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The Pinkerton Investigation. Thursday, July 7, Air. Oates, of Alabama, from the Committee on the Judiciary, introduced in the House of Representatives the following as coming from that committee with the recommendation that it do pass : Resolution introduced by Mr. Wil liams of Massachusetts: Whereas the Pinkerton detective or private police force to the number of several hundred is now engaged in an armed conflict at Homestead, Pa., with the late employes of the Carnegie Iron Works at said place, and great loss of human life and destruction of proper ty are likely to result from the same: and Whereas the Judiciary Committee has been directed by a resolution of the House to investigate the nature and character of the employment of Pink erton detectives by corporations en gaged in interstate commerce: There fore, Be it resolved, That said committee shall investigate and report on the character of the employment of said forces in the present instance, and the cause and conditions of the sanguina ry conflict now going on at Homestead, Pa. ***** Mr. Watson. I wish to ask the gentleman from Alabama if this re port from the Committee on the Ju diciary docs not favor a general in vestigation, as provided by the reso lution I introduced in January ; and whether the report of the committee some time ago did not recommend a restricted investigation applying only where there was any interference with interstate commerce'? I would like the gentleman to explain what would be the relative position of the two investigations. Does one take the place ot the other, or does this enlarge the scope of"the other, or both ? 1 would like to be informed en that subject. Mr. Oates. Air. Speaker, in reply to the question of the gentleman from Georgia [Air. Watson], I will say that this resolution is supplementary to the one already adopted, and is in tended to enlarge the scope of the inquiry. The resolution which was adopted by this House some time ago reads as follows : Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be, and it is hereby, directed to investigate the said Pinkerton de tectives, to wit : The character of their employment by corporations engaged in tiie transportation of interstate commerce or the United States mails, the numbers so employed, and whether such employment has provoked breach es of the peace or caused the destruc tion of property, and all the mate rial facts connected with their alleged employment, and to report the same to this House by bill or otherwise at any time. Air. Watson. If the gentleman will allow xAe, '-hat was the substitute reported by the committee; but my original resolution covered the very same ground as this one which is now offered, did it not? Air. Oates. It covered that, and a good deal more ground, but that has already been disposed of. This is the substitute adopted by the House. * * * * Mr. W atson. Air. Speaker, it is a very’’ pleasant thing to notice how much the approach of a Presidential election quickens up political move ments. in January 7 a resolution was introduced here, broad in its terms and sufficient in its allegations, to authorize a full and fair investigation of this keeping of a standing army by corporations to put down their employees. That resolution went to the Judiciary* Committee, and went to sleep there. It required a resolu tion of this House some months afterwards to get it even considered by that committee, and after its con sideration was thus brought about by the action of the House, it came back here shorn, in my opinion, of its strongest features, and restricted merely to the operation of railroad trains. I believe, Mr. Speaker, that the strongest objection to the Pinkerton Detective Agency’ is this, that it is the keeping and bearing of arms by an unauthorized body; not the keep ing and bearing of arms by’ the citizen, but the keeeping and bearing of arms by an unauthorized body, organized on a military plan, officered on & a military plan, in violation of the Constitution of the United States, and put out for hire to pri vate parties by private parties. As far back as February 9th of the present year I introduced a bill which would have made the keeping of such a standing body’ of men. or their employment, illegal, and would thus have struck at the source of the trouble, by’ puting down this body’ of men, who. as long as they are kept up, will be used for such purposes. 1 No action whatever has been taken upon that measure. If this Congress meant to do anything to protect the la borers it could have been done. You knew that such thing had hap pened in the past. You knew they would happen in the future. And yet when your attention was called to these matters you paid no atten tion to them; you let that proposi tion sleep in your committee room until dead men'lay in the streets and widows’ weeds had been thrown around desolate wives. Rut, now that your Presidential election ap- proaches and you want to play’ to the galleries and to pretend friendship for the workingmen, you bring in a resolution at this lite hour, when the shedding of blood might have been prevented had you acted in time. Air. Speaker, I thought the last bill to which I have referred should have gone to the Committee on Labor, and when I introduced it I sought to have it referred to the Committee on La bor; but it was faken out of my hands and sent to the Committe on the Judiciary’, where it has slept the sleep