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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. edited end fcblishld weekly, by \V DC. B . HARRISON. torrciipoudi'uce. Ch xri.f.ston, Oct. 23J, 1850. Gentlemen —l l will not be in my power to accept the invitation of the people of St. Helena Parish to tiie dinner in compli merit of Messrs. Barnwoll and Colcock. These distinguished public servants are worthy of all the marks of esteem and confidence that tbe people can bestow upon them; and 1 regret that 1 cannot be asso ciated with you, in doing honor to their high deserts. The times ure dark and threatening ; treachery atid cowardice dis tract too much the counsels of the South ; and it becomes every people alive to their interests and their honor to appreciate the faithful services of their Representatives, and by publicly manifesting that apprecia tion to reanimate and cheer the firm and true in every quarter. Von have my entire sympathy. Yours, gentlemen, most sincerely, 11. BARNWELL RHETT. Jos. Daniel Pope, Wm. Henry Trescot, Daniel Jenkins, Wm. 11. C'uthbert, John G. Barnwell, esqrs. Committee of lacitat on, St. Helena Parish, S. C. . ATHENS, Nov. sth, 1850. Thomas F. Jones, Esq. and o’hers. Gentlemen —On my return home on Satur day evening I found yours of 21st ult. at my office, inviting tno to address the people of Newton, on to morrow, the 6th inst., on the exciting topics ofthe day. 1 regret to say that I cannot comply w ith your request. I have been suffering for the last two weeks sorely from an affection of the throat,accompanied by a distressing cough, I am still thus suft'e ing, and it would be madness—foolish madness for me to at tempt to make any thing like a peecli, and if I were well and able to speak, my liiends bad made an appointment for me atWatkinsville on the slh,before l return ed home from the circuit. I have not t;mo or inclination to make any extended remarks on the topics of the day. 1 will, however, say that I am no disunionist, 1 am not for secession or any measures tend ing or looking that way. This Union shall never be dissolved isl can help it. 1 will not calculate its value, and if it is everdis aolvolcd, or its value calculated, the North ern men should do both if I could control tho South. 1 know that one Slate can do nothing sigle handed, i have no doubt, that if the Southern Atlantic States were united, justice would be done us, and ibis glorious Union made perpetual. 1 am, therefore, in favor of such measures as will ot.tile the South. I know that what hat been done cannot be undone. I know that the territories are lost to the South. And I would say to our Northern brethren, take them and be content. We wili again sacrifice at the altar of our Union, but you must now be content; you must cease the warfare you have for years waged a. gainst our property and institutions; you must stand to what is so miscalled a com. promise; you must not repeal or modify the fugitive slave bill ; you must not touch slavery in the District ; you must put down those societies and associations gotten up and kept up within your limits for the express pnrpose of destroying our property, to induce our negroes to runa way, to excite them to rebellion, violence and insurrection. These things wc would not permit foreign nati- ns to do, and you as oup co-Stutes, ought not to do these things. If we meet in Convention and do noth ing, or approve of vvliat C ongress has donei which is the came tiling as doing nothing* 1 fear it will be but an invitation to further aggressions on our rights. I believer that the only way to preserve this, our Union, is to maintain out rights under the Con stitution, and its compromises. Tyranny and aggression was never stayed by sub mission; as all histry deary shows, opposi tion and resistance on the part of the as sailed,are the only means of causing the op pressor to pause and stay his progress. It is time the North and South understood each other on this subject. It is time there was an end to this agitation; all good men tleoire reposo and peace to reign in country The South has again made concessions and compromises. She may make more, if so let her say so; on the other hand, let the North act candidly, and whether she is sat isfied— whether 6lie will now dtesist from further insults and aggression. If yes— all will be well; if nay—then let the South take her position. In my judgment she has remedies within the constitution, and 6ucli as will prove effectual, ifsbe can unite on them. I nave not the lime to speak of them. Please make my kind acknowledg ments to the friends who signed the let ter to me, for this manifestation of their confidence, and make known to them my i egret and excuses for not being able to meet them. 1 am yours, most respectfully, (Signed) C. DOUGHERTY. Atlanta, Nov. 10, 1850. Dear Sir —On my ai rival here to day 1 had the honor to receive your communica tion as Chairman of the Union Southern Rights Party, of Chatham, announcing to me my