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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. W.H. B. HARRISON, Y and \ Editors. WM. P. lIARRISO.\, 3 [FOR THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE ] Written on the last leaf of a Booh of MSS. B T DUPRE FOSTELL. Here let me pause ; and let me contemplate : Come Mem’ry, spread tby pinions once again, And try thy flight far back to years gone by ; Snatch from forgetfulness those early scenes, That shone around my childhood ; and the tho’ts That play’d within my laughing boyhood’s heart: Recall those moments when my youthful mind First knew the light of reason ; and the time When my young breast did pant to feel that (lame Which burns artd glows within the gou sos men, Bring back again the light of vanish'd years, When I did sigh in longing to possets That prouil unyielding spirit which I thought Was man’s—was man’s alone ; alas, the dreant! Boyhood was a bright season ; oh ! the hopes, The lovely hopes that lit my bosom then ; Boyhood—l could e'en think of it and weep;— It was so innocent ; —but now—'tis lost : Why need I weep ?—oceans of falling tears, May nut remove transgression a wretched stain ; Virtue must clothe me in her robe of snow ; The Spirit to my spirit whisper—peace ! Days, months and years have vanish'd far away: Boyhood hath past, —and I am now a man : True, time hath not yet traced upon my brow Its furrowed sign ; nor has my head grown grey; Nor bending is my form ;—but what of this ! My soul now turns with wonder to the past. And dwelling on those moments fled, exclaims, Oh ! what a wilderness of wasted time ! In the young rosy morning of my life, When earth was one wide garden of delight,— When every dream was radiant with bliss, — When nought but songs of joy was on my lip, A spark was lit within tny breast ; ’twas faint, ’ I’tvas peaceful then ; —hut soon it burnt a flame! A flume which will not be extinguished now I This—this was love—impassioned love; and here It still remains; perchance more fervent far ! For it will grow, and rise unto the last, Let worlds on worlds combine to crush it down! And hath it been a source of joy, or pain ; Hath it illumin’d, or consumed my heart ? Let signs reveal the truth I would not speak ! In silent meditation I have dwelt Upon my being, and my duties here ; And I have thought of immortality ; Os that far world where souls must ever live ; And in my mind bright pictures have I drawn Os those eternal fields of bliss, that bloom In everlasting spring ; of those pure streams Which flow from living fountains, to delight Those spotless spirits that upon their banks, Unceasing sing their songs, of seraph notes, And often—e’en polluted as I am Ive dared to wish a home, a portion there ! Vain hope ! how can it he when this dark earth Enslaves my very deepest, fondest thought ? At times, there is a stirring voieo within, \\ hich comes like melancholy music there, Like the faint murmur of the passing wind, Upon the water stealing ; and it says, Thy safety is afar, e'en in the skies, The upper skies, where life immortal beams It may not stay on earth, yet ain I chained ! And now, I would survey this volume through; Each page preceding would I careful turn, And study all upon them marked—for there Have i inscribed my restless thougnts ; In humble wonts—the language of mv mind : Have these reflections been on Virtue turn’d; And has imagination, higher than the world, Than this unsteady world, e’er been convey’d, Hath the heart ever loved to dream of things Superior, and above the joys of Time? The balance proves that all is turned to nought Alas ! my labor, hath, I fear, been vain ! Oon. Quitman's Resignation. TO THE PEOPLE OP MISSISSIPPI. In November, 1549, I was elected by your free suffrages, Governer of this Slate. My term of office commenced with my in. auguration on the 10th of January, ISSO. By the provisions of the Constitution, it will expire on the 10th January, 1552 In the middle of my term of office, and in tho active discharge of its duties, I am to day arrested by the United States Marshal of the Southern District of Mississippi, by virtue of process, originating out of charg es exhibited against me in the District Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Louisiana, for an alleged viola tion of the neutrality law of 1818, by be ginning, setting on foot and furnishing the means for a military expedition against the Island of Cuba. Under these charges, the Marshal is di rected to arrest me, and remove my per son to the city of New Orleans, there to be tried for these alledged offences. Unconscious of having, in any respect, violated the laws of the country : ready at all times to meet any charge that might be exhibited