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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY W M II A II It 1 SON. W'M. B. HARRISON, 1 and > Editors. W’M. 8. LAW TON, 3 Southern CoiiveulioM. The following Resolutions wete intro duced and referred on the 6th inst. Resoloed, That California is peculiar ly well adapted to slave labor, and if te nure of slave property were by recogni tion of this kind secured in that part South of 36° 30', the south part would in a short time open into one or more slaveholdig States, to swell the number and power of those already in existence. Resolved, That it is too plain fir argu ment that the slaveholding States would lose, and the non-slaveholning States greatly gain, by the surrender to the latter of nearly the half of Texas, and that the payment to Texas of ten millions as a price, however it might minister to her distress for money, would be no compen sation to them, and more especially as the most of the money would come out of their own pockets. Resolved, That the people of the slave holding States by becoming a unit, as re spects a polttical or party organization, separate from the people of the nori-slave liolding States, would place themselves in a position of great advantage in at least three particulars. First —To enable them to turn to ac count the political parties of the North by putting it in their power to throw their undivided weight in the scale of which ever party then showed the best disposi tion to do them justice. Second —lt would enable them to turn to account the potent sentiment of love for the Union cherished by the North, oi to terminate the existence of that Union, promptly and without internal discord, whenever the North came to disregard their rights. Third —lt would enable them, if the worst came to the worst, to defend them selves to the best advantage; and, there fore, it would be a thing in the highest de gree conservative of the Union, and the sentiment of fiaternity between the peo ple of the North and those of the South. Resolved, tnereforc, That the people of the South ought to drop old party disitne tions and organizations, and for the future let the test of merit for different candi dates for office be this only: which of them is likely to do the most good, friend ly and fraternal part by the South—and to this end that conventions, both for nomi nation of State officers and President and Vice President of the United States, ought hereafter to be held without rela tion to past party relations. Resolved, That we therefore invite a convention of the people of the slavehold ipg States on the 4th of June. ISS!. at . tor the purpose of determining which a roong the various aspirants for the Presi dency and Vice Presidency, ought to re ceive the suffrages of the South. _ Resolved, J hat unless the non-slavehol ding States at the next session of their res pective Legislatures repeal the laws which they have passed, obstructing the recovery of fugitive slaves, and also take effectual steps for the practical observance by theii citizens of the constitutional stipulations for the surrender of such slaves—the slave holding States ought, without delay, adopt mcasui es of retaliation and non-intercourse. Resolved, 1 hat we have little confidence in the efficacy of any law which Congress mey pass to secure the observance of this clause of the Constitution— because pub lic opinion at the North is so much op posed to such laws, that it could not be enforced. We look chiefly to the States themselves, who are parties to the stipu lation, jj>r the observance oftlie stipulation but any law passed by Congress which gave to the fugitive a jury trial in the States to which he fled, would, as a reme dy, be a mere mockery. Resoloed, 1 hat in case a majority in Congress should, regardless of the clear rights of the South, pass any law which should deprive her of that part of Califor nia situated south of 36° 30' north, or cut oil liom 1 exas any part of the territory lying within die boundary which she claims as her own, or interfere with slavery or the trade in slaves in the District of Co lumbia, then this Convention shall, on tke Monday after the passage of such law, reassemble at , for the purpose of con sidering the remedy to be adopted foi led ress of the wrong thus perpetrated. After some unimportant business, the Convention adjourned until ten o’clock the next day.wlien Judge 1 ucKtK.of V irgiuia, submitted the following propositions : This Convention holds the following propositions to be incontestable : 1. That the territory of the United States, not within the limits of any par ticular State, belongs to all the said States collectively, and that to them belong the right of property and the right of empire in and over the same. 2. That the said States, in forming the constitution of tho United States, delega ted to Congress power to administer the light of property over all such territory. 