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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. riILISHID WEEKLY, 11 XV Jl . B . Kl AISItI SO X . ~~WM B. HARRISON, 1 asu > Editors. WM. S. LAWTON, S A D D K E S9 , Oflhr 0«1r gates to the Sontlirru ronrrntlou To the People of Maryland, l ii ginia, .Yorth Car olina, South Carolina, Georgia, Floridu, .11a bama, Tennessee, Kentaky, Louisiana, Texas, Missouri and .Irkansas .* Fellow Citizen* In obedience to the com mauds of those who wo reprccsent, we have assembled together to confer with each other concerning your relation with the General Gov ernment and the non-slavcholding States of the Union, on the subject of the institution ol Slavery. We deem it proper to lay before jeu a* briefly as the subject will permit, the result of our deliberations and counsels. In order that your condition may be tinder ■toood, and the conclusions at w Inch we have arrived be justly appreciated, it is necessary bricflly to refer to a few past transactions. It is now sixteen vaers since the institution of Slavery in the South began to be agitated in Congress and assailed by our sister States Up to that time, the people of the Northern States seem to have respected the rights reserved to the Southern States by the Constitution, and to have acted under the conviction, that the subject of slavery being beyond the legislation of Congress, all agitation with respect to it on the part of Congress, was equally forbidden by the Constitution. But at this time, a portion of the people of the North began to assail, in Con gress, the institution o' slavery, and to accomplish their object of dragging it into the vortex of congressional agitation, they claimed the right of petitioning Congress upon all subjects what soever. Asa petition is only the first step in legi station, it was clear that a right to petition a legislative body, must be limited by its powers of legislation. No one can have a right to ask of another to do which he has no moral or le gal right to do. Nor can any tribunal have the power to receive and consider any matter be yond its jurisdiction. The claim therefore to present petitions to Congress on the subject of slavery, was considered by the Southern Representatives generally, as an attempt indi rectly, to assume jurisdiction over the subject itself in all parts of the Union. The object, without disguise, was the overthrow of slavery rn the States; but our assailants framed the pe titions presented, chiefly against Shivery in tho District of Columbia and our Territories and against what they call the internal Slave trade —that is, the transmission of slaves from one Southern State to another. Conscious of the fatal tendency of the agitation of slavery in Congress, to destroy the peace and stability of the Union, an effort was made, supported by a largo portion of tho Northern Representatives, to suppress it by a rule in the House of Repre sentatives, which provided, that all petitions on the subject of slavery, should be neither consi dered, printed nor referred. This rule was assailed by tho people of the Northern States, as violating that clause of the Constitution which prohibits Congress from passing laws to prevent the people from peaceably assembling and peti tioning for a redress of grievances. In Decem ber, 1644, this rule fell before the almost unani mous voice of the North ; and thus the unlimited power of introducing and considering the subject of slavery ill Congress was asserted. In the mean time, the course of the Northern people showed clearly, that the agitation of slavery in Congress was only one of the means they relied on to overthrow this institution throughout the Union. Newspapers were set up ainongs them and lec turers were liired to go abroad to excite them against slavery in the Southern States. Organi zations were formed to carry off slaves from the South, and to protect them by violence from recapture Although the Constitution require* that fugitive slaves, like fugitives from justice, should be rendered up by the States to which they may have fled, the Legislatures of almost every N (rtliern State, faithless to this treaty stipulation between the States, passed laws de signed and calculated entirely to defeat this pro vision of the Constitution, without which the Union would have never existed, and by these laws virtually nullified the act of 171)4, passed by Congress to aid its enforcement. Not content with the agitation of slavery in political circles, the Northern people forced it ulso into the re Ii • gioos associasions extending over the Union,and produced a separation of the Methodist and Baptist churelies. The resultofali these various methods of assailing slavery in the Southern States, was, that it became the grand topic of interest and discussion in Congress and out of Congresß, and one. of the most important elements of politics in (he Union. Thus an institution, belonging to the Southern States exclusively, was wrested from their exclusive control ; and instead of that protection which is tho great ob ject of all governments, and which the Constit ution of the United States guarantees to all the States and their institutions,the Northern States and Congress under their control, combined to gether, to assail and destroy slavery in the South. The Southern States did nothing to vin dicate their rights and arrest this course of things. The Mexican war broke out; and instead of that patriotic co-opcration of all soctions of the Union, which would have taken place in the better days of the Republic, to bring it to a just and honorable conclusion, in the very first appropriation bill to carry it on, the North endeavored to thrust the subject of slavery. Throughout the war, they kept up the agitation ; thus clearly manifesting their determination that the