against me, l have only been anxious, in this extraordinary emergency, to follow the path of duty. Asa citizen it was plain and clear, I must yield to the law, however, oppressive or unjust in my case: but as Chief Magistrate of a sover eign State, I had also in charge her digni ty, her honor, and her sovereignty, which I could not permit to be violated in my person' Resistance by the organized force of the State, while the Federal adminis tration is in the hands of men who appear to seek some occasion to test the strength of that Government, would result in vio lent contests, much to be dreaded in the present critical condition of the country. Ihe whole South, patient as she is un der encroachment, might look with some jealousy upon the employment of military force to remove a Southern Governor from the jurisdiction of his State, when it had been withheld from her citizens seeking to reclaim the fugitive slave in Massachu setts. On the other hand, the arrest and forci ble removal from the State, of their Chief Executive .Magistrate, for an indefinite pe riod of t itne, would not only be a degrada tion of her 6oveteignty, but must occasion incalculable injury and disaster to the in. terests of the State, by the entire suspen sion of the Executive functions of her gov ernment. Tlie Constitution has not con templated such an event as the forcible ab duction of the Governor. It has not pro vided for the performance of his duties by another officer, except in tiie case of a vacancy. Such vacancy cannot happen while there is a Governor, though he be a prisoner to a foreign power. Although he may he absent, and incapable of perform ing his duties, he is still Governor, and no olhei'peison can execute Ins office. It follows, therefore, tfiat in such case, the State would practically suffer some of e ils of anarchy. The pardoning power would be lost. Officers could not be com missioned or qualified; tlie Great Seal of the State could not be used ; vacancies in office could not be filled ; fugitives from justice could not be reclaimed or surrend ered ; the public works, the operations of the Penitentiary, and all repairs of public buildings must stop for want of legal re quisitions to defray the expenses thereof. The sale of State lands, and the loca tion of recent grants must bo suspended. The Convention of the people, called at the last session of the Legislature, could not assemble for want of writs of election. In case of the death or resignation of the admistartive officers of the Slate govern rnent, including the treasury, would be lelt without the superintendence or care of any authorised person. In fine, the whole Government of the State would be in confusion and great inconvenience, and perhaps irreparable injury flow from such a slate of things. I'or all these evils there is but one remedy. That remedy is my re- signation. I therefore, fellow citizens, now re sign the high trust confided to my hands with no feeling of personal regret, except that I could not serve better; with no feel ing of shame, for 1 am innocent ofthe caus es which have induced the necessity of this step. Oy the contrary, although per sonally 1 fear no investigation and shun no scrutiny, I have spared no efforts con sistent with self-respect toavert this result, So soon as I learned that attempts would be made, under an act of Congress ofthe last session, to remove me from this State- I fin to ally offered to the proper au thorities of the United States, any pledge or securiiy to appear in New Orleans, and meet the charges against me, so soon as my term of office should expire : and I re monstrated against the indignity thus about to he offered, not to myself, but to the State, in dragging away from his duties, her Chief Magistrate. My proposition was not accepted, and my remonstrance not heeded. It is not for me to complain. You are the aggrieved party. My course in this matter meets the approvial of some of the most patriotic citizens near me. I sincere ly hope, as it was dictated alone by my sense of duty to the State, it may meetthe approbation of my felllovv citizens. In thus parting from my generous con stituents, it would be proper to give them an account of my stewarship during the short but interesting period that L have ac ted as their public servant, but the official connection between us has been so sum marily and unexpectedly severed, that 1 must defer the grateful task to a future day. I have hut to add that during my short but exciting period of service, I have in all things striven to be faithful and true to the rights, the interests, and tho honor of the State. For this, I have been abused and calumiated by the enemies of the South. Treachery and faithlessness wonld have secured favor and praise from the same sources. Fellow-citizens, I now take my leave of you with gratitude for the generous sup port you have extended to me, and with cheering confidence that your honor and your interests may he safely confided to hands of the faithful and able son of Mis sissippi, who, as President ofthe Senate, succeeds to iny place. J. A. QUITMAN. Executive Chamber, Jackson, Monday Evening, Feb. 3, 1851. 