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THE ®3B2SWSS‘S 9 Hill hcpublishcd every SATURDAY Afternoon, In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, IX TIIE CITV OF MACON, GA. Kjr WM.B. HARRISON. T E Jt M S : I or the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2 *’ not paid in advance, CO, per annum. XT’Advertisements will be inserted at theusual .ites and when the number of insertions dc s>re<l is not specified, tliey will be continued un forbid and charged accordingly. JT Advertisers by the Year will be contracted with upon the most favorable terms. JJ*Sales of Land by Administrators.Execufors or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between thehours of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in which the Property is situate. Notice of these .Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days previous to the day of sale. ,JTSales of Negroes by Administators, Execu t.ws or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on 11 j first Tuesday in the month, between the legal :i rirs of sale, before the Court House of thecounty waere the I.ettersTeStamentary.or Administration r Guardianship Bnay have been granted, first giv ir notice Miereoffor Sirty Days, in one of the public gazettes of this State,anil at the door of the Court House where such sales are to he held. PJ'Notiee for the sale of Personal Property mist be given in like manner Forty Days pre vious to the day of sale. to the Debtors and Creditors of an es pts must be published for Forty Days. jyNotice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne s 'roes must be published in a public gazette in the s,ate for Four Months, before any order absolute c an be given by the Court. J'Citations for Letters of Administration on hi Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must be published Thirty Days ~ for Letters of Dismis . ,n fromtheadininistrutinnofan Estate,monthly lor Sir Months — for Dismission from Guardian slop Forty Days. y-llules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, must be published monthly for Four Months— fir establishing lost Papers, for the full space of three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond his been given by the deceased, the full space of Three Months. N. 15 All Business of this kind shall receive prompt attention at the SOUTHERN TRIBUNE nifite, and strict care will be taken that all legal Alvertisemcnts are published according to Law. y*.\ll Letters directed to this Office or the Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in sure attention. IT. OTTSLE7 & SOlT s WAREHOUSE 4* COMMISSION.^!ERCHANTS' HriLL continue Business at their *■ Fil*e- Prool' BuiHliiijrs,” on Colton .IrcnUC, Macon, Ga. Thankful for past favors, they beg leave to say tliey will be constantly at their post, and tliatno . tlbrts shall be spared to advance the interest of their patrons. They respectfully ask all who have COTTO A nr other PRODUCE to Store, to call and exam ine the safety of flieir Buildings, before placing it elsewhere. JT Customary Advances on Cotton in ..lore nr Shipped,aud all Business transacted at the usual rates. june ‘2 - v I> AV I D Ki: 1 D , Justice of the Peace ami Notary Public, MACON, Q A . / 10MMISSIONER OF DEEDS, &c., for the V States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mis.-issippi, Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky. Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Missouri, New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pnnn vlvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, New Jersey, Maine, &o. Depositions taken, Accounts probated, Deeds and Mortgages drawn, anti ail documents and instruments of writing prepared and authentica ted for use and rerord, in any of the above States. Residence on Walnut Street, near the African Church. in*Public Office adjoining Dr.M.S.Thomson’s Botanic Store, opposite the l'loyd House, junc 2!) 25 I v WILLIAM WILSON, HOUSE CARPENTER AND CONTRACTOR t Cherry Street near Third , Macon, Ga. A TAKES and keeps on hand Doors, Blinds i-VL and Sashes for sale. Thankful for past favors he hopes for further patronage. may 25 20-6 m WOOD & LOW, GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS, NEW ORLEANS, LA. tn av 25 20 1 v Ice Crcuiu Saloon, Cotton Avenue, next door beloic Ross 4' Go s. OPEN from 10 o’clock, A. M. to 10 P M.» daily, Sundays excepted The Ladies Slaoon detached and fitted up for their comfort, in a neat and pleasant style. June 22 M. C. FREEMAN. HALL A; BIIANTLEY, TTAVE just received a well selected nssorl- II ment of DR Y GOODS and GROCERIES, which embraces almost every article in their line of business. Those Goods make their stock Extensive, which has been selected recently by one of the firm, and they are determined to sell their Goods upon reasonable terms, and at the lowest prices. Whilst they are thankful for past favors, they respectfully invite their friends and the public to call at their Store on Cherry Street, and examine their Goods and prices, before pur chasing elsewhere. march 23 11 Macon Candy Manufactory. r pilE Subscriber still continues to mnrtifae- L tore CANDY of every variety, next door below Ross & Co’s, on Cotton Avenue. Ilav tag increased my Facilities and obtained addi tional Tools, I ant now prepared to put up to order, CANDIES, of any variety, and war ranted equal to any manufactured in the South. I also manufacture a superior nrticleofEcmonand other SYRUPS, CORDIALS\PIiESERVES,^c. All my articles are well packed, delivered at any point in the City and warranted to give satisfaction. 