General Government in none of its operations, internal or external, shall be exempted from the introduction ot this dangerous subject. The warclosed with honor; and an immense territory was added to the Uni ted States. Their previous threats were realised; and the non-slavchoholding States immediately claimed the right to exclude the people of the Southern States from all the territory acquired, and to appropriate it to themselves, if this pre te ision arose from a mere fust of power, it would be hard to bear the superiority and mastery it rmplius It would degrade the Southern States from being the equals of the Northern States, to a position of colonial inferiority. But when your exclusion is not from a mere lust of power, but is only a further si ep in the progress of things, aiming at the abolition of slavery in the States, by the extension and multiplica tion of non-slaveholding States in the Union, the pretension is seen to be as alarming as it is insulting. The Southern States, in their Legis tures, set forth with great unanimity, the rights in our territories belonging to them in common with the Northern States, and declared their de termination to maintain them; and finding in the Northern States no disposition to abate their demands, the Convention in which we are assembled has been brought together to take counsel as to the comse \he Southern States should pursue for tire maintenance of their rights, liberty and honor. Such is a brief, hut imperfect sta'ement of past t ansactions : and they force upon us the ques tion, ill what condition do they place the South ern Stalest And first, what is their condition in Congress? The time was when your Rep resentatives in Congress, were neither offered, nor would they endure, reproach in your behalf But for many years past, they have heard you in Congress habitually reviled by the mod op probrious epithets on account of the institution of slavery, ll thair spirits aro vet unbroken, they must be chilled by a sense of humilation at the insult* 'bey daily receive as jour repre sentatives. You me urrisgned as criminals Slavery is dragged into every debate, and Con gress lias become little else, than a grand instru ment in the bands of abolitionists to degrade and ruin tbe South. Instead of peare and pro., lection, aggression and insult on tlie South char acterize its proceedings and councils. And what is your condition, with respect to your sister States ? Where is that respect and comity which (due from all nations toward each other) is more especially due from States bound to gether in a confederacy, and which was once displayed in all their intercourse; instead of respect and sympathy—denunciation ard hos tility, on account of your institution of slaverv, have for years past characterized the comunica. tions addressed to you by the Northern States. And what is your condition in the L T nion ? The non-slaveholding States stand combined, not only to wrest from you your common pro perty, hut to place upon your front, the brand of inferiority. You are not to extend,on account of your institutions, but they are to increase and multiply, that the shame and sin of slavery, may by their pinlautbropic agency, be extin guished from amongst you. But the worst fea ture of your condition is, that it is progressive. As low and humilating as it now may he, it is destined, if not arrested, to “a lower deep.”— Every effect is a cause ; and the spirit of fanati cism brooks no delay in the progress it creates. If you were to yield every tiling the North now requires—abolish slavery in the District of Co lumbia--submit to be legislated pirates for con veying slaves from one State to another, let tri al by jury and the writ of Habeas Corpus, wrest from you in the Northern Stales every fugitive slave—give up all your territories to swell North ern arrogance and predominance, would things stop there ? These are all means aiming at one great end—the abolition of slavery in the States. Surrendering one of these means you will hut inflame the power by which another will be ex acted—and when all are conquered, will the evil be arrested ? In fitly years, twenty new non-slaveholding States may be added to the Union, whilst many which are now slaveholding may become non-slaveholding States. There then, will he no need as now, openly to put aside the constitution to reach their object. If tbev will deign to do it, tbe non.slaveholding States will then have the power by two thirds in Congress and three fourths of the States, to amend tbe constitution, and then have its ex press sanction to consummate their policy. Your condition is progressive. If from the past transactions we have narra ted, we learn our condition in tbe Union—they teach us also that our past policy of non-action and submission to aggression cannot bring us peace and safety. When the doors of Congress were thrown open to agitation on the subject of slavery, if the Southern States had moved wiih energy to avert a state of things unconstitution al itself, and surely lending to bring the slave holding and nnn-slaveholding States into colli sion—altlio’ late, it might not have been too late to stop subsequent encroachments upon our rights. But the Southern States were passive : and their forbearance lias bad the effect of in spiring the Northern people with the belief ei ther that wo value a union with them more than wo valuo the institution of slavery, or that we dare not move from a conscious inability to protect ourselves. You have ungenerously stood still whilst your supporters and the de fenders of the Constitution in the Northern States, in their efforts to protect you from the agitations of slavery in Congress, have been po litically annihilated or have turned your foes. You have tamely acquiesced—until, to hate and persecute the South,has become a high passport to honor and power in the Union. You have unwisely stood still, whilst year after year the volume ofanti slavery policy and sympathy has swollen into unanimity throughout all the non slaveholding Slates, and the sections of the Union now are each other in stern collision.