of the righteous and the dead. Now, I am in favor of any’ sort of an investigation of this subject by a committee. I have no pride of au thorship about it. The work ought to be done. If you will do it on the resolution of the gentleman from Alassachusetts [Air. AVilliams], in God’s name, do it. If you will do it upon the resolution of the gentleman from California [Air. Caminetti], in God’s name do it, for it is a piece of work in regard to which Congress ought to discharge its duty before it adjourns. We are on the eve of a social outbreak. ‘ AVe are at the crisis of our republican government. In a few months it will be decided wheth er we have a government of law and order, whether peace can be mam tained by the constituted authorities, or whether each side will arm itself with the deadliest weapons of de struction and fight out their griev ances. Gentlemen, in the name of patriotism and not of party, in the name of humanity and principle and not of policy’, I invoke at your hands a speedy investigation of this evil and a prompt suppression of it. [Ap plause.] Air. Oates. Air. Speaker, in reply to what- has fallen from the gentle man from Georgia [Mr. AVatson], I will say that his resolution which he sent to the Committee on the Judi ciary was referred to a sub-committee of which lam a member. The gen tleman was afforded an opportunity to appear before that sub-commit tee and furnish it with information upon which it could act, and he failed to do it. Air. AVatson. Did I not go there twice ? Air. Oates. The resolution was re ported to the full committee, and the gentleman from Georgia [Air. AVat son j was invited to come before the full committee for the same pur pose. He did c®me, and every mem ber of the committee who was pres ent knows that after he had made his statement and had been catechized there was no substantial thing of which the gentleman was informed or could give information upon which the committee could act. Air. Watson. Did not I try twice to do it? Mr. Oates. You came before the committee. You were allowed to appear there and make such state ments as you thought proper to make. Air. Watson. And you said that the law did not authorize it, and your committee fought it on the floor of the House. Air. Oates. And you could give no information of any particular or substantial character upon which the committee could act. Air. Watson. Have you subpoenaed any 7 of the witnesses whose names I gave you ? Air. Oates. Ido not yield for any question of that kind. Air. AVatson. It is a pertinent question. Air. Oates. I will answer the ques tion. I have. You gave me the names of the three persons; for one of them a subpoena has been issued, and he could not be found. Air. AVatson. Have you subpoena ed the other two? Air. Oates. I have not, but I ex pect to do so. Air. Watson. AA T hy* did you sub poena the one you could not reach, and not attempt to subp<rna the tw’O whose residences I gave you ? Air. Oates. I did not know he could not be reached. You gave me his residence in this city; I sent for him, and he could not be found at that address. Air. AVatson. Did I not give you the name of Air. Powderly*, of Scran ton, Pa.? Air. Oates. Yes, sir. Air. Watson. Did I not give you his street number? Air. Oates. I know we could not get Air. Powderly 7 while he was in another part of the country. Air. AVatson. Did I not give you the street number of Air. AV right of New York ? Air. Oates. I decline to be cate chised any further in this way. * * * * * Air. Oates. Air. Speaker, the gen tleman from Georgia [Air. AA r atson] seems to think that he has not been treated fairly. I now yield three minutes to him if he desires it. Air. AVatson. Could y*ou not make it a little fairer, and give me five minutes ? Air. Oates. I will give the gentle man five minutes. Mr. AVatson. Air. Speaker, with good temper, and with the intention of being entirely fair to everybody, especially so to the distinguished chairman of the committee who ad dressed the House today, I beg to say that they* do me injustice when they 7 put me in the attitude that I have neglected to push this resolu tion with all the power I have. Why, Air Speaker, it is said that I furnish ed the committee nothing, and the impression will go out that the com mittee followed me around the city with a search warrant for me to come and address them upon this matter. AVhy, sir, I was told by the gen tleman from Alabama [Air. Oates] that the committee would hear me on a certain morning. I went there; the watch was promptly drawn on me, and they gave me, according to my recollection,fifteen minutes. Dur ing that fifteen minutes I did the very best I could. It was not enough to satisfy* the gentleman from New York [Mr. Ray] ; it was not enough to convince the gentleman from In diana [Mr. Bynum], and it wag not enough to convince thechairman of the committee. But it was the very best I could do. I occupied the fifteen minutes ; was called down at the ex piration of the fifteen minutes by the chaijman and was bowed out ot the room. Some time afterwards I was told that the committee would again hear me. I again went before the commit tee, again I had my time limited to I think fifteen minutes, and I again occupied it. Again I had “time” called upon me, and was courteously bowed out of the room. In other words, I occupied every moment that the committee allowed me to occupy 7 , and the gentlemen of that committee will bear me out when I make the statement