11. C. FREEMAN, Agent, march U 9 Macon Female Hifcli Scliool. MRS. LAWTON, being thankful for the patronage she has received, will commence the Second Term of her SCHOOL on MONDAY 'th of July next. All communications directed ,0 Mrs. L. through the Post Office, Box No. 30, "‘II meet with prompt attention. THE SOUTHERN TBIBUNE. NEW SEIITES—VOLUME jj. _43or t r » . [Foil THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE] A SPELL, n V D . POSTru. T here is a soft spell, let me roam where I will, T hat hangs o’er the pages of memory still ; And recalls to my mind, both in sorrow and mirth ’l lie spot of my childhood, the place of my birth. Like the forms that arise, and surround us in dreams, The scenes ofmy boyhood come back to tny heart; The tall waving pines, and those clear summer streams, Mctliinks they can never completely depart ; The joy they once brought me 1 ne’er can forget, And I dw ell on them now with a voiceless regret. ’Tis well to remember those times that have fled; To think of the garden trees, aged or dead : To think of young pleasures all vanish’d away; They silently teach us that we must decay : 1 hat the poison of death all around us is cast ; That it lurks in the cup which is sweetest, to blast ! 1 hey tell me that I, like the joys I once tasted, By the rudeness of time, must be injur’d and wasted : They hid me prepare for Eternity’s doom, Ar.d the silence that reigns in the dark cover’d tomb. political. From the Southern Press. The Randolph Epistles on the Bight of Secession. NO. 11. Views of Messrs. Clay, Cass and Webster. The Right of Revolution defined. — The Secession of the Colonies from Great Britain. — Gen. Washington ssentiments on Secession, Sfc. To his Excellency, Millard Fillmore, President of the United States : Three of the most eminent living men of the country are Messrs, Clay, Cass and Webster. Could they have been satisfied as so many of tlie fathers of the Constitu tion, and of the great men who preceded them, and the illustrious Washington, Jefferson, and Madison among them were, that the right of secession was an inherent a riel essential element of a compact to which the States were parties in their soverign capacities; and had they seen fit to make known such opinions to their coun trymen in all sections—who can doubt,but that their great weight of character and influence, and admirable powers of de bate, would have wrought their own con victions every where upon the public mind? And hud they done so, who can doubt, but that the free Stales, after balancing the South’s products and the South’s freights,the South’s purchases,the South’s exchanges, and the South’s supplies to the Treasury—against their pretensions to appropriate to themselves exclusively the entiiety of the Federal territory, to decoy and emancipate the South’s slaves, &c. f in breach of the Constitution, with the certainty of an immediate disruption of the Union—would promptly have chosen to have stood by their interests, aban doned their pretensions, yielded the South her equality, shared with her the territory, surrendered up her slaves, and, in fine have adjusted the whole controversy on the very moderate ba-is of the South’s ultimata. Had this been done, the whole land would have resounded with rejoic ings, and been wreathed with chaplets of conciliation and peace from ocean to ocean, and from the lakes to the sea. But most un happily for the country, these distinguish ed men did not see fit to take this sooth ing and tranquilizing course, but took the opposite one: and in my humble judgment have wrought thereby incalculable, and it may he, incurable mischiefs upon the coun try. Ido not mean to say that either of these gentlemen asserted, iu so many words, that the right of secession did not exist; hut that they so ingeniously and ora cularly argued against its exercise, and made civil war its imminent and insepara ble sequence, as to have wiought that im pression thoroughly upon the public mind at the North, and to have wrought the im pression every where, that sucli were their opinions. It has neverbeen my good or ill fortune, to encounter any well-informed person, any where, North or South, who however he might deny the right of secession in words, did not in sentiment if urged to particulars, betray his belief in it, in some form or other; though apt enough to retreat