Digital Library of Georgia Logo
GALILEO Logo

The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851, July 06, 1850, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE , aramsrQj»j»s Will it published every SATURDAY Afternoon, In tht Ttco-Story Wooden Building , at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, IW THE CITE or MACOS, 61. By WM. B. IIAUKISO.V TERMS: For the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2 if not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum. Cj*Advertisements will be inserted at the usnal rates —and when the number of insertions de sired is not specified, they will be continued un til forbid aud charged accordingly, O* Advertisers by the Year will be contracted with upon the most favorable terms. Qj*Sales of Land by Administrators,Executors or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in which the Property is situate. Notice of these Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days previous to the day of sale. O’Sales of Negroes by Administators, Execu tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on the first Tuesday in the month, between the legal hours of sale, before the Court House of the county where the LettersTestamentary.or Administration or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv ing notice thereoffor Sixty Days, in one of the public gazettes of this State,and at the door of the Court House where such sales are to be held. O’Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner Forty Days pre vious to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors olan es ate must be published for Forty Days, t that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne groes must be published in a public gazettein the :siate for Four Months, before any order absolute can be given by the Court. qj’Citations for Letters of Administration on an Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must be published Thirty Days for Letlersof Dismis sion from the administrationofan Estate,monthly pr Sit Months —for Dismission from Guardian „bip Forty Days. for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, must be published monthly for Four Months— for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of Three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of Three Months. N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive prompt attention at the SU UTHERJY TRIIiI JYE Oltice, and strict care will bn taken that all legal Advertisements are published according to Law. Tj*AII Letters directed to this Office or the Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in sure attention. Ip o c t r g . [TOR THE SOUTH ERS TKIBUNK J THE CUOSS. Symbol of shame ! mysterious sign, Os groans, and agonies,and blond; Ilail ! pledge of love, of peace divine, Froni God ' Symbol of hope! ofthosc that stray, The pilgrim’s vows extend to thee ; Star of the soul, thou guid'st the way To Calvary ! Symbofof tears ! we look and mourn His woes, whose soul for man was riven ; Where, wanderer, is thy due return ? To Heaven. Symbol of empire! thou shall rise And shine, when lands in darkness sit, On Eastern domes that greet the skies And minaret. Symbol of glory ! when no more The monarch grasps his diadem, Thou still shaft burn when worlds are o'er, A peerless gem ! L. J. R. Roberltille, (S. G’.,) June lOfA, li?50. SEVER HOLD MALICE. BY KI.IZA COOK. Oh ! never “hold malice it poisons our life With the gall-drop of hate and the night shade of strife ; Let us scorn where we must, and despise where we may But let anger like sun-light go down with the day. Our spirits in clashing may bear the hot spark, But no smouldering flame to break out in the dark ; Tis the narrowest heart that creation can make, Where our passions fold up like the coils of a snake. Oh ! nover “hold malice,” it cannot be good, For ’tis nobler to strike in the rush of hot blood, Than to bitterly cherish the name of the foe— Wait to sharpen the weapon and measure the blow The wild dog in hunger—the wolf in its spring— The shark of the waters —the asp with its sting- Are loss to be feared than the vcngeticc of man, When it lioth in secret to wound when it can. Oh! never “hold malice;” dislike if you will, Yet remombor humanity linketli us still ; Wo are all of us human, and all of us erring, And mercy within us should ever be stirring, bhall we dare to look up to the Father above, ith petitions for pardon or pleading for love ? we dare, while wc pant for revenge on another, lo ask from a God, yet deny to a brother? PolTtf cal. Extract* from (He Speech of llou. It. U. Meade, of Virginia. j House of Representatives, June 6,1850. i l heard some say that there vvasnobles- Sln g greater than Union—no evil so great I ** disunion. Sir, the sentiment is not on- I y cowardly, but it is high treason against I 'herty und the rights ofman. Union with- I equality will enslave us. The opinions THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES— VOLUME 11. of Mr. Jefle rson are often quoted against I the South. Sir, I wish to derive no ad vantages from concealing or preverting a fact. When the Federal Constitution was formed, I believe that most of the states men