1 From the Southern Press New York, Jan. 30, 1851. The plot begins to thicken ; the cloud is becoming more portentous; and the deep laid, widely extended conspiracy of the British Gove; nment and the American Abolitionists, against the repose, and in* 1 deed, existence of this Union is gradually j developing itself in all its magnitude. It i is not alone the Government of the United Stales that is arrayed against the rights of the Soutl), and that of England and F ranee; the question of slavery is, it seems, about to be incorporated with the law of nations, and to become subject of negotiation be tween America and Europe. The local laws and regulations adopted by the South- ern States for their security against incen diaries, and disturbers of their domestic peace,are about to be assailed from abroad, as well as at home, on the ground of be ing not only violations of the law of na tions, but as incompatible with treaty stip ulations ; and the period is approaching, when tiie holders of slaves in the United States will in all probability be called up on to defend their rights, not only against their countrymen, but the world. The proofs of this are daily developing themselves in the uniform tone of Euro pean literature, and the universal language of the public press, most especially in England and France, which, however it may differ on other subjects, unites in the most bitter denunciation of slavery, and resorts to any species of falsehood and ex aggeraiion to invest it with imaginary hor rors. This unanimity bespeaks a settled purpose, an organised plan; and that its object is the United States, and they alone, is apparent from their being singled out from the rest of the world, as the peculiar objects of calumny and denunciation.— ihe crusade of philanthropy, thus oigan tsed in Europe, is not against slavery, but liberty ; and if the former were to be a bolished to morrow, the tide of obloquy would still continue to flow with the same force against the character, the govern ment and institutions of our country. Some other pretext would be found for calumny, simply because it is necessary for the while slaves of Europe to be made to be lieve that there are in the United States millions of people in a far worse condition than themselves. Thus the freedom of the white men is contrasted with the slavety of the blacks, invested with imag inary horrors, and the white slave of Eu rope becomes in some measure reconciled to bis own condition by contemplating the phantom which has been conjured up to frighten him into submission to liis own bondage, or reconcile him into its contin uance. 1 have been let] into these reflections, by seeing the proceedings of Ibe French National Assembly, as quoted in the South ern Press of the Ist of January, which pretty distinctly foreshadows what is com ing. It will only be necessary to two or three passages, one indicating the utter ignorance of the speaker, M. Schwelcher, of the nature of this Government ; the other to show to what 1 have previously referred. M. Schwelcher said, “he was fully aware that the various States of the American Union had the power of enact ing whatever laws they deemed most ad vantageous for their private interests ; but also that Congress had the privilege if watching over suck laws, and in certain ea ses, of obtaining their modification, if that course would seem fitting." This is cer tainly a very clear exposition of the con stitutional powers of the States and the General Government. But let that pass; there is probably not a man in the United Sta'es, whether he can lead or not, but knows more of the governments and in stitutions of England and France, than their statesmen do of those of the United States. r l heir ignorance is really laugh able ; and their geographical knowledge ot this continent is about equal to that of the Duke of Newcastle, Prime Minister to George the Third, who is said to have expressed to llis Majesty his delight at havingjust discovered that Cape Breton was an island. Monsieur Schelcher concludes bis expo sition ot the elective powers and func tions of the Slate and General Govern ment by moving that “ The National As sembly call the attention of the Government to the present legislation of the United States, relative to negroes, and men of co lor in general, f