from his position, and mask his confession under cover of the phraso of a right of MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, AUGUST 31, 1850. revolution. This proneness of statesmen to conceal their retreat under a battery of words, and in matters of State to re gard as the safest use of language,the con cealment of one’s thoughts, was most strik ingly exemplified at the close of Mr. Web ster s great speech on the slavery ques tion in March last. Avery eminent per son, of spotless purity of character, frank of thought and hold of counsel, unrivalled 1 among men for his deep sagacity and pro. found and comprehensive statesmanship, happened to he present on that occasion: It was South Carolina’s illustrious statesman, the lamented Calhoun! In | the course of Mr. Webster’s fervent de plorings of the effects of secession, Mr. Cal houn understood him to deny (as did most of his audience) the right of secession and fur any cause. True to his instincts, and as rapid as thought, Mr. Calhoun saw all the portentous hearings of this skilful piece of oratory, and, though then in a deep decline, and hut a span from the grave, lie faultered not a moment in assaulting Mr. Webster’s position, and putting him upon his defence ; and the following colloquy ensued : Mr. Calhoun. “I cannot agree with the Senator from Massachusetts—that this Union cannot bedissolved. Am Ito under stand him, that no degree of oppression ; no outrage ; no broken faith, can produce the destruction of this Union? Why, sir, if that becomes a fixed fact, it will itself be come the great instrument of producing oppression, outrage and broken faith. No] sir,the Union can he broken. Great moral causes will break it if they go on, anti it can only he preserved by justice, good Jaitli, and a rigid adherence to the Con stitution. Mr. Webster. “The Senator from South Carolina asks me, if I hold the breaking up of the Union by an such thing as the voluntary secession of States as an impossi bility? I know sir, this Union can be broken up. Every government can be; and I admit, that there may be such a degree of oppression as u-i/l warrant resistance and forcible severance. That is revolution! Os that ultimate right of revolution, I have not been speaking. 1 know that that laic of necessity docs exist.'’ It is thus seen that Mr. Webster plainly evades the question be repeats to ho an swered, touching the right of “voluntary secession,” and contents himself with ad mitting, under the contingency he names the right of a “forcible severance,” (about which no question had been put to him) and this he defines to mean, “the right of revolution.” And pray what is a right of revolution, hut a right to change or abolish systems or forms of government, with or without force? Can Mr. Webster have at tempted to impose upon his countrymen, as a sentiment of his own, that which he lie cannot believe, to wit: that a revolution cannot he effected but by the spilling of blood and civil war ? If so distinguished a person would risk his high fame upon so paltry a quibble as this, then the world might be curious to know how much blood must be spilled, and how long the war must las', to make it a legitimate revolution ? The throne of Louis Philippe in a single day sunk,crush, ed under the weight of popular opinion, and the affrighted monarch, with scarcely the exchange ofa shot,precipitately fled the kingdom,and lo! France was revolutioniz ed and free? That’s history. Was there blood enough spihto make it a revolution ? Shortly thereafter, the Provisional G overn ment of France was overthrown,and a Con stitutional Government was substituted in its stead,without drawing a sabre or firing a gun! That’s history Was it not a revo lution In 1846, Gen. Paredes, without the click ofa musket, displaced General Herrera, and overturned the Mexican Government; and, crossing the Rio Grande, brought on the American war! That’s historv. Was it not a revolution ? Revolutions may be brought about by civil war undoubtedly, and most frequent ly are; but falsifies all experience, and is absurd to maintain ex vi terminorum> that they impart governmental changes wiought by civil war and none other.— The terms revolution and change, applied descriptively to substitutions of one form of government for another, are dealt with as synonimes, by those publicists of Eu rope in the highest repute. Should the people of these thirty States ever become madmen enough to abolish this Republic by common consent, establish a monarchy in its stead and cliooze a King, it would astound the world !