3. That this power implies a power to pass all necessary laws for keeping off in truders ; for disposing of all such territory, and fixing the terms on which it may be sold, the persons who may buy, and the conditions on which it shall be held. 4. That all attempts on the part of anv other authority to add to, take from, or in anywise anticipate or modify theconditions so prescribed or to be prescribed by Con gross, is a plain usurpation of a power con- I tvr red on and belonging to Congress alone. 5. That the power of Congress to ad minister the right of property in such ter ritory is so modified by the equality of all the States that Congress cannot lawfully dispose of the same under such conditions as shall give to purchasers, being citizens of one State, advantages denied to other purchasers, citizens of any other State. 6. That to the full enjoyment of pro perty in land, it is indispensable that the proprietor be at liberty to enter upon, oc cupy and improve the same, taking with him all bis property of every kind. 7. That a proposition often pressed on Congress, and called and known by the name of the Wilmot Proviso, does pro pose to give and secure such enjoyment to the citizens of some Slates and to deny it to others. 8. That the said proposition is there s re unconstitutional, and that those States whose citizens would be thereby wronger, have but done their duty to themselves ly declaring that they will resist all attempts to enforce such proposition, at all hazarus and to the last extremity. 9. That the United States, in forming their constitution, did not delegate to Con gress power to exercise the right of em pire over such territory,and that the same remains dormant and unrepresented in the States colectively until the same is transferred in the only mode known to the constitution. 10. That Congress has power, under the constitution, to authorize the erection and establishment of new States within the territory ofthe United States. 11. That this power implies a power in Congress to surrender, on behalf of the States collectively, the right of empire over such portion of the territory as may be marked our portion by Congress as the limit of such new State, which right of em pire, until then dormant, immediately awa kens and becomes active in such new State. 12. That any attempt on the part of Con gress, or any other, to exercise the right of empire over any portion of the territory of the United States, before a State shall have been thereon erected and established by metes and bounds, by the authority of Congress, is a plain usurpation of a pow er belonging to the States collectively, and never by them delegated to Congress, or to any o her agent or representative. 13. '1 bat it is the natural right of every community inhabiting a territory where there is no law, to govern, regulate and manage its members and theiii properly by temporary laws of their own making. 14. 1 hat it is the right of every commu nity inhabiting a territory wherein there is no law but that established by an author ity which has ceased to exist, to continue the authority and protection of that law over its members and their property so long as they may approve it, unless it be chan ged by the power which has the right of empire over such territory. 15. 1 hat such, by the laws of war, and treatv of peace and cession were the rights of the inhabitants of the conquered and ce- [ ded province of California, and in their rights, by the laws of war, and the treaty of peace and cession, it was the duty of the Government of the United States to protect them. 16. '1 hat the character of inhabitant, on which these rights are predictated, does not belong to mere sojourners, having no fixed purposes of permanent residence, and owning no part of the soil, nor to any whose mere presence in the territory of the United States is an offence against the laws. 17. That to permit and encouraee such sojourners and intruders to make laws for the government of the persons and pro. petty of the actual inhabitants ofthe coun try, residing there permanently and right fully at the date ot the treaty of peace and cession, and entitled thereby to protection from the Government ofthe United States, is not to permit and protect, hut to violate and trample upon the above mentioned rights of the inhabitants, as ascertained by the law of nature and nations, and con firmed by treaty. IS. I bat to permit and encourage such sojourners and intruders to make laws in terfering with the right of the United States to dispose of the lands itt California to such persons, and on such terms as Con gress may by law prescribe, is a palpable dereliction ofthe duty to make all need ful rules and regulations for the disposal ofthe territory ofthe United States, which has been committed by the constitution to Congress aloue. r 19. That to use the military force oftlie United States for the purpose ot compel ling the inhabitants ol California to submit to a constitution and laws, not their own making, nor established by their former sovereigns, but imposed on them by so journers and intruders, is an act of injus tice and tyranny. 