lie was followed by the Minister of Marine, M. Ronair Des* soses, who said, “Hr could assure the honorable gentleman who had just spoken, and the Assembly, that as to persons of co lor in the. French feet, the French Govern ment were fully determined to have them treated with respect in every part of the globe.” General De Lahitte, Minister of Foreign Affairs, said, “ The French Gov ernment had done all it could with the Fed eral Congress to surmount the ill effects of the laics complained of, and which were in fad nothing less than barbarous andsavage. Both Rngland and France had been unre mitting in their efforts for that purpose, but hitherto without effect. lie could, however, declaie that they would not cease their exer tions to lead to the abrogation of enactments contrary to every law of nations .” Thus we see that the local and munici pal regulations which any State—provided it is a slaveholding State—may deem ne cessary for tho preservation of internal tranquillity and order ane the safety of its citizens, are to come under the law of na tions, and be modified to suit the delicate sensiblities of England and France. These internal regulations have existed for many years, but it is only sinee the late grand ebuliion of abolition, that they have be come identified with the national honor and interests of England and France.— Tbe finger of abolition is in this; and we here plainly see the fails of that treasona hie union consummated between Ameti can fanaties and British politicians at the meeting of “The World’s Convention,” in London, where the two extremes of parties united, and Sir Robert Peel figur ed side by side with Daniel O’Connell and VV m. Lloyd Garrison. That this at tempt to overawe the local legislation of the Southern States, is the suggestion of some deep designing American Abolitionists, I have not the slightest doubt. It bears the impress of Yankee cunning, and has only adopted the proceedinsgs of the pettifog gers of Boston in the case of Crafts, to the affairs of nations. It is the entering wedge to a system of interference in our local af fairs, and if tlie attempt is successful, will be another step to the accomplishment of what is now one of the great ob- jects of British policy, namely : an adap tation of the law of nations to her own ag grandizement, and at the same time the in jury and debasement, not only of the Uni ted States, but of every State on this con tinent. Under the mask of philanthropy, which next to religion is the best cloak in the world for political ambition, Eng land is aiming at undermining some of the most important principles which have heretofore regulated the intercourse ofeivillized nations. Such is the course she is now pusuing in ContralAmerica.for the purpose of subjugating that region, and th us obstructing the great communi cation between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Under pretence of protecting the rights of savage hordes, who have never before been brought within the pale of civilization, or considered as parties to na 'ional laws, which they violate at pleasure, England has interfered with a tiea!y be tween the independent Government of the United States, and the equally inde pendent Government of Nicaraugua, and thus prolonged to an indefinite peiind the completion of a work in which the whole world, and most especially the United Slates, are most deeply interested. In a word, philanthropy is now her most pow erful instrument in establishing not only a now system of morals, but anew code of international law. Somewhat more than a century ago, Philip tiie Fifth of Spain, made a contract with tbe King of France, by which the latter had the monopoly of supplying the Spanish American colonies with African slaves, certain stipulated prices, not neces sary to specify. This was the famous As si info contract. By the treaty ofUtrech, this contract was assigned to England, ac cording to the historian,* “as an indcce ment that might prevail with Queen Anne to conclude a peace, which France and Spain desired with equal ardor.” Thus die inducement for ceasing to shed the blood of white men, was the privilege of supplying the Spanish American colonies with with Aftican slaves, by tbe philan thropic government ofEngland, at an im mense profit. Will that philanthropic gov ernment, or its sister philanthropist, lle publtcan ! France, refund a portion of the vast sums derived from the Assiento con tract, to redeem the posterity of those they thus sold to slavery ? Or will England do the like with the posterity of those Afii can slaves whose introduction into Virgin ia and South Carolina she refused to pro hibit, by her King vetoing colonial laws passed for that purpose? This would be oometbing like tepentance. It would not only be repentance, but atonement, with out which repentance is only a device of hypocrisy, or an impulse of abject fear.