— You have waited until the Constitution of the United Slates is in danger of being abolished or of becoming what the majority in Congress thinks proper to make it. That great principle on which our system of free government rests —of so dividing the powers of Government —that to a common Government, only those powers should lie granted, which must affect all tho people composing it,equally in their opera tion—w hilst nil powers over all interests local or sectional, should lie reserved to local or sec tional governments ; is in dangerofbeing uproot ed from their Constitution. Local and sectional interests absorb the time and business of Cor. gress, and thus, a sectional despotism, totally ir responsible to the people of the South—consti tuted of the Reprrstntives in Congress from the non-slave holding States—ignorant ofour feelings condition and institutions—reigns at Washing ton. These are the fruits of your past forbear ance and submission. If we look into the nature of things, such re sults will not seem to be either new or strange. There is but one condition, in which one people can be safe under the dominion of another people; mid that is when their interests are entirely identical. Then, the dominant, cannot oppress tbeit subject people, without oppressing them selves. Tbe identity of interest between them, is the security for right government. But as this identity* can scarcely ever exist between any two people, history bears but one testimony as to tbe fate of a subject people. They have al wavsbeen compelled to minister to tho prosperity and agrandizement of their masters. If tbi's has always been the case under the ordinary difference, of interests and feelings which exists between States, how much more certainly must the experience of history be realized, between tlie people of the Northern and Southern States. Here is a difference of climate and productions throughout a Territory stretching along the whole belt of the temperate zone, affecting the pursuits andchart'O-rs of the people inhabiting :t But the grcii rence—the one greatdit ference—th g.ea.. r ‘ which can exist among a people, is the mstitui on of slavery. This alone sets apart the Southern States as a peculiar people —with whom independence as to their internal policy is the condition of their existence. They must rule themselves cr perish. Every colony in the world where African slavery existed with one exception has been destroyed ; and if this hasbeen the case under tlio old and effete gov ernments of Europe, will it not prevail under tbe dominion ofthe restless people ofthe North ern States I They do not practically recognize the inferiority oi the African to the Caucassian races. They do not realize, because the circum stances of their condition do not compel them to realize,the impossibility of an amalgamation be tween the races. Exempt from tlie institution of slavery, it is not surprising that their sympa thies should bo against us whilst the dogma on which they profess to build their system of Free government —the absolute rule oj the majority— leaves no barrier to their power in the affairs of the General Government, and leads them to itsconsolidation. Religion too, false or real tires their enthusiasm against an institution, which many of its professors believe to be in consistent with its principles and precepts To expect forbearance from such a people, under such circumstances, towards the institution of slavery, is manifestly vain. If they have been false to the compact made with us in the consti tution, and have allowed passion and prejudice to rnas’er reason, they have only exemplified that frailty and fallibility of our nature, which has produced the necessity of all governments, and which, if unchecked, ever produces wrong. The institution of slavery having once entered the popular mind ofthe non-slaveholding States or at tion and control, the rest ts inevitable. If underslrained by us, they will go on, until African slavery wiii iie swept from the broad and fertile South. The nature of things there fore, independent of experience, teaches us that there can be no safety in submission. To submit to evils, however great, whilst they are endurable, is the disposition of every people ; especially of an agricultural people, living apart, and having no association in their pursuits.— But the responsibity of preserving a free govern ment rests with alt its membens, whatever may be their pursuits, and not alone with those who have the power or jhe w ill to destroy- it. A mi nority, by submission, may as much betray the constitution, as a a majositv by aggression.— The constitution does not protect a majority; for they have all the powers of a government in their hands and can protect themselves. The limitations of a constitution are designed to pro tect the minority—those who have no power, against those who have it. Hence, the great motive and duty of self protection is peculiar to a minority, independent of that faith to the constitution which they owe in common with the majority. They must protect themselves and protect the constitution; and if they 'fail in this duty, they are at least as culpable ns those who, in aggressing upon their rights, overthrow the constitution. And the public opinion of the world is in conformity with these views. The oppressor is hated—but the unresistingly oppress ed is despised. More respect follows the tyrant, than the slave who submits to his power. The Southern States, therefore, although a minority, are not exempt from tbe responsibility of