20. .That to accomplish, by means of such complicated violation of law, treaty, and constitution, the very wrong which the Wilmot Proviso was intended'’ to per petrate, is to multiply the intensity ofthe wrong by the number of unlawful acts through which it is inflicted. 21. I hat those States which pledged themselves to resist the enforcemenl ofthe Wilmot Proviso at all hazards and to the last extremity, ato yet more bound by con cistency, self respect and duty to their own citizens and to the constitution, to resist the claim of a loose, wandering multitude of sojourners and intruders to the sover eignty of California. The Convention have put forth an able address and will assemble again in six weeks after the adjournment of Congress rite Report of the Committee charged with the various Resolutions referred to them, was unanimously adopted. The Convention had not adjourned on the 12th. Kxtrnctsfrom lion. J. A.Woodivurd'g Better. “1 cannot conclude without adding a word as to the state of the great ques tion before Congress. There is no hope that any concession will be made to the South, or, to speak more properly, that any portion of their rights will be left in theii hands. The North has fully made up i?s mind to take all. We have grown too despondent to make an effort to pro duce a contrary result. The only compe tition among members seems to be, wbo shall devise a measure that shall best con ceal from you the fact that you have lost everything. The lucky individual , who shall succeed in this, is destined to become a distinguished character, and it is not impossible that two years lienee, the Northern majority in some Baltimore or Philadelphia Convention, will commend him to you as a benefactor; in being the person to whom you are to stand indebted for the comforts dependent on the truth of the saying, that “ignorance is bliss.” * * But I will proceed to give you a brief analysis of the “Clay Compromise.” The people occupying the gold mines not far from the Bay of San Francisco,with some scattering settlements, are to be ad mitted into the Union as a State. They claim to have dominion over a country six times as large as South Carolinia. The country does not belong to them, but to the people of the United States. Their constitution pjohibits negro property from being brought to their piace of habitation, or being to carried to any part of the vast domain. This State is to be called Cali fornia. New States will hereafter be e rected in the territoiy, but the inhabitants mentioned, have already declared that no slave property shall go to those new States. Territorial Governments are to be pro vided for Utah and New Mexico, vvitheut the Wilmot Proviso. But why ! A large majority contend that the Mexican laws are of force there, and will serve to exclude slavery. And it is pretty well ascertained that the majority of the Federal Court will so decide. If, however, a slaveholder should be foolhardy euough to go tlere under such circumstances and stand a law suit, and the court should happen to detide in bis favoa; no one doubts this that the Proviso would at once be put upon the whole enutry. He who tells you the con trary of this, deceives you wickedly and wilfully. Such is the disposition to be made cf all the country acquired from Mexico. But the most remarkable feature of the bill remains to be described. The bill provides that about one-third of Texas shall be annexed to New Mexico and have the same constitution and laws.— In this teritoro, also, the majority, w.th Mr. Ciay contend, the laws of Mexico will be offeree, and the court will so de cide ; and a slaveholder would go there, under the same hazards that he would to Utah. But as (he bill is called a “Compro mise” you naturally suppose that sure show of concession lias been made to the South, and will ask what that concession is? It is this: If the United States will pay to Texas ten or fifteen millions,to lie North for the territory cut off, the ftje soil agitation shall cease! Do not misun derstand me. Ido nor say that the bill provides that the agitation shall ceasei— I only mean to say (hat the friends of lie bill entertain hopes that it may cease: uid will at all events, have the satisfaction of having made the experiment, whether! it will or not. Os course, the large bodyiof Northern members who will vote agaifist the bill, because its language is a little merciful towards Southern sensibilities, are not to be considered as having com - under pledges: and as to that portion vtho are expected to vote for it, l have yet to hear ofthe first instance of a pledge i»e ing made. But supposing all to htfve made pledges, who imagines that they would be kept ? The bill itself is a vio lation of the Missouri Comproise as prov ided in the Texas resolutions, and of a6o lemn compact with Texas. But, fellow citizens, it just now occurs to me that 1 may have done injustice to the bill in saying it makes no concession to the South. I recollect last week to have heard