— Until these two pinks of the moral and re ligious world whose glories are represent ed by Paris and London, where, according to official authorities, at least one half the children are bastards—until they do some thing at their own expense, rather than that of theirdefenceless colonies, the world will fie very apt to consider their philan thropy as an artifice of State, and their pi ety as a very profitable article of trade. But the most important question connec ted with the subject, is whether these philanthropic governments will eventually succeed in persuading, or bullying our ru lers into “the abrogation of these enact ments contrary to every law of nations,” as that great civilian General De Lahitte terms the local regulations subsisting in the Southern States with regard to the intro duction of free negroes. In any other state of things, or in any other crisis, 1 should say at once, that the thing is absurd and imposible. But I am by no means prepared to say so now. With an aboli tion Congress, an abolition President, an sbolitioti Secretary of State, notorious for his affinities with England,and his hostility to the rights of the States: and most espe cially with a great majority of the people of the United States ready and willing, nay, anxious to extirpate slavery, and zeal ous in behalf of every means for that purpose—with this combination to back the influence of England and France, I see no reason to doubt that the thing may be accomplished, and the new principle of international law established, which will form a precedent for every other species of interference with our domestic and inter nal policy. The governments of France and England might, with just as touch reason and right, pretend that our quaran tine regulations were outrages on the laws of nations, because they equally affect ships of war as well as merchantmen, and their violation is fenced by fiines and forfeitures. But absurd as the pretension is, the South had best be on her guard. At this mo ment negotiations may be in progress, as we have a light to believe from the disclo sure of Sir La Hitte—to accomplish the object. It will be only another triumph of philanthropy has been of late accustom ed to greater triumphs than this. For my part, I am free to declare my belief that if a treaty—wliicli oeingthe supreme la.v of i the land, would of course supersede all ! other-carrying with it the abrogation of these Slate provisions, were to come be- 1 fore the Senate of the United States, it would be approved by a majority. Abolition now overrides every everything, State rights, State laws, and Federal Constitu tion. A storm will follow the present de ceitful calm, which will scatter the ele ments of society in the South to the winds, if not arrested in time. 1 have lived almost forscore years; I have passed through every grade of life, from that of a poor buy, self-educated and self-dependent, to a station among the highest of the land, which I attained with out the sacrifice of my principles or my independence. During the whole of this long pilgrimage, 1 have been from habit and inclination conversant with books, and have thus added to the experience of a life, the lessons of the past: and from the ex perience, and those lessons, 1 am inevita bly brought to the conviction that the peo ple of the South have now nothing to de pend on for their future safety but united action in self defence. By this they will preserve themselves and the Union. All other hopes are idle; all other expedients but daggers turned against their own be soms. 1 hey must assert their own rights, and protect themselves, for they have no other protectors. The brand of fanaticism is applied to the homes of the people, and must be quenched now or never. 1 ime was time is —but tunc will soon be no more. A Northern Man, and A Friend to the Union. “See Robertson’s History of America. See also, Anderson’s History of Commerce, fora more detailed account of the Assiento. M A CO N , GA • SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 15. Our Principles. Ist. The Confederacy of the United State was formed by the individual consent of each party concerned. v!d. Each State, by the formation of a Fede ral Government, delegated certain rights to it, which were defined by the Constitution, and related to tlie legislation of the country as a whole , and for the benefit of alt. 3d. Each State, by placing a limit to Federal authority, reserved to itself the control of its own institutions and government, as directed by its sovereign people. 