preserv ing the constitution, and, in preserving it, to protect themselves. In vvbat way shall they preserve the consti tution and protect themselves ? Asa general rule, it is undoubtedly true, that when, in a government like ours a constitution is violated by a majority, who alone can violate it in matters of legislation, it cannot he restored to its integrity through the ordinary means of the government; for these means, being under the control of the majority, arc not available to the minority. It is for this reason that frequent elections of our rulers take place in our system of free government, in order that the people, by their direct intervention, may change the ma jority. But this resource cannot avail us in the violations of the constitution, which now press and harass the South. By changing their repre- sentatives, how can the people of the South af. feet the majority in Congress and restore the constitution? Their Representatives are true; and have done all that men can do, to preserve the constitution from the aggressions of the ma jority. Removing them, and putting other Representatives in Congress, could have no es. feet in restoring the constitution. It has been broken by the representatives of the people of the Northern Sutes, who susiain them in their violations of the constitution. It is clear that the ballot-box in the South is powerless for its protection. And ibe same causes w hicli induced the violations of the constitution by the north ern majority, prevent its restoration to its integ rity. Throughout the Northern Stales, there hasbeen no indication of any change in their policy. On the contrary, the majority against the South is greater in the present Congress than the Inst, following the usual course of eve ry successive election for years past. Nor have we seen in the action of the States, with few exceptions, any proof of a returning sense of justice to us, or of reverence for the constitution. Several of them, lest false inferences might be drawn as to tlietr position, have taken cure lately to reiterate in the most offensive forms their former declarations against our rights ; qud when a great Senator, representing one of them, anxious for the perpetuation of the Union, lias ventured to advocate something ol justice to the South, lie lias been rebuked by the Legislature of the State lie represents, ami vir. tually denounced for his fide iiy to tile constitu tion. 1 his resource then, under tile ordinary operations of the constitution, is of no avail.— And how* is it with the present Congress, the only other source of redress in the usual admin istration ol the constitution? For six months it has been in session, and during this whole pe riod of time slavery has been the absorbing to pic of discussion and agitation. Yet nothing has been done to heal the discontents which so justly exists in the South, or restore a bleeding constitution. All we have received lias been bitter denunciations ofour institutions by many members of Congress, and threats to coerce us into submission. Although nothing has been done, a report hasbeen made in the Senate, by a committee ot thirteen members, which is now pending in that body ; and as the measures it proposes have been pressed upon the South as worthy of her acceptance, we dccin it proper to lay before you a brief consideration of tbe mat ters it contains. This Report embraces four distinct measures: It*.. I he admission ol California as a State, witii the exclusion of slavery in her constitution. 2d. Territorial Governments to be erected over the I erritories of Utah and New Mexico, with near ly one halt ot Texas to lie added to the latter 3d. Ihe prohibition ot the slave trade in the District of Columbia. And 4th. Provisions for the recapture of fugitive slaves in the non-slave holding States. To understand whether these measures are consistent with our rights and worthy ofour acceptance, each of them must be considered separately. Tbe South is excluded by the bill from the whole of that part of California lying on the Pacific, includingone hundred and fifty thousand square miles of territory ; and if this is done by the legislation ofCongress, the mode in which it is done, is of no importance. California be longs to tlie United States, and all action by the individuals in that territory, whether from the L'nited States or from the rest ofthe world, ap propriating the soil to themselves or erecting a government over tt, is of no validity. They constitu e a people in no praper sense ofthe term; but me citizens of the States or countries from which they have come,and to which they still owe their allegiance. YY hen therefore Congress attempts to carry out and confirm the acts ol these individuals, erecting California into a State and excluding slavery therefrom, it is the game thing as it Congress lind originally passed a law to this effect, without the intervention of these individuals. The exclusion ofslavery from Cal ifornia is done hy the act ofCongress, and by no other authority. The constitution of California becomes tho act of Congress ; and tbe YY'ilmot 1 roviso it contains, is tbe YVilniot Proviso pass ed and enforced by the legislation of Congress. Here then, is that exclusion from ibis Territory by the aet of Congress, which almost every Southern State in the. Union lias declared she would not submit to, plainly and practically en forced by this bill. A free people cannot be sa tisfied with the mode in which they are deprived of their rights ; a sovereign Slate will disdain to inquire in what manner she is stripped of her property, and degraded from an equality with her sister States. It is enough, that the outrage is done. Ihe mode is of little consequence.