that I took the position that the Federal Government had the right to interfere, because these men were doing militia duty, and be cause the Pinkertons were keeping a standing army. It was from the dis tinguished chairman of the commit tee that I got the suggestion that I could bring in the interstate-com merce question at all. If I under stood the gentleman from Texas cor rectly, he said that I had abandoned every idea except that the interstate commerce law would give us juris diction. Air. Culberson. No. Air. AVatson. Well, there was some confusion, and I may not have heard the gentleman correctly. Mr. Culberson. I made no such statement. What I said was this, that under your resolution we could not discover any Federal question, and I suggested that perhaps the in vestigation could be based on a Fed eral question involving the inter state commerce. Air. AVatson. That is quite cor rect. Air. Culberson. And the gentle man adopted that suggestion. Air. AVatson. I adopted that sug gestion because that was the only point upon which I could get in; but, I claimed the right io come in under the others, and in the public newspapers where I discussed this question and upon the floor of this House, when we debated the mat ter, gentleman will bear me out, and the Record will bear me out in the statement, that I then and there took lhe position that this Government had the right to forbid any Stare or any corporation to keep a standing army in time of peace. AVhy, Air. Speaker, the committee say I furnished them no proof. That was not the time for proof. That was the time for argument on the question of jurisdiction. AVhen they decided the question of jurisdiction, I gave them a list of witnesses promptly. I gave them the name of Air. Powderly, of Scanton, Pa. I gave them Air. Ray. Alay I ask you a ques tion, please ? Air. Watson. Certainly. Air. Ray. I desire to ask the gen tleman whether he thinks that this Congress would have the right to in vestigate the police force of New York City unless it was alleged that that force in some way had either violated the Constitution of the Uni ted States or some statute of the United States ? Air. Watson. No; Ido not. But that is a very different case from this. This Pinkerton Detective Agency is operating a body of armed men which is not the police force of any city. This same AVilliam Pinkerton is the man who denounced in the public press a member of this House be cause he dared to introduce a resolu tion here to investigate his infamous band of deperadoes. Mr. Simpson. Called him a fool. Air. AVatson. Called him a fool. Air. Gates. I desire to call the at tention of the gentlemen from Geor gia just here Air. AVatson. I hope the gentle man will not consume my time. Mr. Oates. I will give the gentle man more time. Ido not know Air. William Pinkerton. I never saw him, but as the gentleman has re ferred to the matter, I will state that since this committee was raised, and since I found it to be my duty under the resolution as the House to inves tigate the matter, I wrote to Air. Pinkerton, stating to him that I would like him to come before the committee which was raised for the purpose of investigation. He re plied in a very courteous letter, in which he said that he would with hold nothing. He gave me the places in which their different offices were located, and he stated that he had nothing to withhold; that he was really glad that the investigation was going to be had, because he felt that his organization had been misrepre sented in the newspapers; but he did not wish to come in advance be fore the sub-committee, until those who had accused him here had made some charge and had produced some evidence. I thought that was rea sonable; and it was about three weeks ago that I applied to the gen tleman from Georgia for the names of witnesses, and he gave me three names. I issued subpoenas for them, and was proceeding w’ith the exami nation. Then the Pinkertons w’ould have been called. I state this be cause the gentleman is giving a newspaper report. That letter of Pinkerton I have in my possession. Mr. AVatson. That does not touch what I was saying at all. It is well enough for Air. Pinkerton to be polite to the chairman of the com mittee when the investigation has been ordered, but Air. Pinkerton will not deny that, in the foulest and most brutal manner, showing himself to be a man who has no regard for the rights of other people, he de nounced me through the public press of this country because 1 had dared to introduce my resolution. I ask every gentleman on this floor whether that sort of conduct will meet the approval of this body, and whether that sort of intolerance speaks w*ell for the character of the man who exercises tyranical power over the life and death of citizens ? Now, Air. Speaker, going further, I gave the committee the names of witnesses, Air. Powderly, Air. AVright of Brooklyn (with his street num ber), and Air. Ralph Beaumont. The other witnesses are accessible, even if Mr. Beaumont is not, but, so far as I know, during the three weeks that have elapsed no attempt has been made to subpoena those gentle men. Air. Oates. The gentleman does not state that he gave me any facts that these witnesses could testify to ? Mr. AVatspn. No; but I gave you the names of the witnesses who I believed would make out the case that I had outlined before the com mittee. In other words, I outlined the indictment and gave "you the names of the witnesses who I