—and if that would not be a revolution in the universal sense of mankind, and the most memorable which Christendom has witnessed, I chal j lenge all history for the registry of one | which would rival it in wonder, in inter ; est and in importance ; and yet not a blood stain would attest the patriot strivings of ian heroic resistance! Why, sir, when ! your predecessor was chosen and inaugu ted as President of the United States, ! what less or olher did the change from a i Democratic to a Whig Government im port or attest, than a thorough revolution jof national policy and parties ? And . when, upon General Taylor’s demise, you acceded to his functions, and substituted a new Cabinet for the old one, what less or other, did it import or attest, than a revolu tion, \\\ the administration of the Govern ment? The one was a revolution of the Government and the other of the Adminis tration; et si sic omnes, &c. Hence se- ( cession, come when it may, and be it in peace or in strife, and end as it will, must effect a revolution of Government, and a dismemberment of the Union. That’s the result, and that’s all. Nothing more, no thing less, nothing else. The right of secession then, is one of the rights of revolution; and when I speak of it as a right, I mean what all the world means, in speaking of a right, an authori ty in a State to do something, which no other Government, nor other State, nor many States, nor the United States, can have a counter right to prevent or obstruct, or oppose by force, or through any con straint or interference whatever. 1 repeat what I have said before, that the right is absolute, exclusive, and unquestionable, or it does not exist. Should the other States through their folly or wickedness make war upon them for exercising rights guarantied to them as muniments of sov ereignty, resulting from the nature of the compact which made them parties to the Union. So bo it ! They will be blame less, and irresponsible, happen what may. And should the Union be shattered into fragments amid the shock and crash of arms, those who may have fomented the contest and achieved the catastrophe, will wish they had never been born, or being borne that they were cast with millstones around their necks into the uttermost depths of the sea ! The controversy which severed the Colonies from the Kin gdom in the days of 1776,resulting as it did from intolerable wrongs and oppressions toogrievious to be borne with, would have been effected (had justice and the right held sway,) through peaceful secession and nothinig besides. The men of the Revo lution, in their memorable Declaration of Independence, recited their grievance and announced their separation ; hut they pro claimed no war and they made none. It was Great Britain who had made the war, and converted their attempt at a peaceful revolution into a bloody one, by invading their borders, laying waste their towns and villages, killing their people, dessolu iing their country, aud driving them to arms! Now, 1 demand to be shown in all the broad, a single American, who stands ready to deny that British oppressions ves ted aright of secession even in the colonies, and with it aright to judge for themselves of the occasion meet for its exercise. If there be such a person, I want to see that man ! But there is no such man ! All men, in this country at least, admit that the colonies possessed the right of peace ful secession, and all who do, necessari ly deny to Great Britain the conflicting right to resist its accomplishment by force or at all, or to hav e waged the cruel and bloody \v ar of the Revolution against them. And who and what were these colonies? Distant dependencies of the Biilish Crown: Scattered political units, and meagro a lomies in the grand sum total of the pop ulation of that world wide empire. Not a vestage of sovereignty had ever rested in those colonies, nor had any ever abided thither; but such emanations of it as had been disputed by their Majesty to make subjects of their people, monopolize their commerce, appropriate their reve nues, and rule over aud govern them.— What then! are there Americans among us who will deny to soverign States plena ry of all the power self-government,a right of secession, which they will not concede to the colonies, and while they were en thralled insubjection to the British Crown ? Far bolder and justcr sentiments than these inspired the men of the Revolu tion, when taking their high resolves, to | peril all that men have or value, in de j fence of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” when they wisely and firmly! resolved: “That whenever any form of government' becomes destructive of tho ends for which governments are formed, ‘it is the rig hi of the people to alter or abolish it, and to insti tute anew government, laying its own foun dation, on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.” * * When a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evince a design to tedu.ee them under absolute despotism it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such gov ernment, and to provide new guards for the future security.” In thescnoble passages isfound thegrea l right of secession, the right of any oppress ed people under the sun, “to throw off'' any government and "toprovide new guards for their future security.” These are the doctrines of the men of tho Revolution, tho