— I here is therefore in the mode of extending the YVilmol Proviso over the territory ot California presented by the bill, nothing to mitigate the in dignation oi the Southern Slates, or to baffle their determination to redress the wrong, if in flicted. T hey are excluded from the whole Territory of California, a Territory extensive enough to contain four large States. If the constitution proposed by California con tained nothing about slavery, would the North allow her to enter the Union ? Such were the Territorial bills proposed for California at the last Congress, but she rejected them,because the South was not excluded from this 'Territory, in express terms The inhabitants of this Territo- I rv have been left without any civil government, | solely because the South would not consent to be legislated out of it with her institutions ; and i now that this object is accomplished by the ron i solution presented by California, tltese conserv atives— these advocates of law and order—are | eager to admit her, without right or precedent, into the Uuion. We are aware of the inconve i niences the inhabitants of California may have | suffered for want of a civil government estab lished by Congress; and thei eforc, are prepared 1 to yield much on account of the circumstances ‘ in which they have been placed. The next measure is in perfect keeping with ; this first feature of “the report.” It takes from Texas, territory sufficient for two large States, | and adds them to New Mexico. What the bill j contains with respect to slavery will be of little | consequence ; for it is designed that next win ! t'T New Mexico thus constituted, shall follow the example of California, and be admitted as a I Stale with a constitution excluding slavery from its limits—for without such exclusion she cannot hope to be admitted by the non-slaveholding Slates into the Union. The effect will be, that territory over which slavery- now exists, equal to two States, will be wrested from the South, and will be given up to the non-slaveholding States. The pretext is, that there is some doubt as to the boundaries of Texas. Texas by her laws, when she was admitted into the Union, had but one boundary towards the West, and that boundary was the Kio Grande. Congress in the Resolutions admitting her into the Union recognized this boundary, by laying down a line of limitation between the slaveholding and non slaveholditig States—(being the Missouri Com promise line of 36 deg. 30 min. parallel of North latitude) — through that very part of her territory, her right to which is now questioned. Her boundary of the Rio Grande to its source alone gave her this country ; and was thus recognized and ratified by* the Resolutions of annexation. To vindicate tli is boundary for Texas, as a mem ber of tlie Union, the Mexican war look place ; and in the Treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, it was finally vindicated and settled, by a clause in the 1 reaty, designating the Rio Grande as the boundary between Mexico and the United States. Thus by the laws of Texas, by the legis lation of Congress, and by a solemn Treaty of the United Slates, the Rio Grande is the YVest ern boundary ot 1 exas. Yet the pretension is set up, that her territory does not extend to within three hundred miles of the Missouri Compromise line, where Congress in receiving her into the Union determined that her territory should be divided between the slaveholding and nnn-slaveholding States. Texas is the only State i n t he Union vvhich has the solemn guar anty of the Government of the United States in every possible form to ber boundaries. Yet this is the Government which disputes them; and under the pretext that they are very doubtful, proposes to take from her nearly one half of her territory. It is by virtue of such pretensions, that by* the bill two Slates are to be taken from tbe Southern and given to tbe Northern States ; And this wrong is aggravated by compelling us to pay for it, through the Treasury of the United Stales. It is undoubtedly proper, that Texas should be quieted as to her boundaries ; but she should bequiutedbj alavvoi Congress,plainly acknnwl e,ig'"g them. It alter her boundaries are settled the General Government, to carry out the pur poses of the constitution, or in good faith to fulfil .ill the obligations, the annexation of Texas to the Union requires, should think proper to pur chase any territory from Texas, the arrangement may be unobjectionable. But any arrangement concernsng ber territories, which leaves a shade of doubt as to the right ofthe people oftlie South to enter any portion of the Territory, which according to thetermsofannexation are now free to them,neither Texas nor the General Govern merit have any right to make. The terms of an nexation constitute the compact of Union, be tween Texas and tlie other States of the confede racy —and this compact secures irevocahly to the peoplo of the slaveholding States the right of entering w ith their property all her territory lying South of ;6 deg , 30 min., north latitude— whilst from all her territory lying north of that line, they are excluded. The bill in the Senate makes no provision for carrying out these terms of the compact,but leaves in doubt the right of the Southern people, thrghout all the trrritory propoped to be purchased; whilst many who support the bill declare that in effect it excludes entirely tbe people of tbe Southern States from all the territory purchased. The least evil, therefore, the bill can bring to the people ofthe Southern States on entering it, will be conten tion, liarrassment and litigation. liut you will have a very inadequate concep tion of the territory taken from Texas by the bill, if you confine your views to Texas. If you w ill look at tbe map oftlie United States,you will percievo that the territory proposed to be sur rendered by Texas lies throughout its wholeex tent along the Western