4th, The Constitution was established as a safeguard for every member of the Union. sth. The Constitution did not condemn the institution of slavery, which existed at the time of its adoption, therefore it promised to protec l and defend it against the interference of the non-slaveholding States, and of tlie Federal Government. Gth. Any legislation on the part of Congress, which tends to prohibit, weaken, or destroy Af. rican slavery, is an attack upon the rights of the slaveholding States, and therefore uncon stitutional. 7th. The District of Columbia is the common property of all the States in the Union. Bth. Congress cannct, therefore, abolish sla. very in said District, without violating the Con stitution. 9th. The slaveholding States can make no compromise with the Free States, or the Fede ral Government, by which African slavery will be limited, confined, or abolished, without vi olating the Constitution, and planning destruc tion for themselves. 1 Oth The passage of any law or laws, by Congress, creating or encouraging emancipation by Federal authority, would be a violation of the Constitution, and an abrogation of the Fed eral compact. 11th. The majority passing such law or laws, can only be considered as the Representatives of a people desiring and acting dis-union. 12th. The South, in that juncture, in forming a Government of her own, will he righteously defending herself, and operating as the only faithful party to the original compact. Clairvoyance. —The non-arrival of the steamship Atlantic, has set to work all the ’cute “guessers” of Yankeedom, without eliciting a sufficient explanation. They have finally re. sorted to the scientific hunt buggery of clairvoy ance, in order to ascertain the fate of the miss ing vessel. A clairvoyant in Newark ventures the following statement for the credulous, as a special guaranty of his own omniscience and the certainty of the destruction of the steamer : “On the evening of the sth day from Liverpool a heavy gale arose, carrying away all her rig ging. Large fires were built, to raise an extra quantity of steam, when by some means un known, the vessel took fire, and burned to the water’s edge. There were three persons afloat at the time of the receipt of this communica tion, one of whom vvriteß the account and de posits it in a bottle. Me says : We hope to be picked up; if not, I sign myself dead. The clairvoyant also states that a steam vessel is discovered sailing very slowly in a crippled state, and will be in, in a few days.” New Boat. —The Chattanooga Gazette of the 7th inst. says :“We learn that the Messrs. Wil liams, of Knoxville, have another new steam boat below the shoals, to be placed in tho Ten nessee river trade. Their new boat is to be called the “Lady of Augusta,” to take the place of the “Kate Fleming,” which was des troyed by fire before reaching its destination.— The Kate Fleming was a beautiful boat, and the compliment offered in the name selected was every way deserving. Mrs. Kate Fleming of Knoxville, now a citizen of Augusta, the la' dy of Tlios. W. Fleming, of that place, is every way worthy of the compliment, and the new steamer “Lady of Augusta,” doubtless receives its name from the samo source, and we hopo will soon be up, and show herself worthy of the title she has assumed.” Missouri, —The complete census of Missouri mukes the population 581,547, of which 87,617 are slaves. In 1840 the population was 383,702; of which 58,240 were slaves. Governor Quitman. \Ve are gratified in being able to preaent this morning tbe letter of resignation, of Gen. Qu, T . man to the people of Mississippi. Having been arrested by the authority of the Federal Gov. ernment, there was no alternative but for the Governor to resign or become the occasion for a collision between the General and State Gov ernments. Ihe vague suspicion of connivance in the recent Cuban expedition, entertained against this brave General by the Adminis tration, would have been just as valid five year, hence as at the present time. But Mr. Fill* more and bis advisers, doubtless wished tiie Executive of Mississippi to retain his official po silion, in order to operate upon the “Union’’ sympathies of the people, and to build up the power of the Federal Government. The wires were all fixed .