of the South looked to the ultimate abolition of slavery, and to that end they strove against that clause which permitted the importation of slaves, til the year 1808. But the North insisted on the provision with a view to commercial profit. I have heard this gravely claimed as a conces sion to the South. In 1788, our slave population did not much exceed a half million ; emancipation could then have been effected, and was no doubt contem plated by the Southern statesmen. This provision, however, insisted on by the North postponed the time when slaves should he imported from Africa to the year 1808, at which time they had, from propagation and importations, swelled up to twelve hundred thousand. Virginia had then be come so encumbered with the population, she had no alternative hut to continue them in slavery, or to make of them a decided ly more degraded population—that is, a lazy, thievish, free negro poonla' ion, such as the North now has. The whole of the abuse, therefore, which is lavished upon their Southern brethern, recoils upon the memory of the speaker’s own ancestors; and 1 have often asked myself, where is I hat pride of ancestry w'hich is usually the the most cheerished sentiment of an Ame rican bosom. I here is hut one way of explaining this apparent insensibility to national and ances tral pride. We are told that a half million of emigrants are annually added at the North to the number of American citizens. I am somewhat curioosto know how many of these eloquent friends of humanity and denouncers of their Southern brethern are really Americans, or can boast even of an American father? The answer to this ques tion may go far to explain the warm bro therly feeling and sympathies so often and so courteously manifested towards us by our deaily beloved bretheren from the land of snows. These men affect great love for the U nion, though it ties them to a national dis grace. Do they suppose they cultivate a corresponding attachment at the South, by so ofen bestowing upon ns the epithets of slave-drivers, bloody tyrants, and deal ers in human flesh ? Why, sir, there is not a man from the South who, if he be a man, does not at times feel his attachment to this Union giving way under a disgust of their associations here so redolent of a buse. vulgarity, and malignity. Why, sir, it all our constituents could come here and sit in these halls for three weeks, not long enough to he become hardened to abuse as we have, and under the fresh in fluence of their feelings, were called up on to vote between union and disunion, you would find one third of them voting for t’ne latter, another third sitting in silent indifference, while the rest, under the in fluence of the parting advice of the great slave-breeding, slave-driving tyrant, Geo. Washi ngton, would say, let ustry thething a little longer—we may yet restore the old fraternal 1 ove which united into one the hearts of our forefathers. Mr. Cl lairmnn, Southern fanaticism is sometimes spoken of. Did you ever know fanaticism to he a passive, defensive feel ing ? That is not its nature. That North goad us with abuse, throw fire brands in our dwellings, threaten to yoke the whites with the blacks of the South, and, because we turn upon them, they call us fanatics. Slavery would never be mentioned here but for them. Fanaticism never asks to he let alone, as we ask them. It is an ac tive,aggressive principle, ever at work, and demanding something to be done. The majority principle is often apealed to here, and we are represented as deny ing the rights of a majority. Why. sir, is it possible that the principles of our con federation, at this late day, are so little understood? Will gentlemen contend that the people of New York, because they are two and a half millions, can come to Vir ginia and alter her Constitution, or de prive her of any of her rights, because they are but a million and a half, upon the principle of a majority? Can blithe States combined do it as a matter of right ? Gentlemen will scarcely say aye to this Well, sir, suppose Virginia and New York had formed a Union with limited pow ers and for specified objects, oi suppose France and Spain were to form a similar Union, would it be contended that because New York in the sameone case,or France in tbe other, had a majority, they could exercise any power they please ? The very organization of this House and of the other condemns the doctrine. How can gentlemen contend that the majority principle must govern here, when Dela ware can neutralize the vote of New York? Were we one community, living under one governmet,instead of being a confede ration of independent States for specified objects, then the majority principle would be the correct one. 13ut each State became a member of this Union for their own good. If tbe majority use it as the means of in juring instead of protecting, the obligation of the injured ceases and she may resume her orignal independent position. Now for the application of the principle : Mex ico committed ati outrage, an injury, upon all the States of the Union, and the Union demanded and obtained indemnity for the injury ; the indemnity inures to all, for all were Injured. What