frontier of the Indian Territory. This is now a slaveholding country; and must be considered as a part ofthe South, i’bice along their whole western boundary two non slaveholding States, and bow long will the Indians be able ito maintain the institution of slavery ? It the agency ofCongress is not used, to abolish directly slavery in the Indian teritory, this end can be easily accomplished by the very means now in operation against slavery in the Southern States, which the Indian will have but little power to resist. The effect will be, that the Indian Terjitory, large enough for two more States,will be controlled by the non slave liolding States. Thus by these two points in the report, the South will lose four large States in California—two in Texas and two in the Indian Territory. Nor is this all. The non slaveholding States will be brought to thewestern boundary of Missouri and Arkansas, along their whole extent, and will bound Texas on her whole northern and western frontier. Tims the Southern States will be hemmed in by the non slavcholding States on their whole western bor der—a policy which they have declared essential to the end of abolishing slavery in the Southern States. What can compensate the South for such enormous wrong and spoliation ? But this is not the end of your concessions by this report. YVe must not only yield to the in terests, but to the prejudices ofthe Northern people. Slavery existed in the District of Co'- Inmbiu when Congress accepted the cession of the Territory composing it from the States of Maryland and Y'irginia. No one call suppose that Maryland,a slaveholding State then and a slave holding State now, could have designed to give Congress any power over tho institution ofslave ry in this Territory. Independently ofthe wrong to the people of the District, to emancipate their slaves, it would be an intolerable evil to have a District between them, where emancipation prevails by the authority of Congress. Con gress, in the bill reported as a part of the so called compromise, now begins tho work of emancipation by declaring that if any slave is brought into the District for sale, he shall be “ liberated and free.” If a slave is liberated because ba is brought into the District, the next step, to liberate liim because lie is in the District, is not difficult. The power to emancipate tlie slaves in the District of Columbia is thus claimed and exercised by Congress. Many ofthe ablest men of the South have denied that Congress possesses any such power, whilst all agreed, until lately, that for Congress to interfere with this institution, xvhilst slavery existed in Mary land and Y'irginia, would be a gross breach of faith towards those States, and an outrage upon the w hole South. How long will that facility . which yields to the prejudice against the buy ing and selling ofslaves be able to resist the grea ter prejudice which exists against the holding of slaves at all in the District of Columbia ? For all these sacrifices to the interests and prejudices ofthe people ofthe North the South is tendered the last measure of the compromise the fugitive slave hill us they propose to amend it. To understand the extent of the concession the South receives on this point, we must look to the rights the constitution confers. The farmers ofthe Constitution were perfectly aware that the General Government could have hut little power to secure to them their fugitive slaves in the non-slaveholding States. The whole internal police of a State must be under the control of the State, and by this chiefly could slaves be reraptured. Tlie Constitution there fore, not relying on the legislation of Congress alone, requires that a fugitive slave, escaping into a non-slaveholding Stale, shall be “deliver adupon claim oftlie party” to whom he belongs. Fugitive slaves are put on the footing offugitive criminals, and are to be delivered up by the State authorities. If these authorities do not enforce the requirements ofthe Constitution,and aid in the recapture and recovery of fugitive slaves, Congress can do but little to enforce them. Ibe bill providing for the co-operation of the few officers of the United States Government in a State, is practically quite insufficient to ac complish its aim. YY'liat can they do in such a State as Pennsyl vanta, to recover fugitive slaves ? Yet if Congress does all that it can do, by legislation, to enforce the Constitu tion, it only does its duty to the South There can be no concession or favor to the South, in giving her only what she has a right to have un dor the Constitution—unless,indeed, the Consti tution for her has no existence. The bill then, is, in the first place, quite inadequate to restore to us our fugitive slaves, and in the second place, gives the South but what she is entitled to. If this was all, there would be nothing in the bill for which we should concede any thing to the North. But it is not all. Under the pretext of bestowing on us a benefit, it perpetrates a usurpation on the reserved rights of the States. It provides that a slave may arraign his master, by tbe authority of laws made by Congress, before the courts ofthe Slates and of tlieUnited States, to try his right to his freedom. If Congress can legislate at all between the mas ter and slave in a Slate, where can its power be stayed ? It can abolish slavery in the States.