a Senator asked in debate, to name the concession to the South. After some hesitation, he replied : “Sir we hive obtained an authentic exposition of the Texas resolutions.” And what is this ex position ! It is a shameless perversion, and at the same time a gross violation of resolutions that needed no exposition, and which, for two years, never received but one interpretation, whether from the North oi the South, i appeal to the debates ol Congress*, to bear me cut in the asser tion, that until recently, Northern men and Southern men, Abolitionists, Whigs and Democrats, gave to those resolutions the same exposition. When Mr. Wilmot first introduced the Proviso, he referred to the fact that of his having voted for the annexation of Texas, and admitted that slavery existed throughout the territory claimed by her, and pledged himself to let slavery stand where it was; saying that ho only desired that it should go no further. 1 eave not taken time to exam ine the voluminous debates, but cannot be mistaken that at the first session after the vvar, Mr. Winthrop made the same admis sion and the same pledge; I do not recol lect a single Northern speech of an oppo site charaster. Thus, in fine, does it appear that a bill which you are told is a “compromise,” and lot the support ol which, Southern men intended to claim the highest honor you can bestow upon them, goes more than one step further towards the Abolition plat form, than David Wilmot himself had gone at the lime he introduced liis Pro viso. It is needless to say more upon the subject. ’ The Cuba Prisoners. The British steamer brought letters to this city announcing the military execu tion of five wounded men left at Carde nas by Gen. Lopez. Among them was Capt. Duperu. This gentleman was well known in this city, where he had acquired a high reputation for coinage. He was the master of every species of arms—a dead shot— skilful swordsman, and a gal lant man. It will he recollected that he was selected by Gen. Scott to reconnoi tre the fortifications of Vera Cruz. He was a Virginian by birth, but as his name indicates, of French extraction, and spoke the Ftench language like his mother tongue. After obtaining all the necessary information, he was suspected, and orders given for his arrest; when, by an act of great presence of mind, lie saved himself. A boat was at the landing waiting fora passenger to go on board a British man of-war. He stepped on board and order ed the boat to shove off The men, de ceived by bis manner, obeyed him, and carried him to the ship. His information was of important service to the General.— He was appointed Captain of Dragoons, and served with distinction in the cam paign under Scott. His death will cause a deep sensation. The right of the Cu ban authorities to execute these men can not bo denied : but to the cause of Cuban independance it will give a moral strength which will insure its speedy success.— This was a case where Mercy might well have turned away the Sword of Justice. As to the men taken on hoard the re turning ships, the case is veiy different. They had committed no overt act. They had abandoned the expedition, even if at any time they had entertained the intention of joining it. They were within the ju risdiction ofthe United States—sailing un der the protection of the American flag— and not even the weakness of Spain will induce us to overlook the indignity offer ed to our national honor. These vessels had been employed in carrying a number of passengers to the coast of Yucatan.— This is no offence. While Gen. Taylor will use all the means at his command for the maintenance of neutrality he will jeal ously protect the honor of the Republic. The lives and liberty of these men are un der our protectin, and the shedding of their biood will, be followed by a war which will terminate only with the inde pendence of the Island. Sir Henry Bul werhas communicated to the Secretary of State, that by a secret treaty, Great Bri tain is bound to maintain the sovereign,v of Spain over Cuba. It is time for Great Britain to learn that site must not interfere with the Federal Republic. To be sure, the struggle with that power had better be put off another ten years—until we have the railroad communications com plete, and we can manufacture more of our raw products—until we have accustomed ker toiling, starving millions to the cheap bread of America. One of the weapons used in the Roman era, was a net, which the gladiator threw over the head and arms of his antagonist. It is with the meshes of our cotton net that we will en counter our great rival. Is it not a sub ject of proud, exulting reflection, that, “From out the labors of a peaceful land,” has sprung a power, before which the mightiest nation the world ever saw, shrinks appelled ? The cotton fields of the South, the wheat farms of the West, are the true strength of America. These are the locks of the modern Sampson.