was that indemnity? MACON, (GA„) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JURY 6, 1550. Territory which thus became a part and parcel of the United States, that is a part of each state in the Union. Can this bo denied ? Then California is part of Virginia; can Congress abolish slavery in a part of Virginia 1 But you will reply, California is a part of New York, and she has abolished slavery. Now, here is a case where two States have equal rights, and they come in conflict; both Stales are equal and neither will yield. There is but one of three modes of settlement— a fight, or backing out, ora division. Now, will any man in his senses say. that New York would have a light to dictate, be cause she had more people? Why, sir, the same principle would have given to England the whole of Oregon. Now, sir, Oregon presents a case in point.— Had we, supposing we were all slave States, no light to take slaves to Oregon during the joint occupancy ? The answer is obvious. While on this subject I will give you my opinion in regard to the legislative power of Congress over the territories.— Sir, Congress alone has any power. The people of the territories have none, while in a state of independence. You might as well contend that a hoy (while being protected and supported by his father) was a man. Os course the feelings and wish esboth ought to he respected, and if they are not, they may rebel and set up for themselves, if they be strong enough ; but while they live upon the bounty and under the protection of their parent they must obey. But what is the extent of that authority? Ascertain the object for which the Union was formed, and limit its authority by it. This furnishes the key to the whole ques tion. All the powers of Congres on this subject are implied. The object of the Union was not to benefit mankind gener ally. No, sir, it was more specific. It was to promote the good of each individual member, —not of one, ora majority, but of each. And Congress can by implication exercise no power which will affect inju riously a single member of the Confeder acy. And Congress can with as much propriety say to Virginia, you shalleman cipate your slaves because they are an evil, as to say to her you shall not. take them to any part of California because they are an evil. As 1 said before, the mission of Congress is specific, not general. And when the interests of the States come in conflict, it is the duty of Congress to take part with neither, but do justice to all.— In this case, as the subject cannot he en joyed, in common, and neither has a right to all, it must be equitably divided among them ; otherwise any citizen of the Uid ted States may settle in the territory with any species of property wich any State recognise as such. It appears to me that those peculiar guardians of human rights, whose bosoms are so distended with phi], anthropy, could find an ample field for its exercise in their own neighborhoods.— They are much distressed at the ignorance of our people, and profess unutterable sympathy at their uninstructed minds The revelations of the last census are themes of never ending speculations.— They hold up their hands in holy horror at the thought that in Virginia one m eve ry fourteen adults cannot read or write. I am not afraid to compare situations with New York and Massachusetts, and the world shall decide between them. The statistics of those States, show in the first place, that every seventeenth or twenty cih person isapauper; in thesecond place, that one in fourteen of every inhabitant in Boston and New York is under arrest for crime during the year. So that for every citizen of Virginia who is ignorant of books, we will show you two in New York end Boston, one of whom is a pauper, aud the other either a convict or upon his trial. No one will say that this Confederacy would ever have existed, if the present state of things had been foreseen. What state of things? The property of half this Union is secretly invaded. It is car ried into another half, and there the thieves are openly protected by the panoply, not merely of public sentiment but of law.— The injured, in pursuit of his rights, is ar rested, incarcerated, and sometimes mur dered with impunity; ingenious devices are resorted to by sworn officers to evade the plain provisions of the Constitution ; and ifsometimes they are fortunate enough to obtain a judicial recognition of their rights, the redress is but nominal, for sn appeal is taken to the community at large, which often reverses the judgment, and strips the owner of his property. It is no answer to say that this is unauthor ized by law. It is in some cases encour aged Ly the law. But when a community cannot restrain wrong, it is itself responsi ble, and is indetified with the general sen timent. If the people of New York were to make repealed inroads upon Canada— if they were in the habit weekly of sack ing cities of Quebeck and Montreal, the demand of Great Britain would not he sat isfied by telliiig her these forays were con trary to law. She would say to New York: “If you are unable to restrain your peo ple, I must,” and reprisals would follow. The burning of the Caroline was an ap