will woik badly in practice. Congress cer tainly has no power to compel any State to pass or repeal laws—she has no power to furce any citizen from the protection of the State in which that citizen lives, and if the laws of the State recognize a black man a citizen, whether he he a fugitive or not, it is setting at nought the sovereignty ofthe State, to annul the State law by federal legislation. If one single citizen of a State can be made directly subject to a law of Congress, contrary to the will and legislation of the State in which he lives, so may every citizen, and the federa. tire character ot the Government is at anti end. Congress has no power whatever to pass upon the propriety or constitutionality of State laws and to set them aside at pleasure It would re-’ duce the Btateg to the condition of provinces to the Federal Empire. It would en able the dom inant party in Congress to execute the most frightful designs. If they have power to judge prima facie whether one, claiming citizenship is a slave or free, and by a law of their own, send Federal Officers to conduct the individual to a place designated by themselves for trial; what will prevent a majority of Congress, who may believe that slavery in these United States, in point of law, and right does not exist, and could not exist under the nature of our free form of government, from passing a law by which federal officers shall conduct our negroes (who would claim the benefit ofthe creed) to the State of New York, and have the question of slavery derided by such a judge as Senator Se ward would make in the premises. After recognizing and enacting a law by which we destroy the sovereignty ofthe States, could we consistently resist the Federal Officer in car rying out such an enactment ? The Union while itcontinues what it was when framed, and what it was intended it should continue to be— a Union of free, sovereign and independent States; will be justly considered the greatest possible political good, and for the maintainame and support of which, the people of the States would pour out their blood like water. But even in their high estimation of it they do not hold it as the greatest good. There is still One better, still more precious, which they rate infinitely higher. It is their liberty. And for the peo ple to be free, the States must be free: and no State can be free, the sovereignty of which is subject to the control of Congress. The States are not to be kept in order by coercion upon the part of the Federal Legislature. Whatever the States havo obligated themselves to do, in their compact of Union, they are in duty and honor, hound to perform. In forming the Constitution they relied upon the mutual good faith of each other, duly to observe their respective obligations and deposited power in in no department of the the General Government to compel their obedi ence. The citizen owes allegiance to the State, and the State is under obligation to protect the citizen. I trust never to see the day when this salutary safeguard to the citizen, shall be swept away by usurpation of power in any department of the Government If I have rightly understood the proposed compromise by the commitfee f there is nothing contained in it, calculated to satisfy the South, or which promises any equiva lent for tamely submitting to a surrender of our rights. I appreciate highly the motives, which I doubt not, influence the action of many patri otic Senators. They honestly and earnestly de sire public tranquility, and unfortunately, can perceive no means of pacification, but in further concessions by the South. When the distinguished Senator from Ken tucky submitted his resolutions, I thought an adjustment might be effected through hisinstrn mentnliiy, upon the basis he proposed In my auxiety to tranquilize the public mind, I do not care about forms only—l look to the substance. By Mr. Clay’s influence much was accomplish ed thirty years ago, to restore harmony to a dis tracted country. His success then depended upon the concessions of the South. The slave States then surrendered all right to emigrate with their property North of 36 de£., 30 min., and they have never violated, nor sought to vio late their engagement. I hadTiopcd that when Mr. Clay spoke of admitting California, with proper boundaries, that he would feel it duo to make its Southern boundary the old compromise line, to which the South had so faithfully ad hered I did not believe he would feel willing to ask of the South any farther concessions, and that ho would enforce the propriety of this arrangemcn* with all the powers of his masterly eloquence. I had hope in his success ; with this, the South would havo been content ; but when the spirit offanaticism demands an additional surrender one which carries along with it the certain pros pret of ultimate ruin —and Congress yields to their wishes ; wc have but one alternative, it 18 self-reliance. We should make no further sur render, hut standing fearlessly by the pillars o the Constitution, resolve to sustain it, or ’0 buried under its ruin*.