doctrines of the Congress of ’76, the ' doctrines traced bj tho pencil of Jefferson in the lines of living light, the doctrines maintained by the sword of Washington, until it had cleaved the colonies and king doms asunder ! Thinks your Excellency that the great and good man, who drew his sword in defence of the right of secession and in behalf of the enthralled and de spised colonies, would have sheathed it in the vitals of a sovereign State, for as serting the very right which gives to the revolution its highest legal sanction ? Verily, sir, the precious morceaux which history brings down to us, when rightly understood, will clear away every doubt as to the sentiment of this illustrious man, upon this, the most momentous of all the issues which the federal compact can raise or solve. He was the piesiding officer of the Convention, when James Madison declared with such imposing solemnity, that, “A breach of the fundamental principles of the compact by a part of the society, would cert airily absolve the other parts from their allegiance to it,” and brought down the assent and applause of tho whole Convention, upon the so wise and just sentiment. He had calmly noted the deep forecaste displayed by the Convention of Virginia when ratifying the Constitution, .1 une 2G, 1788,in hoi sov ereign reservation of the right of secession, through its memorable deelaiation, that the powers, granted under the Constitu tion by the people, “ may be resumed by them, whenever the same may be perverted to their injury or oppression.” He had equally noted, that the Convention of the great State of New York,had taken coun sel of the wise precaution of Virginia, in specially reserving, also, the sovereign right of secession, when ratifying that in strument just one month thereafter, (July 26, ’BS) and the reservation was made iu the explicit declaration, that, “All power was derived from the people, and could be resumed by the people, whenev er it becomes necescary for their happiness and none knew belter than he, that the reservations of these Sta'es, in a union of equals, necessarily inured toall the States, and vested in each a right of secession ; which however, without any reservations at all, would have clearly resulted from the nature of a compact to which all were parties as States. He was President of the United States in 1795, when the Ken tucky Legislature exasperated to the last letter of endurance, at the procrastination snbmitted to, in securing the free naviga tion of the Mississippi, drafted its famous memorial, announcing her purpose; "to secedefrom the Union,” unless that naviga tion was speedily secured toiler! “ This strong declaration, "’ (says one of Kentucky’s most eminent citizens) “was made in a language not to be misunderstood: The ground was taken after mature considera tion, and from it they had resolved never to recede one inch /” And how did Gen eral Washington, (fresh from the most au theniic readings of the Constitution, and surrounded by as eminent a Cabinent as ever adorned the councils of this country,) deal with this lofty and high toned menace? Did he issue his proclamation, threatening the State with military restraint or coer cion ? Not he! Did he deny to the State, the right of secession, or the right of judging of the fit occasion for its exer cise ? Neither and never ! The action ha took conceded both rightsfully! He address ed himselfwholly to the affections and inte rests of Kentucky, to induce her to post pone her action, and through bis parental councils, saved the Union from impending dismemberment! In the words of the eminent citizen just referred to, “Col. James Intiis of Virginia, clothed with au thority from President Washington, to disclose tho state of the negotiations with Spain, ou the interesting subject which agitated the public feeling in Kentucky, repaired to the Capital of that State, opened a correspondence, gave satisfactory explanations to the Legislature, and fully succeeded in tho important ob ject of his mission.” No man of sound sentiments and skilled in the counsels of statesmanship, has ever read General Washington’s Farewell Ad dress with a tytlie of profound thought employed in its composition, and doubted of his sentiments as to scccsion being the ultimate anil the rightful remedy for all BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, ' II ill be executed in the most approved sti li and on the best terms, at the Office of the SCTTHEPwIT TPJB'OI.TE —Bt— WM. B. HARRISON. NUMBER 34. 