— Every year adds to the dependence of Great Britain on America. That power cannot even now enter into a war with this country, on a question so remote from the direct interests of her own people. To maintain Spain in the possession of a dis tant colony, will not satisfy the weavers of Manchester, nor the cutlers of Birming ham. The millions who are dependent, directly or indirectly, on the cotton of A merica, will never consent to short work and reduced rates for any point less than national dishonor. It is Spain alone we shall encounter. She may butcher the men caught in arms, and the American Government will not complain ; but for the men taken out of American ships, while on the ocean, a strict account will be re quired. Twenty-five millions of freemen are bondsmen for their safety.— N.O.Cres. M A C O¥7 G A~ SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JUNE 15. 0»Y<; are indebted to I lie lion. J. 1., Our, for a copy of Mr. Woodward’s letter to lus constituents, an extract from which will be found in another column Madame Anna Risiiop. — ft will he seen by reference to the advertisement in another column that this accomplished cantatrice will give a Concert at the “Lanier House,’’ on Monday evening next. Mr. I toe iisa, the celebrated performer on the Harp and I’iano, will lend the aid of his fine skill to the attractions of the concert—and we have no doubt but that all who attend will be highly gratified with their inimitable performance. Fourth ok July. —We have been requested to state that the different Sabbath Schools of tliis city and Vincville, will assemble at the respec tive Churches at 7 o'clock, A. M., on the Fourth of Jul v, and proceed to the Academy Square, where they will form a line and march under, direction of W. Poe, Esq., to the Baptist Church, when an Address will be delivered by the Rev. 8- Landrum, commencing at 9 o’clock. After which the different Schools will proceed in or der to their separate places of refreshment and he dismissed. At 12 o'clock a Eulogy will ho delivered at the Methodist Episcopal Church, on the life, character and public services of the lamented Calhoun, by the Rev l)i Ellison MU. CLAY AND IIIS PROFESSIONS. When Mr. Clay returned to the Senate, after his fussy valedictory, more studied and ostenta tious by far than Washington’s or Jackson’s, his friends promised great things for his patriot ism, and his opponents hoped that they would not be disappointed. Friend and foe all well knew that this man, whose ambition and dog ged pertinacity in pursuit of selfish ends, have been the marvel ofliis day, was in the wane of life, and that he had taken on himself vows of a higher and holier kind, than those that arc paid to party. All agreed too in thinking, that so many defeats as he had experienced, after the fairest trials, were enough and more than enough to chasten his inordinate ambition, and to direct its struggles towards a nobler and more enduring object than his own elevation. We have charity enough for the bitterest personal enemy of Mr. Clay to believe that he even, expected in the present crisis, a fair and an open declaration from the Kentucky statesman, of Itis honest convic tions of what was our duty to each other and the Constitution, in the strife now raging between the North and South. We do not think that any one at this late day expected front him any more party stratagems,covered up under the disguises of a generous and catholic patriotism, that look ed only to the good ofthe country and the whole country. Very many who have heretofore been classed among the political opponents of Mr. Clay, were sanguine that be would close his long and brilliant career as a statesman, by one last great effort in behalf of harmony and union, that would make all former honors won by him, seem tame in comparison. But like an old and favorite actor, he cannot tear himself from the stage, and the fascination of the applause of the house and the blaze of the foot-lights. To this hour Mr. Clay is as much a candidate for the Presidency as he was in 1844, and in all lie does he shews that ho is haunted as much as ever by the strong delusion, that through the aid of the free States alone, he can triumph at last. Mr. Clay is the enemy ofthe South, he has been for years, and it is no credit to him that like a manly foe, lie has not avowed what was in his heart and hung out his purposes upon bis banner. It was a bold stroke of policy, such as we might not have expected from him, being “a Southern man and a slaveholder,” to declare for the North and put himself in firm alliance with the free States. He has done this for years past, and not withstanding lias received a support from South ern States, that will, in future years, astonisli thinking men. lie has been well understood by the free States, and they well know the effect that bis desertion of his own section must have on our cause. For what reason could Massa chusetts have supported him, as she no doubt did against even Mr. Webster himself, if she did not, because his exertions in the free soil move ment would fall with triple force upon us, as the