nomination by that portion of my fellow-citizens, as a candidate to represent the County of Chatham in the approaching Convention, and seize the earliest moment to offer to them, through you, my respect ful acknowledgments for this manifestation of their confidence. I beg you my dear sir, to make these acknowledgements ac ceptable to your associates, and to add to them the assurances, that with opinions and feelings unchanged,with an unfaltei ing conviction of our wrongs, which reflection only serves to confirm, and a lively ap prehension of further aggression, which each day’s intelligence but tends to streng then. 1 would willingly have shared in the labors of the Convention, if such had been the desire of my fellow cititzens of Chat ham, but for the reasons which I will proceed to state. Before 1 left Washington, in a com munication from a highly valued friend, it was suggested to me that 1 ought to be a member of that Convention. The subject having been thus presented to me, the deep interest which 1 feel in the result of its deliberations,induced me to reflect seri ously on the propriety of accepting a nom ination, if it should be tendered to me.— And first it seemed to me that as the acts of the last Congress will constitute an im portant portion of the subjects on which Convention wiil deliberate, it would be more appropriate for the members of that Congress, to leave to othersthe judgment to be pronounced on their conduct. This, however, is a consideration of mere per sonal feeling, involving no question of right, and no conflict of duty, and which therefore might be overcome, but there is a difficulty which I presume must have been ovetlooked in noinating me, which cannot be so easily surmounted. My official duty will require me to be at Washington during the sitting of the Convention. This is a duty which 1 owe to the whole people of Georgia, and the daily intelligence which we receive of the agi tation in the non-slaveholding States, and especially ofthe disposition wnich theyc vince to evade,or if that be impracticable, to resist the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, seems to me to render it pro per that Southern Representatives should be early and steadily in their seats, in the approaching session of Congress. It is true that it is not usual in that body to transact much business before Christmas, but this is a peculiar crisis,in which it would: no' be quite prudent to judge ofcoming events by the recollection of past usage and the rule some time since adopted, by which the un finished business of one session is continued to the next session of the. same Congress, may furnish a motive for proeeding at once t > its consideration,us soon as the committees arc appointed. If any measure hostile to the interests of Georgia, should be before the Senate, while 1 was absent from my sent by any act of my own, I would f cl that I had, neglect ed a duty which 1 oteed to the whole people of Georgia. 1 have already declined to allow my name to be presented for nomina tion in one county, and have refused a worn ination actually made in another; —and my sincere belief is that I tctll best fulfil the ob ligation which I owe to mijfel'ocn citizens of Chatham, ly dee ming the nomination which they also have honored me, and by repairing to my post in the Senate of the United States. lash you to make known to them this determination, which excluding, every consideration personal to myself a regard to their own interests has induced me to adopt. In assigning these reasons for declining this nomination, I desire not to be undtrsti mas expressing any opinion of the propiety of a contrary course, if any of my colleagues, taking a different view of the subject should think proper to pursue it. They are simply stated as the motive of my own conduct. I have the honor to he. Very respectfully, your fellow citizen. jno. McPherson berrien. To Dr. James P. Screven, Chairman Union Southern Rights Party, Chat ham County. Important Resolution. — Just before the adjournment of the. Convention of Vir ginia, Mr. Floyd, of Wythe, introduced the fd.l owing Resolution, which will be acted on when the Convention reaesembles in Janua ry : Discrimination against goods of Non-slave holding States. "Mr. Floyd offered a resolution to the ef fect that the power should be Conferred on the Legislature, to pass a law discrimina ting against all goods manufactured in non slaveholding States — or, in other words, that a law should be passed prohibiting, by refusal to grunt license, the sale of all goods from non-slaveholding States, within the Commonwealth, either at wholesale or re tail. "Mr. Floyd gave notice of his intention to urge this resolution un the Convention at its re-aseemblage. Actual Resistance. —At Cardoti, O hio, fifty of the most respectable, influen. tial and wealthy citizens, have formed themselves into a military company to re sist, by force of arms, the fugitive slave law in that vicinity. From De Bow's Review. FUGITIVE SLAVES. Several of the Southern States are a bout enlivening in solemn form, to defib. erate upon the proper course to be pur sued by them in reference to the late ac tion of Congress on the various phases of the slave question. We have no doubt that these assemblies will be guided by a high and lofty devotion to the principles which have sustained us in every period of peril; and that their wisdom will not be of that kind which looks only to the day or the hour, hut will have reference to the remotest times to come after us.