— Thus a power is assumed in the bill, which vir tually extends the jurisdiction ofCongress over slavery in the States. And this is a benefit to the South ! Under a guise of a benefit, the bill is useless as a remedy—and worse than useless in its usurpations. Such are the various measures which constitute this compromise. YY e do not believe that many of those in the South, who at an early day, expressed a willing ness to support it, had well considered its import, or ever contemplated supporting it without ma king material amendments. YVe fully appreciate and duly honor the motives of those who would restore tranquility to the country, nor shall we impugn in any form those who have assisted to frame or who have yielded a support to the measures But if our view of its provisions are correct, instead of a “compromise,” it is a com prehensive scheme of emancipation; and if pass ed by Congress will only heap new indguities upon the South. So far from pacifying the peo ple oftlie slaveholding States, it should arouse them to renewed efforts to vindicate their rights and institutions. YY hy the non-slavelionding tMates do not support these measures, we are un able to understand, unless if be, that a haughty fanaticism inflatted with success, disdains accom plishing its objects by indirection. If these measures, however, were really a compromise in which the South bud equal gains with the North, it would be of doubtful expediency for the South to propose it. Three times in Con. gress, during this controversy, the South has pro posed the Missouri compromise, which hasbeen three times rejected by the North. Twice she has proposed a compromise by w inch she consen ted to leave it to the courts of the United States to determine ber rights. Instead of requiring sternly their recognition by Congress, fifteen sovereign States have consented to be carried in to the courts of the country, and there to sub. mit their sovereign rights in a territory belong ing to them, to their final arbitrament. Their humiliation did not win the respect or confidence ol the North and tho proposition was twice rejected. l be South, in our opinion, might accept one other compromise, not because it isco-extensive with our rights, but because it has been twice sanctioned by those who have gone before us.— It tlie North offers the Missouri Compromise, to extend to the Pacific Ocean, the Sotnli cannot re ject it, provided, a distinct recognition of our right to enter the territory South of 36 deg. 30 min North latitude, is expressed in the compro mise. YY e should take line, as a partition line between the two sections of the Union ; and besides this, nothing but what the Constitution bestows. Although the Northern States would acquire by this compromise, three-fourths of our vacant territory, they will have renounced the insufferable pertention of restricting and prevent ing the extention of the South, w liilst they should extend indefinitely. Having thus, fellow citizens, laid before ynu .a statement of your condition—your rights—and the remedy which, under present circumstances you should accept, we leave you fora brief space of time. It is proper to state' to you, that while v\e are unanimous in approving the resolutions accompanying this address, the Delegates to this Convention are not entirely unanimous in approving all the arguments contained in it, particularly such as relates to the compromise bill pending in the United States Senate, though none are in favor ot that hill,unless it be amend" ed in conformity with our resolutions, or in such manner as shall substantially secure to the South the rights asserted in them. Until Congress adjourns, we cannot know what it will do or will tail to do. We must therefore meet again after its adjournment, to consider the final con dition in which it will leave you. We recom mend to you, and exhort you to send Delegates from every county and district in the Southern States to meet us when we again assemble. It is no ordinary occasion which has assembled us together. The Constitution, and the Union it created, so long dear to your hearts, are to be preserved, and your liberties and your institu tions maintained. Resolutions Adopted by tlie Convention. Nasavilte, June 8. 1850, 1. Resolved, That the Territories of the Uni ted States belong to the people of the several States of this Union as their common property ; that the citizens of the several States have equal ri hts to migrate with their property to thescTcr . itories, and are equally entitled to tlie protec tion of the Federal Government in the enjoy ment of that property so long as the Territo ries remain under the charge of that Govern ment. 2. Resolved, That Congress has no power to exclude from the Territory of the United States any property lawfully held in the States of the Union, and any acts which may be passed by Congress to cfleet this result is a plain violation of the Constitution of the United Stales. 3 Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to provide proper governments for Territories since the spirit of American Institutions forbids the mainlainance of military governments in time of peace, and as all laws heretofore existing in Territories once beonging to foreign powers which interfere with the lull enjoyment of re ligion ; the freedom of the press; the trial bv jury and all other rights of persons and properly as secured or recognized in the Constitution „f the United States are necessarily void so socu, as suchTeritories become American Territories it is the duty of the Federal Government to' make early provisions for the enactment of th oae laws which may be expedient and necessary t 0 secure to the inhabitanst of and emigrant's to such Territories,the full benefit of the consti tu . tional rights we assert. 4. Resolved, That to protect properly exist, ing in the several Slates of the Union the peo -of these States invested the Federal Govern ment with the powers of war and negotiation and sustaining armies and navies and prohibited’ to State authorities the exercise ofthe same pow ers. They made no discrimination in the pro tection to be afforded or the discretion of the property tube defended, nor was it allowed to the Federal Government to determine what should be held as properly. Whatever the States deal with as property the Federal Government is bound to recognise and defend as such.