plication of this principle, perhaps too promptly made. When a majority of a community becomes so imbued with vio lence and wrong as to prevent the pussage of requisite laws, or defy them when pass ed—as to shield the perpetrators of wrong —the community itself then becomes the aggtesser, and responsible for the injury. But, sir, the pointjof the argument is this : Should a peaceful community—cow a peace ful commuity long continue in amity and union with one that is lawless ? Sir, it is no inducement that there are some hon est men among them ; unless they are strong enough to control the wicked, they must all rank alike. I could here dwell on the moral deprav ity of that people, who would thus set a side the most sacred obligations, and even boast of acts which involve them in the two fold guilt of perjury aud plunder. * * # # I have expresed the opinion, formed on close observations, that no Abolitionist would venture to propose a measure here that would not now receive three-fourths of the Northern vote; and the absence of only one-half or one-third of the South ern vote would insure the passage of the most obnoxious measures that fanaticism has ever ventured to propose 5 and the most ominous feature in the matter is, that many gentlemen reluctantly give these votes, which shews, not individual opin ion from which we might be protected, hut theopinionof the constituency from which there is no protection. Let us go back only two years, and analyze the votes that have been taken on the slavery question in its various phases. At the first session of the 30th Con gress. Mr. Tuck presented a petitions to ap propriate the proceeds of the public lands to extinguish slavery in the United States. Mr. Gayle moved to lay it on the table —yeas 86, nays 70. There was twenty six Northern yeas, or about one fourth.— (See Congressional Globe, page 82.) At the same session, Mr. Putnam eflered a resolution to in terdict slavery from all territory to be ac quired from Mexico. Mr. Broadhead moved to lay it on the table—yeas, 105, nay 92. There were twenty-eight yeas from the North, or less than a fourth. (See Congressional Globe, page. 391.) At the same session, Mr. Giddings offered a resolution to in quire into the facts connected with the seizure of a slave by his owner, and the propriety of repealing all laws sustaining the slave trade in the District of Colum bia. Mr. Gayle moved to lay this resolution on the table —yeas 85; nays 86 —seventeen yeas from the North, not a sixth; it was suhsequenly laid on the table by a small majority. (See Congressional Globe, page 179.) At the second session same Congress. Mr. Root offered a resolution to instruct the Committee on Territories to report a bill, wiili as little delay as practicable, to prohibit slavery in New Mexico and Cali fornia. Mr. Hall moved to lay the resolution on the table, yeas 80, nays 107. There were but twelve Northern yeas, or about one tenth. The resolution was afterwards a dopted by the same vote, and a motion by Mr. Robinson to reconsider was laid on the table, by a vote of 105 to S3—only twelve Northern votes, or one-tenth vo ting.—(See Congressional Globe, p. 55. At the same session an unprecedented outrage wes attempted. Mr. Giddings introduced a bill on notice to submit the question of abolishing slave ry in the District of Columbia to all the inhabitants over twenty-one years old, in cluding slaves and free negroes. This resolution probed the abolition sen timent deeper than it ever had been. The bill was on its third reading, and on the motion of Mr. Thompson, of Mississippi, to lay the bill on the table, hut thirty-one Northern Representatives, out of one hun dred and ten, or less than one-third, voted for the motion—(See Congrcseional Globe, pp. 55, 56,) At the same session, Mr. Gott moved to instruct the com mittee on the District of Columbia to re port a hill to abolish the slave trade, pre facing it with an offensive and insulting preamble. Mr. Haralson moved to lay this resolu tion on the table, which was refused by a vote of 81 yeas to 85 nays—fifteen Northern members, or about one seventh, voting for it. On the demand for the previous ques tion’the vote stood.ll3 yeas 63 nay 6. Sums of the Northern nterribeis com plained of the South for voting for the previous question. On examination, how ever, it appears that but twenty eight Southerners voted for it, and eighty-five Northerners; against it was forty South ern and but twenty-three Northern votes. On the passage of the resolution the vote stood, yeas 98, nays SS—only fifteen Northern members, or less than a seventh, voting no.