- arrest the Governor, in whom the Slate bus her sovereignty represented, and whose person is as sacred as the independence ol the Republic, so long as be fills the office force him to leave tbe State-degrade tbe com monwealth of Mississippi by leading her high list functionary as a criminal to the bar of justice —and thus ring the death-knell of State sov ereignty and Southern Rights. But alas for the President’s foresight and political acumen' - Gun. Quitman nobly resigns hiaoffice, becomes a private individual, and leaves the outraged people of Mississippi to resent the indignity as they may see proper. This whole transaction is another evidence of the disposition upon the part of the Federal Government to weaken the power, and abase the sovereignty of the States. Consolidation is the object, and affected regard for national trea ties the pretence under which the real design is veiled. Citizens of Georgia may be defrauded of their property by the purposed inactivity of Government agents, and the open action of tho people of Massachusetts, and Mr. Fillmore contents himself with figuring out a valiant res pect for the laws, etc., in a letter to tho own ers of tbe slaves, whilst tho fugitives are em barking for a foreign country. Has the Presi dent moved a linger to recover these negroes > Not lie. But Massachusetts and the North arc the nation. 'They can do as they please— we must please the President and the North. YVe have no rights to infringe, but Abolitionism has. YY hat if the South does lose Thirty Mil lions of dollars annually by the rascality of ne gro thieves? Ihe President and his friends only admire the sagacity of the banditti who entice them awey, and appear to he very much tickled at their cunning avoidance of a specific law. But when a Southern Executive of a Slate is barely suspicioned of aiding an effort to rid a suffering people from an onerous govern ment, lie must be arrested and carried before the legal tribunal of tbecounlry. So far as the investigation into the Cuba ex pedition is concerned, we have no sort of that it will injure any of the parties charged. It is, in fact, a hollow-hearted, deceptive, con temptible farce. The Spanish Government is very much mistaken if it indulges the hope that the trial at New Orleans will tend to repress the desire of tho Cubans for liberty, or to wean !rom them the sympathy and aid of the Ameri can people. Much less may Mr. Fillmore ex pect to make capital out of it, by which lie can subject the Southern country to the encroach ments of Federal powor. Ohio.— We have a private letter from Colum bus, dated the 31 st ult.—the day after the at. tempt to elect a U. S. Seuator. No approach was made to an election. Indeed, neither Mr. Griswold nor Mr. Paine obtained the full vole of his own parly except on a single ballot. It is considered morally certain that neither of the original candidates can be elected, and proba ble that no one will be at this Session. A'o chance far any bat a decided and opponent of Slavery Extension, note or ever. — A’ew lork Tribune. Alluding to the above, the Savannah Gear, giun remarks : “Sure enough the Legislature has adjourned without electing a Senator. The reason of the failure to choose is, that though the candidates of the two parties were doubtless anti-slavery men they were not sufficiently tho rough going in their abolition purposes. So it will be seen that the Empire State of the North and the Empire State of the West stand side by side in support of Free Soil principles, while the Empire State of the South is- what is she doing, We would rather not be called on to answer.” State vs George J. Bulloch. — The trial of this case, says the Savannah Georgian, of the 10th inst., which we have already mention, ed as being in progress, has resulted in convic tion. A verdict of guilty was rendered on Sat urday last about one o'clock, the jury having been out from Friday evening. The penalty is from two to seven years imprisonment in the pen, itentiary, at the discretion of the Judge. Sen tence has not yet been passed. We learn that a motion in arrest of judgment will be made by the prisoner’s counsel. From Bermuda. —By the Royal mail steamer Merlin, Capt Samspson, we have Bermuda pa. pers to the 22d of January : The transport ship Sir Robert Lippings, from London, arrived at Ireland Island on the 19th of January with 280 convicts, and a detachment of the 3d Royal Islanders, under the command of Lieutenants Fraser and McLeod. Some fears were entertained, for the growing crops, on account of a long continued spell of dry weather. At the latest dates, however, there had been several light showers, which it was hoped would have n beneficial tendency. A large shark was caught by a book and lino between Magazine and Ireland Islands, on tho lGtli January, which measured ns follows From the tip of nose to th end of taifi H sett six inches; circumference of body, 7 feet si* inches; extreme strcch of jaws, 18 feet feet by » The jaws had six rows o! teeth. Iho c tents of the stomach were :— -A sheep, two tie, about eight or ten pounds each ; three pi ces of salt beef; one piece salt pork; one p of suet ; some pieces offish of different kinds .V. F. Com. Adt. 3 d inst.