— The rights of the South, and the full and utilimited rights of the South under the Constitution, without compromise of any sort, must be preserved, or the Union will become a snare rather than a blessing.— We are not children to be frightened by “painted devils,” nor madmen to provoke or invite a danger, which may with honor be avoided; but we are men cognizant with our rights and duties, and brave e nough to defend the one and just enough to observe the other. In our fellow citi zens, we have an abiding trust, that they will, instigated by no passion norexeite ment, take a full and impartial viev of the whole subject of our slave relations which are to us country, fife, deatli—evet'diing; and if there be found safely under he late adjustments, safety present and fiture to the South, they will accede to theseadjust ments, and rejoice over them. Bit if, on the contrary, danger still lowers in lie hor izon, and the cry of “peace, peace,” be heard, “where there is no peace,” <ve be lieve that our countrymen will act is patri ots ever should act, doing and dar'ng, and leaving the consequences to God. We a. wait the judgement of the people cn issues so momentous, and when that is gben, are prepared to stand by it at every luzard. God grant that the verdict be peace,and that some measure shall be devise! for the preservation of this glorious Unon, in a manner that may cause no sectior of it to blush. The South has done too nuch for tho Union not to regard it fondly, as the artist who has just elaborated some stupen dous piece of mechanism. Yet io son of hers, however moderate in his views, con ciliatory and meek beyond all oiVver men upon the ftce of the earth, can hes.tate to believe, that the progress of Freesoilism —Agrarianism and abolitionism, are crea ting fearful breakers for us and our insti tutions ahead, if we have not our eyes wide about us; and that if we sleep for a moment, the hand of the madman, ever brandishing his torch, will spring the magazine which shall destroy not us only, hut whelm friends and foes alike in one wide ruin. It is not time yet, watchman, to cry “all’s well" upon the wall. r l he late Fugitive Slave Law—one of tho measures of adjustment—and which the South had to purchase at much ex pense, though it never should iiave been necessary at all, contradicts, as is evident enough now, the whole public sentiment of the North. Though one arrest that we know of has been made under it, no one is blind to the fact, that that arrest was made without much publicity. From cir cumstances since transpired, there is rea son to believe, had the affair been gener ally known, there would have been resis tance, and without doubt rescue. If the intelligent people of the North be willing to carry out the law in good faith, there are ignorant or bad men enough to defeat its action, if they will. Already have meetings been held, not of fugitive slaves and free negroes only, but of white men, in many places, who have solemnly pledg ed themselves the runaway shall be protec ted at every hazard. It will be found practically impossible for a Southerner, we apprehend, even with this law, to reclaim his fugitive slave, as public sentiment will compel the Commisaioner, it is said, to resign, if rowdyism does not peril the master's life in the attempt. There is no other country under Heaven where a man cannot regain his property when out of his' possession, by braving dangers,far beyond those that exist in a state of nature, when each man with his sword or his rifle, is a law unto himself! We have no faith in this Fugitive Slave Bill, though we shall be rejoiced, if time prove us in error. If efficient, it cannot be concealed that the great State of New York has practically approved the course of the man who has alrdhdy proclaimed its repeal. And now that we are upon this subject of free negroes and fugitive slaves, let us give some facts and figures, that will be very interesting to our readers. We have before us a pamblet, publish ed within the last few months at Washing ton, with the signature of Randolph of Roanoke, which examines critically, many of the questions involved between the North and the South. The author lays lown nine principles, all of which we br ieve to be sound. 1. That the natural increase of South ern slaves exceeds that of any other con dition of men on this continent. 