'be ills of the Union the States are heirs ' tc —after all other expedients have bean resorted to and have faded of redress,— Tho parental solicitude displayed by “ the. Father of his Country” for the perpetuity of the Union has been the theme of tho t public applauses and grateful remembran ces of such of the generations which have borne the burthen of life, since that ines timable bequest was made to his country. Shallow minds which have never reached the depth of those profound thoughts and disturbing apprehensions for ihe future, which swayed bis cautious and solid un derstanding, have paused and wondered at the circumstance, that ho should never have said a word in the address, nor cau tioned his countrymen against the stealthy * and perilous working of treason, tho greatest of the crimes of States. This lias ever proven the deadly bane and epidemic through which all other Govern ments but ours have met their fate and their fall “in their day and generation.”— To the mind of Washington, there were sound and satisfactory reasons so notable a silence. One of these was, that the Con stitution had already conferred upon Con gress ample powers to provide for the prosecution and punishment of treason, us well as of counterfeiting, piracy, offen- ces against the law of Nations, and of all other felonies known to the Constitution and laws, and ihe terror of punishment was more effective than counsels for men prone to become either traitors or felons— Another reason was, that Washington had no dread whatever of tho Union being overthrown by treason or any other crime which individuals, and in their private ca pacities alone could commit; and these ate the only crimes of which the Consti tution takes notice, or denounces and pun ishes. No sir! none of these things gave his patriotic heart a thought or a care. The imminent perils of State which disturbed the contemplations of his calm und excellent mind, and weighed it down and roused his alarms, related to contin gencies, which, happen when they might, would be no crimes at all; and had they been, wero beyond the jurisdiction of the ConMjUution, and which that instrument far from attempting to prevent, or restrain or to punish, had no where forbidden, but on the very contrary, the contingencies he depreciated and deplored, derived their whole authorization from the compact of Union itself, and thus the remedy, like the disease, rested exclusively with tho States who were parties to the compact! Washington’s apprehensisons touching the safety of the Union had theirorigin in cau ses far deeper and vaster than treason, or any other crime known to tho laws. He confidingly trusted, that the people’s spon taneous love of the Union would always preseve it from the masses, and as to the lew aspiring and turbulent spirits,dispersed promiscuously through the Union, who might meditate its overthrow, he did not doubt, but that the terrors of tho law’ and its effective administration would amply protect it against all assaults these sources. No sir! The far-reaching sagacity of Geo. Washington which looked quite through the motives and desigus of men, foresaw in the slavery institution, in the distinctive geographical partitions which sundered the free from the slave States, and the rapider growth of the former than the latter thro’ foreign migration, in the temptations and tendencies to encroachments from the North upon the rights of the South, the im minent danger there were, of tho forma tion of parties upon geographical lines, the raising of sectional issues, and the growth, the intensity of sectional jealous ies. In all this he predicted while he deplored the causa causans of an eventual disruption of the Union. He saw that the Federal Constitution had not provided, nor could have provided any means of preven tion against such a calmity, but through the total destruction of the State sovereignties, the expunction of tho right of State seces sion, and the absolute consolidation and centralization of the Government! Re garding these as leading directly and inevi tably to the establishmelit of a central des potism,and the destruction ofthe public lib erties,he deemed them to he infinitely worse than a dissolution of the Union itself, seeingno other salvation for that, but in the sound and enduring affeclious and common interests of the people of theSta'es.to these lie addressed liimself, and with a power and pathos which no true hearted patriot ever read and forgot! That greqt and good man was not misaken? The crisis! he so portrayed and deplored is present with us now! Who is there but realizes how true were his predictions, how con servative bis counsels! Would to God! they had been as widely heeded, as they have been intensely felt! Yet even now, and in this alarming crisis of our destinies, it is not too late! The power is ample and responsibilty is great, and the free States are the sole depositories of both! Never since the world began, did any body of men have the means of imparting tranquil ity and joy to the bosoms of so many millions of men upon easier terms. Tho South begrudges the North nothing, and wants nothing that is hers; all she wants is her own,and all she claims is justice, equal rigiffs, and the Constitution as- it is writ ten! Give her these, and vouchsafe her these, and doomsday may come and find us one people! What say you men of the North—is not the blessing worth the boon! Yes, or No! RANDOLPH, OF ROANOKE.