voluntary offerings of a man in behalfof a good cause, to which iiis own people bad become ob noxious. In all our sectional quarrels lie lias favored the side of our opponents, lie set the first vicious example of compromising us avvav, and breaking down the power of our only relia ble defences which wo claimed under the Con stitution. But for ra.ny yonis it become llie rage among Mr. Clay’s Northern supporters, to urge his claims to the Presidency, upon the grounds of the Missouri compromise. It was that they said that saved this “ glorious Union” from destruction—and for more than a quarter op a century every change of glorification was rung on this one theme. They had not finished their old song before we heard from the “great embodiment’’ himself that they were all wrong, and it was not to him the glory was due. We confess that nothing in An. Clay’s whole history, checkered and de vious as that has been,—no, not oven his un blushing “ Blue Lick” letter, written to Mr. Clayton, in which he avowed that his Tariff compromise, by which he swindled the South, was concocted to save protection, so shocked our sense of honor and decency, as did this repudia tion of his own long dandled bantling. While the North were proud of their bargain—while many at the South thought the Compromise a measure of deliverance—while all acquiesced peaceably in it, why then the Missouri Compro. mise was Air. Clay s child, horn of his genius and his patriotism. But now, when the South is so hard pressed and reduced to such extremity that she looks to even this poor boon, as some thing to hold to with a death struggle—and now the greedy North mutters because this obstacle to a final triumph over us has been placed in the way, he utters not one word in behalf of his off spring—he will nut even father it and shrinks from avowing it, because its fair fame is under a cloud, for tlie same reason he vaunted once its paternity when it stood high in the land. The North is now inimical to the Missouri Compro mise, and that is enough for Air. Clay to know. It is surprising that we did not distrust Air. Clay’s agency in offers of service in settling the slavery question iu Congress, when we saw his course in regard to his first compromise. For if one compact on this most dangerous and .exciting topic was set at nought, the very moment one party to it thought it profitable to do so, what greater effect could be given to anew compact, and wiiat more faith should we repose in the honor of the repudiating party? Cut it was a fitting prelude to tlie present surrender plot now before the Senate, to deny and scout the Alis souri Compromise. And never will Air. Clay be under a necessity to explain aught to the free soil party his agency in the present plan. It is full enough to satisfy the most exacting anti slavery bigot. The last inch of California is given up to him—both the remaining Territories as well as given up, for tho lex loci , as they call it, has been held by the most distinguished legal authority “m terrorem," over all Southern tnen who may have any notion of planting themselves on this forbidden ground— and as this was not enough, the great compromiser, a Southern man, who can shed the bitter tear over the wrongs of slavery, while lie pockets its earnings, seeks besides all this to surrender tho territory of a slavo Stale, under the pitiful pretext of quieting a boundary dispute between Texas and New Alexico, but really for tho purpose of casing the smart to the North of the Texas treaty of annex ation. Take the whole Report just as it stands, with the bills that accompany it, and it is a re corded shame upon that man who shall stand up and present it to us as the offering of peace front the hands of friends, or even impartial men From beginning to end the objoct is to dupe the South, for it appears even the rashest among the politicians of the North think this is easier done than to conquer her. But in the name of human nature, let the duping or the conquering, come rom those front whom we ought to expect nothing better. For to the proud spirit of a Southerner, it will be a sharp pang to think that disgraces that hare fallen upon his loved home might have been repelled, but for the recreancy of men who were, as lie thought, sharing with him the fortunes and perils of the same bottom But how much more bitter even than this will be the thought, that we have suffered our rights to be trampled down, because we shrank from that resistance or those hardships that are the glory of a manly heart. But let us he saved from tha t unutterable pain of feeling, that we are duped as well as injured—and that a silly confidence in men, whose former infidelities have warned us of their purposes, have involved us in ruin. If we fail in the fight, let open, interested enemies conquer us—let not traitors betray us into the hands of our enemies. The Southern Convention.