2. That the general census cannot show the fact, because it adds to the natural in crease ofihe white race here, the vast an nual accession from foreign immigration ; |nd on the other hand it allows nothing at all f. r these vast deductions from the slave ' tiumbers, which are made through private emancipation, and escape and enfranchise ment at the North ; and hence, the census gives the white race the precedence in na tural increase. 3. I his being so, atid such the cause, {hat the white population of the United Sta'es about doubles itself in every period of two and a half decennial cycles, or twenty-five years. 4. That the Slave States more than dou bles itself in every peiiod ofthe decennial Cycles, or thirty years, from the natural in crease alone. 5. That thefree negroes ofthe Southern Sutes doublq. in about every three and a lalf decennial cycles, or thirty-five years, from the natural increase alone. 6. That the free negroes in the Northern and Western States double in about every period of four decennial cycles, or forty years, from the annual increase alone. 7. That the free negroes of the South ern States are the most stable and least migratory of any class of the population of the United Stales 8. That considerably more of the free negroes migrate from the free States to the slave Ststes, than from the slave States to the free States. 9. That forty-nine fiftieths of all the native negroes ofthe slave States who are found in the free States, are or were fugi tive slaves when they left the slave States. Census of Free JVegroes in t he JVcic England States from 1810 to 1840. 1810 1820 1830 1840 N. E. States 19,437 20,736 21,181 22,625 Increase in 30 years, 3 1-6 per cent. Increase per annum, 1 10 of 1 per cent. Census of Free JVegrees in the six original Slave States, from 1810 to 1840. 1810 1820 1830 1840 Or. slave States,B4,2s4 112,578 145,091 158,356 Increase in 30 years, 60 per cent. Increase per annum, 2 per cent. Free A'ejrnrs in the Middle and Free States from 1810 to 1840. Mid FroeStates,lßlo 1 820 1 830 1 840 New York, 25,333 39,279 44,870 50,027 New Jersey, 7,843 12,460 18,303 21,044 Penney I vania22,492 30,203 37,970 48,954 Ohio, 1,899 4,723 9,538 17,342 Indiana, 373 1,230 3,629 7,165 Illinois, 613 457 1,637 3,598 Michigan, 120 174 261 707 Total, 59,673 78,545 116,217 149,204 Increase in 30 years. Increase per ann New York, 95| per cent. 3 5-6 per cent. New Jersey, 168$ “ 5£ “ Pennsylvania, Ohio, 813 “ 27 “ Indiana, 1,874-1 “ 6 “ Illinois, 487 “ 6! “ Michigan. 500 11 I6§ “ Total Mid Sta!es2so “ 8j “ He now goes intoa calculation of the ac tual number of fugitive slaves who have been, or are still protected and sustained at the Not th, and arrives at results, we confess which were never appreheded in the tenth part by us. We will give those results, and the course of argumentation which produced them. The author takes the New England States as least affected by runaway slaves from their position, and rinding the rate of increase of the free blacks there, compares it with the rate of increase of the same population in the six original slave States from the ttvo he f this a mean, which is taken as about the natural rate of increase. This will give a higher ra'e than the reali ty, from the fact that someslaves doescape to New England, and many are manumit ted at the South. However, adopting this mean, and contrasting it with the increase of fee blacks in the middle or border line States, the excess of such increase will measure the actual loss which Southern slavery has sustained. From this, Rand olph makes a deduction of the slaves man untitled at the North since 1810, but whe. ther be takes a figure high enough, it is impossible, with our limited information, here tosay. This deduction is one-fifth of the whole increase above the natural rate, which would seem to be sufficient when it is reflected bow large a portion of North ern emancipated slaves were shipped off to the South before their freedom could take effect. The following are the figures and facts of the calculation. "The increase of population in the Uni ted Stales is unexmpled in all the world. Even dating its accession from foreign emigration, and it is still without a rival.— As it is, and as I have said, it doubles i’self in every twenty-five years. The rate of increase, therefore, is four per cent, per annum. Now turn to the free negroes of New England. Thcv have dwindled and dwindled, until they have almost reached a stand still. Their annu al increase amounts to but one tenth ofone percent! They could not double them selves, at that rate, short of four bundled years! The South’s fugitive slaves, not compensating their owners, (independent ly of the large numbers she aids in escaping to Canada,) more than accounts for her entire annual increase, and consequent ly shows her native negro population grad ually wearing out and wasting away. “Even the free negroes of the six ori ginal slave States of Delaware, Maryland Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, only show an annual increase ■ f two per cent, but the deficiency