— [lbid, S3, S4, On the motion of Mr. Robinson to re consider, the vote stood, yeas 119, nays 81; about one-third of the Northern members sustaining the motion. Mr. Botts then moved to lay the reso lution on the table. This motion was ne gatived, only fifteen Northern Represen tatives voting aye. [ Congressional Globe,page 216. At them same session, I introduced a lesolution to instruct the Committee on the Judicairy to bring in a bill to enable the South to recover fugitive slaves. On a motion to suspend the rules, only eight members from the North voted with the South, and the motion was lost by a large majority. f Congressional Globe, page 188. During the present Congress, the gen tleman from Ohio introduced a resolution to instruct the Committee on Territories to bring in a bill for the government of the territories, with the Wiimot Proviso at tached. Only thirty-two Northern mem bers voted to lay this resolution on the ta ble, being less than a fourth of the whole number. Now, sir, in the face of these votes,embracing the most ultra anti slavery proposition, commanding more than three fourths of the Northern vote, some gentle men profess to believe there is no danger to the South or to the Union. Sir, 1 re peat, if their he any disunionists here, they have cause to rejoice in the prospect before them. There seems to be but one alternative, and that is, the submission of the South. These votes clearly show the teal strength of the Abolitionists. Now, sir, view all these votes in connection with the scenes of last session, when a majority of this House, at the imminent hazard of leaving the Government without means, and of the Union itself, determined to ingraft the proviso on the appropriation bill. View them in connection with thetnneuts of a buse that is daily poured into the Southern ears, showing a disposition to drive us out of the Union, or degrade us, and then sny, Mr. Chairman, wlmt else but a devoted at tachment to this Union could have kept the South a party to it ? Sir, speak not to the South about love of the Union. They have not enough of it—enough. It has betrayed them into silence too long.— Conscious as the North is of her ultimate purpose to drive us to the wall, she is her self astonished at our patience and ductil lily. No.sir, it is not for the South now to sing paeans to the Union. Let its friends at the North remind their people of its blessings. We have more sacred duties to perform, and dearer rights to protect, aud our peo ple should be reminded of them. Until our rights are respected, the appeals that I shall make to my constituents will be addressed to their sense of wrong, their pride, and manhood. When Southern rights are respected, I will then join hear tily in the chorus to Union. Modern Orni riioi.oov.-Alihough birds in general do not suffer from colds in their heads, yet the smaller vaiieties are liable to hawk and the domestic fowls to spit. Birds have no expresses, nor are there any engaged in the transportation busi ness, except buzzards and crows, who are all in the carrion line. Every crow that is a raven, should ho immediately shut up in the lunatic asy lum. Judges who own a rookery, have fre quent opportunities to hear caws ; The throat of birds is very small; hawks, nevertheless, often take quite large swal lows. Although birds do not preach the largei species prey continually. The rooster is their chorister, and practises the chro- malic scale every morn ing. Hens and chickens should never he al lowed to amuse themselves, as it always ends in Jowl play. Although no matt the present day would think of sending a goose in reply to a note yet among the old Romans, the bird was an anser. Although tame pigeons have nothing of the India-rubber kind in their formation, yet they are notoriously gutter-perchers. The business hours of birds differ from our own their notes being mostly given out befote 10 A. M. Although the gallinaceous variety form but a small portion of the entire species, yet at night, all birds are roosters.—Spirit oj' the Times. “ Like Master, Like Man.”— “ Boy who do you belong to?” was inquired of a darkey the other day. “Mr. ,” was the response. Are you not sick, boy—what makes your eyes look so red ?” "No massa, me no sick.” “Don’t you love a dram, boy V' "O, yes, massa, me lub him berry well —he mighty good.” “But boy, are you not afraid to drink liquor—it will kill you, it is poison.” “Kiiia me!—(J, no!—Massa been drink him dis long time; lub him mighty well; hah a hole barrel in de house at one time, lie no killa massa—he no killa a nigger— he berry good.” The above is the substance of a dialogue between a white man and a negro, who was driving his master’s wagon near our place one day last week. Comments, are unnecessary. You know what physical training is of course, Mrs. Partington ?” said the doc tor in a mild way. "Oh, yes,” replied she; "I’ve just seen a picture of a whole family of twelve chil dren that took nothing on earth but pills for thirty years !” (K!7""Simon,” said Boh, “what are you doing now-a-days for a living ?” “Nothin’ particular. I’m the owner of a ship, now.” "Owner of a ship ! What ship ?’’ "Stewardi//'/> at Sam Jonsin’s cellar.” BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, Will be executed in the most auplpt cd style and on the lest terms,at the OJJtcejJjlt r SCTTTSffiRIT TRlfelJlTß -BY— WM. B HARRISON. NUMBER 26 Curiosities of Science. —An interest ing paper might be written by a competent hand, respecting what we may rail flie "Curiosities of Science.” 