— We give in another column a series of Resolutions, introdu ced in the Convention, but have not received an account of those finally adopted. The principal features of those agreed to are thus hinted at by the correspondent of the Charleston Mercury: “The eventsofthe slavery agitation from 1834 are summed up in brief but intelligible terms' their significance explained, and the interests and positions of the South as she has been affec ted by them, argued and defined. The North is held responsible for all the fatal results and promises of this agitation, and the South is rebu ked for her unwise and spiritless submission to protracted wrong. The Compromise scheme is taken to pieces, and after a through examination of its parts, the whole is denounced as a fraud and a scheme of poorly disguised encroachment. Tile Missouri Compromise Lino of36dcg. 30 min. running to the Pacific, accompained by a distinct recognition of it as the partition line be tween the North and the South, —all the terri tory lying South ofit to be open to African sla very, including the Southern part of California, —is recommended to the South for acceptance, if the North chooses to propose it. But it is re commended ns the Inst and utmost concession. In tiio meantime the Convention declines, whilst Congroes has the matter under considera tion, reccoriiniending any practical mode of re dress. But the Southern States are advised to send Dclegrntes to an adjourned meeting of the Convention after the rising of Congress—from the States and Districts that have failed to he represented at Nashville, to take into conseder alion the remedy which the circumstances may require.” Pacific Rail Road —The St Louis Repub lican says tiiat the work of examining and sur veying the route is to be immediately commenc ed. The engineer lias brought with him a set of new instruments, which are already being put in order for field service. He is accompa nied by a first and an assistant engineer, and a leveller. One company is to be put immedi ately in the field. Various routes will be surveyed, and the whole counnqr thoroughly examined before any definite location can be made. As soon as the first party are in tlie field, the president and chief engineer will enter upon a reconnoisance of the whole country between that city and the city of Jefferson. The latter is made by the charter one of the termini of the road, and ‘.lie question must first be solved, whether it is prac ticable to carry it directly there, or to reach it by a branch before any considerable portion of the road can be located. Every precaution will betaken to secure the best, most direct and cheapest route, having at the same time due re gard to all the important interests involved. Acetate of Lead in Sugar. — The British Government lias appointed Dr. Thompson, of Glasgow, Prof. Graham of University College, and Prof. llofTman of the London College of Chemistry, as Commisioners to examine and report on the following questions ;—1 st. Is the use of acetate of lead in the refining of sugar likely to be detrimental to the public health.— 2nd, Can the process be so followed that all the lead may, with absolute certainty be removed. This cominision is highly honorable to the British Government. Assugar lias become an article of such universal use, its purity from poison is of the utmost importance to the whole civilized world. The eminent scientificgcntie mcn ofthe Commission, is a surity that the work will be well done and faithfully reported on. Dr. Thompson is held to he one of the first analytic chemists in the world, and is es teemed, where both arc well known, far superior to Ure, despite of all the flings which the latter throws upon him the in Dictionary of Chemistry. Black Egyptian Ibis. —One of these rare birds, says the Boston Post was shot at Middle town, on the Conne.cticut, May r 9th. It was a male in full plumage; stood eighteen inches high, and measured twenty eight inches id length. It has been carefully preserved, and is now in the cabinet of Dr. J. Barrett. A smilat bird was shot at Fresh Pond, Cambridge, on the Bth. It is highly probable that these birds be long to one and the same flock, and were driven so far south by the late storms, and by the abun dance of snow in the high northern latitudes-" The one killed at Middletown was observed to lie very lean. The Ibis fascinclla. is rarely seen in the United States, and is the first that has come under our observation. It is supposed to have left the valley of tho Nile—where the) are abundant—in or about March last. I ho) migrate to Siberia in the breeding season, ami return to Egypt in October. So that this with his companions, may have been over Cell ring Straits to this continent, and by the inclem ency nn.l late melting of the Northern stream-, compelled to move to tile South, and follo«i n S the Connecticut may have supposed liinself a gain on the Nile ! Tho person who shot 1 1 bird remarked liis “lameness. The gentle manners, and want of caution, - conspicious in this bird, would entirely tin i for residence in New England, where there ' such a murderous propensity to shoot the tlicrcd race.