is fol ly accounted for in the migrations of fiee negoes from the old to the new slave States. But turning from these common-place details, and casting our eyes upon the col umns portraying the progress of free ne groism, in those of the free States which border on,or are almost equally accessible to the slave States, and lo ! what wonders and contrasts strike and admonish us! The very minimum of increase in the sev en middle free States, reaches to 3| per cent, per annum, while Massachusetts, with her great free negro thoroughfare of Boston, reaches no higher than to seven eighths of one per cent, per annum ! Why at the rate of 3J percent, per annum,they would double every twenty-seven years and it is but one quarter of one per cent, per annum less than the rate of increase of the white population of the United States, and fulls but that much short, therefore, of doubling itself in every twenty-five t ears. So much for the miuimum ofincrease. • But what are we to say of the maximum of increase in these States, of this the most sluggish and uuthrifty class of people with in our borders ? On turning to the rolls for Illinois and Michigan, I found these States had been absorbed and deeply in tent upon the manufacturing of free ne groes, and increasing their store at the a inazing rate of upwards of sixteen per ct. per annum, each, and as no community of livitig mothers ever gave births in quadru ples, it was plain that these fabled pro creations were but the spoils of felonious plunder, and under the morals of the Free Soilers, that numbers give law, and thefts give title, numerous and valuable slaves are enticed from their owners ; and, in association with the vilest and worthliest that shame the earth, they are hidden a way in the chrysalis as fugitives from labor but soon to emerge and take wing as fugi tives from justice ? Only to think of an increase of sixteen per cent, per annum, the quadruple of that ofthe United States, and which would double the free negro population of those States every six and a quarter years ! But why should I on these cases when there stands Ohio augmenting her free negroes out of the South’s fugitive slaves, until her rate of increase per annum has actually attained to twenty-seven per cent, which would nearly double them seven times in twenty five years, or more than double them every four years ; and even such a marvel is lost in the wonder that here stands Indiana by her side, conspicuous over all, in the un exampled augmentation of her free ne groes up to 62| per cent, per annum ! At this rate of increase, instead of doubling, like the population of the United Sta'es, once in twenty-five years, the free negro population of Indiana doubles, and has doubled itself in that time, fifteen times, and in a word, doubles itself every other year, with \2k per cent, per annum of in crease to spare 1 I find the excessive augmentation of free negores (fugitive slaves) beyond the natural and usual means,in the Slates now to be named, to be as follows: Fugitive Slaves. New York 3 5-16 per cent. excess over 2.4 per ct. 5,734 New Jersey 5£ percent. excess over 2$ per ct. 7,221 Pennsylvania 3$ percent. excess over 2£ percent. 9,602 Ohio 27 per cent, excess over 2$ per cent. 11,033 Indiana 62£ per cent, ex cess over 2$ per cent. 6,620 Illinois per cent, ex cess over 2.j per cent. 2,535 Michigan 16$ percent. excess over 2£ per ct. 479 Total fugitive slaves in above estimates, 46.224 in 30 yrs. Add the estimated num ber of fugitive slaves from 1840 to 1850, upon the ratio shown between 1830 and 1840, 15,400 in 10 yrs. Total Fugitive Slaves from 1810 to ISSO, 61,624 in 40 yrs. Number of Fugitive Slaves escaping to the States annually, 1,540 To 61 624 Slaves, valued at §450 each, : : §27,730,800 To the loss annually of 1,540 Fugitive Slaves, at $450 each,5693,000 j I shall now strike one fifth, or 20 per centum from the estimates of both the ng gregate and annual losses, reducing the former to $22,184 640, and tho latter to $553,400; and (for good measure) casting into the account New England’s share of liability to the South during the same p«-j nod, lor the like aggressions, and not less than five hundred sl—es, (valued at $225,- 000) whom tL„ INorth assists annually to escape io Canada. Who are liable fir the payment? Thosa who took the property ; those who receiv ed it; those who kept it ; those who gave it protection ; and those who evaded or resisted its reclamation : The citizens of the free States are liable—the Govern, ments of those States are liable—or in one comprehensive word the North is liable. There is not a legal forum in Christendom, whete such a claim, for such a cause, with equal proofs between man and man, or nation and nation, would not be recogniz ed and enforced. From the Floridian Journal. Direct Trade with Europe. It may not be generally known thatsome of the merchants of Charlestont, weaay of pouring profits, into the pockets of Northern abolitionists, have lately engaged