— Therefore it is the sense of this Convention thut all acts of the Federal Government which tend to denationalize property or any descrip, tion recognizeed in the Constitution and laws of the States, or that discriminate in the degree and efficiency ofthe protection to be aflorded to it, or which weaken or destroy the title of any citizen upon American Teri itojies, are plain and palpable violations ofthe fundamental law under which it exists. 5. Resolved, That the slaveholding States cannot and will not submit to the enactment by Congress, of any law imposing onerous condi tions or restraints upon the rights of masters to remove with their properly into the Territories of the United States, or to any law discrimina. tions in favor of the proprietors of other proper ty against them. 6. Resolved, That it is the duty of the Feder al Government plainly to rcognize and firmly to maintain the equal rights of the several States in the Territories of the United States, and to repudiate the power to make a disertmintion be tween the proprietors of different species of pro. perty in Federal Cegislation. The fulfilment of this duty by* the Federal Government, would greatly tend to restore the peace of tbe country and to allay the exasperation and excitement which now exist between the different sections of the Union. For it is the deliberate opinion of this Convention that the tolerance Congress has given to the notion that Federal authority might be employed incidentally and indirectly to subvert or weaken the institutions existing in tbe States, confessedly beyond Federal jurisdic tion and control, is a main cause of the discord which menaces the existence of the Uuion, and which has well nigh destroyed the efficient ac tion oftlie Federal Government itself. 7. Resolved, That the performance of this duty is required by the fundamental law of the Union. The equality of the people of the sev eral States composing the Union cannot be dis turbed without disturbing the frame of the A meriran institutions. This principle is violated in the denial of the citizens of the slaveholding States of the power to enter into the territories with tlie property lawfully acquired in the States. The warfare against this right, is ii war upon the Constitution. The defenders of this right are defenders of the Constitution. Tho e who deny or impair its exercise, are unfaithful to the Constitution, and if disunion follows the destruction ofthe right, they are the disunion ists. 8. Resolved, That the performance of the du ties upon the principle we declare, would ena ble Congress to remove the embarrassments in which the country is now involved. The va cant territories of the United States, no longer regarded as prizes for sectional rapacity and am bition, would be gradually occupied by inhabi tants drawn to them by their interests and feel ings. The institutions fitted to them would be naturally applied by governments formed on A merroan ideas and approved by the deliberate choice of their constituents. The community would be educated and disciplined under a re publican administration in habits of self gov ernment, and fitted for association as a State, and to the enjoyment of a place in the confede racy. A community so formed and organized, might well claim admission to the Union and none would dispute the validity of the claim. 9. Resolved, That a recognition of this prin ciple, would deprive the questions between Tex as and the United States of their sectional char acter, and would leave them for adjustment without disturbance from sectional prejudices and passions, upon considerations, of magna nimity and justice. 10. Resolved, That a recognition of this prin ciple would infuse a spirit of conciliation in the discussion and adjustment nfall the subjects of sectional dispute, which would afford a guaran ty of an early and satisfactory termination. 11. Resolved, That in tho event a dominant majority shall refuse to recognize the great con stitutional rights we assert, and shall continue to deny the obligations of the Federal Govern ment to maintain them, it is the sense of this Convention that the Territories should be trea ted as property, and divided between the sec tions of the Union, so that the rights of both sections he adequately secured in their respec tive shares. That we are aware this course is open to grave objections, but we are ready to acquiesce in the adoption of the line of 3fi deg. 30 min. North latitude, extending to the Pacific Ocean, as an extreme concession, upon consid erations of what is due to the stability of our institutions. 12. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Convention this controversy should be ended, either by n recognition of the conststution*! rights of the Southern people, or by an equitahis partition of the Territories. That the spectacle of a confederacy of Status, involved in quarrels over the fruits of a war in which the American arms were crowned with glory, is humiliating- That the incorporation of tlie Wilmot Proviso in the offer of settlement, a proposition which fourteen States regard as disparaging and dis honorable, is degrading to the country. A ter mination to this controversy by the disruption of the Confederacy, or by the abandonment of tho territories to prevent such a result, would be » climax to the shame which attaches to tho con troversy,which it is the paramount duty of Con gress to avoid. 13. Resolved, That this Convention will not conclude that Congress will adjourn without making an adjustment of this controversy, and in the condition oftlie questions this Convention does not feel at liberty to discuss the measures suitable for a resistance of laws involving t* dishonor of the Southern States.