'I hem mo iiiu dredsof facts,familiarto the explorer of na ture, which would startle the ordinary re»l ei, from their apparent antagonism to other facts. Thus, if a blackened card is plirbd upon snow or ice irt the sunshine, the fio zen mass underneath will gmdnally n.elt; while that by which it is sarrounded is but little disturbed. If however, the sub’s rays, instead of falling directly on the card and snow are reflected ftom a melted sur face,an exactlyopposite result occurs: the exposed parts are the first to melt, and the blackened card remains standing high a bove the surrounding portion. Another cuyious fact is that, if bats of cupper, zinc, brass, and be!! metal are to be heated and placed so as to 000 l on blocks of lead, tin. ; or pewter, the bars are thrown a slate of | vibration, and produces sounds stmilarto those into of an a*olian harp. A black smith will tell you he can press heat out of a piece of iron, by heating it with a ham mer, until, at last, he will render it red ho t and he ableto light a match at it,hut he wil atld that the same piece cannot be made red hot again by hammering, until it has* been made red hot in fire, and brought hack to its original expanded condition. The same principle which is at the bot tom of this curious fact enables site to be ob tained by the friction of two pieces of wood. Even unscientific readers are familiar with the fact that ice can he formed in the hottest summer day, by chemical means; but few are aware that water can be fio zen in a vessel that is at red heat. Yet this astonishing experiment has been ferquently performed. If a deep platina saucer is heated red hot, and then water and liquid sulphurous acid, which has been preserved in the liquid state by a freezing mixture, is poured into the vessel,the tap id evaporation of the volatile acid, which enters into ebullition at the freezing point, produces such nn intense cold, that ice is immedatly formed, and being thrown out, can he used to cool water. The experi ments of jugglers have proved to all, that undercertan conditions, the hand can bo immersed with impunity in melted metal. Little more is requited than to nibtho hands with soap to give them a polished surface, then to plunge them in a cold so lution of water and salatnmoriiac, and afterwards to put them into, the liquid iron, lead, bronze, or other metal, mov ing them rapidly through it though not too rapidly. The explanation of this curious fact is this. When the hand is plunged in to melted mctul the skin is not iri contact with the metal, and therefore the heat inci dent upon the skin arise only from that which is radiated from the metal. The mois ture of the skin passes in to the spheroidal state, and reflects the radiating caloric, so that the heat is never at the boiling point. Heat and light exhibit, in part, through transparent bodies, a very letnarkable difference. Transparent alum which is as clear as the cleanest water, transmits only twelve percent of heat, while rockchrys tal, which is not more lucid, transmits ninety-seven percent of heat. Black glass allows ninety seven pci cl. of heat io pass through it; while green glass, colored by oxide of copper, and colored with a layer of water, will, though perfectly transpa rent, almost entirely deprive the solar ray of heat. On the principle of different colors, the whole economy of nature,in reference to the absorption and radiation of heat by the various kinds of flowers and plants, is carried on. Says a late writer: “Every tree spreading its green leaves to the sun shine, or exposing its brown branches to the air—every flower which lends beauty to •he earth—possesses diffeient absorbing, and radiating powers. The chalice-like cup of the pure white lily floating on a lake, the variegated tuilp, the brilliant anemone the delicate rose, the intensely colored peony, or dahlia, have each powers pecu liar to themselves fordrinking in the warm ing life stream of the sun, and radiating it back again to the thirsting atmosphere.” Electricity also performs an important func tion in the growth of flowers, as is popu larly known by actual experiment. Jn short, the world of scienco is full of curious facts, and not without poetry of its own.—• Many an intellect that wastes its time in profitless meiital speculations, or loiters life away in the perusal of trashy books, would find anew delight in tracing the wonder working processes of nature, anti learn through revering Dature, to adore nature’s God.— Phi/a. Evening Bulletin. Beautiful Prayer. — Lord ! bless and preserve that dear person whom thou had chosen to be my husband ; let his life be long, blessed, comfortable and holy ; and let me also become a great blessing, com forter and sharer in all his joys, a refresher in all his sorrows, a meet helper for him iu all the accidents and chances of the world; make me amiable for ever before his eyes and very dear to him. Unite his heart to me in the dearest union oflove and holiness and mine to him in all sweetness, chaiity and c< mplaisance. Keep from me all uu gentleness, all discontentedness, and un reasonableness of passion and humor; and make me humble and obedient, charitable and loving, patient and contented, useful and observant, that we may delight in each other according to Thy blessed word and ordinance, and both of us may rejoice in Thee, having our poition in the love and service of God forever.— litisii Mvn mgtt,