in import ing goods directly from Liverpood. Os this enterpjise the Charleston News says : “The ball put in motion continues to roll on. Some, of our meachants have this year imported directly, and they in form us that they are astonished at the result. They obtain a large profit and af ford to to sell imported good at a surpris ingly low price. To merchants and cus tomers, we say,now is the moment to show your patriotism. Encouragea direettrade, and the South will be strengthened against all her foes—rendered impregnable. This measure does not depend on any political or associated action. It rests on the in dividual resolve of each person. Let each man feel that it is his ability to do the State extraordinary service, [by buying and selling nothing from the abolitionists.— The South possesses, with this resalution, a 1 the elements of prosperity.” Here is a matter that surely should com mend itself totheconsideiation ofall South ern cities and Southern merchants gener ally. What conceivable reason is there why vessels carrying cotton from NewOr leaus, Mobile, Apalachicola and Savannah, to Liverpool, should tint bring back car goes of goods for the supply of thosecities and the country merchants ? In other wotds,why should the foreign goods yearly consumed by the South, be first landed at New \ ork and Boston, tbus profitting out enemies instead of being entered in Charleston, Savannah and Mobile, to the advantage of our friends ] Further, why should not all the foreign goods which are sold in MiddleFlorida.and the lowet coun ties of Georgia, be brought directly to St. Marks and Tallahessee from the European ports ? Can any one answer us ? All that that is wanted is energy', enterprise anti capital on the part of our merchants. A friend has suggested a joint stock company with two or three general, (under our gen eral act of incorporation,) as a feasible means of carryingout such a scheme. Wo sincerely hope that something of the kind may be attempted. It is likely that no individual merchant in our midst could afford the time and capital for the under taking. But certainly by concert of action between merchants and planters, the plan might be realized. But in the absence of any attempt of this sort, we would suggest to some oue or more of our merchants the policy and propriety of laying in their futuie supplies in Charleston, from those merchants whose stocks are made up entirely of goods directly imported. We believe that any merchant who should do this, and have it distinctly understood that he bought nothing from Yankecdom, would find himself most amply remunerated by the favor of com munity. We mistake the patriotism of onr people if they would not be willing to pay even higher for goods purchased in* Charlestion, and brought there directly from abroad, than for similar articles which had been the means ofem idling those who are plotting our ruin. There are some thorough Southern rights men among our Tallahassee merchants, to whom we would especially commend this subject—- Let them think of it, and when the time comes for buying spring goods, then act upon it. They will find men, not a few, who will sustain any patriotic movement of this kind. The New York Election.—WAsm* 9TO!r Hunt, the Whig candidate has been elected Governor of New York thus endorsing the doctrines of Sf.ward. Hoar what Mr. Gerard said on introducing the Union humbug Resolu tions in the city of New York, just before the election: "As to Free Soil we are all for free soil; there is not a man north of Mason and Dixons me who ever wishes to see slavery extended beyotu the area now prescribed by the law. R ul 1 God of nature has, by his works, by the ru SS' mountains, and rocky deserts, by the soil an climate of our free territories, created a prom l * against the further extension of shivery, 8lro ®» er than ten thousand Wilmots could draw to slavery in the abstract, I do not believe there is a man North of Mason and Dixon * ‘"j who would not rejoice if to-morrow s sun rise upon the black population of the S° ul ' f stitutionnlly free. For our black brother, bond or be he free, springs with us ‘ |om |)r same mother earth, bound wilh usintoone inon grave, and heir with us of a com , . non mortality. My services in procuring his* tutional emancipation, are ever ready. I I am a much better abolitionist than those mislead the colored race to their rli 1 be laws to rcciaim runnway slaves must ant strictly guarded and watched in their exe .^ I will,with all my heart,and without fee, r« . give to any alleged slave, who may 9 o() pis under the acts, my service as a _ o »vef behalf. I will defend him with all » nnd eloquence I am master of; but t . full hearing, tho Commissioner on pronounces against him, ho nnd I mu* „nil the law Rut, even then, that a deser | meritorious slave shall not be wit i° al] i will then »'t about buying his ec m 3 ** 0 will contribute my first fees thereat ( j |S t him a free and regenerated man, a sense I am an Abolitionist.