thought wy id. make the indictment good. Oates. Three weeks ago, when I called upon you for them ? Air. AVatson. Certainly. I could not give them to you before you called for them. How could I tell when you wore ready for them? I make no accusation against the Judiciary Committee. I simply repel the ac cusation that seems to be made against me. lam simply exercising the right of self-defense. Now, I want to say this in conclu sion. Look at the difference in the conduct of the committee at that time and on yesterday. There is a sound of cannon in the air; there is a sound of AA 7 inchester rifles abroad; there are barricades and forts; there is a vessel in the river armed and equipped for fight; there is the stain of blood in the streets; there are dead men being borne to their homes. So the gen tleman from Massachusetts [Air. AVil liams] introduced a resolution yester day and, without hearing him, with out compelling him to give them any evidence, or any facts, or any law, the committee at once considered his resolution and brought it up here this morning. Talbot County. A mass meeting of the People’s Party will be held in the Alliance warehouse in the town of Talbotton, on Saturday, July 23, for the pur pose of nominating candidates for the legislature, county officers and electing delegates to the Congres sional convention for the fourth dis trict, to be held at AVest Point, AA T ednesday, the 3d day of August next. All who intend supporting the nominations made at this meeting are cordially invited to be present and participate. The following brethren were elec ted delegates to the gubernatorial convention to meet in Atlanta, July 20th : AV. R. Gormon, L. C. Dickey, AV. T. Cosby and E. Neal. Talbot is in the “fight to the finish,” with strong hopes of victory. The People’s Party Paper is the best that comes to this office. J. A. Cook, Chm’n. J. O’C. Adams, Sec’y. Third Congressional District. Chairmen of county Executive Committees in third district are re quested to select delegates to the Congressional convention at Ameri cus, on the 2d of August. Send large delegations—ten or more. Each county is entitled to twice as many* votes as members in the lower House. AV. T. Christopher, Chm’n. J. D. AlcGhee, Sec’y. Senator Vilas a Protectionist. Chicago Herald It would be as useless as it would would be insincere for The Herald to attempt to conceal its disappoint ment and regret at the action of Sen ator Vilas as a member of the plat form committee in the late Demo cratic convention. The has felt itself in a measure responsib'e for the prominence and success which Senator Vilas has attained politically, and this consciousness adds to the bitterness of its present humiliation. When William F. Vilas made his first appearance in the arena of na tional politics, in 1884, The Herald thought it had recognized in him a man who might reasonably be ex pected to develop into an able cham pion of Democratic principles. This newspaper supported his administra tions while a member of Mr. Cleve land’s cabinet, and it hailed with great rejoicing his election to the United States Senate in 1891, be cause it believed him to be an ardent and genuine tariff reformer. Os the part The Herald played in pushing Senator Vilas to the front it would not be becoming to speak at length in this connection. It is suffi cient to say that the Herald’s confi dence in the Democratic Senator from Wisconsin -was so great that it relied upon him as a member of the com mittee on resolutions in the Demo cratic convention to see that the par ty made no ambigious, insincere or cowardly utterance on the tariff ques tion. Imagine, therefore, the surprise and mortification of The Herald when Senator Vilas appeared as sponsor for the shocking straddle, intended to pass muster as the tariff plank of the platform, proposed by a majority of the committee. Imagine, if possible, the extremity of the Herald’s disap pointment which was reached when Senator Vilas addressed the conven tion speaking against the minority report and advocating the views of the majority. There is no other conclusion to be arrived at except that The Herald has been from the start mistaken in Senator Vilas and wofully deceived as to his position on the tariff issue. He has been regarded in Congress as a tariff reformer. It has been ex pected that he would vote m favor of a bill reducing tariff duties and en larging the free list. Since he stood in a Democratic convention in favor of incidental protection, how can the hope be justifiably entertained that he would support a bill to remove the burdens or destroy the inequali ties imposed by existing tariff stat utes? The man who believes in inciden tal protection is as much a protec tionist as he who believes in protec tion for protection’s sake. There can, in the nature of things, be no real difference between them. There is no half-way ground on the subject of the tariff. If protection is right in any respect, it is right all along the line. The opponents of extreme pro tection can find no safe place to stand except on the doctrine of a tariff for revenue only. Because of this, al though the admission is made with sincere sorrow, Senator Vilas, judged by his latest public declaration on the subject, most henceforth be class ed as a protectionist and cannot be depended upon to aid the people in their contest with the tariff robbers. The Political Appetites. The People's Tribune. Prescott, Ark. The two great political appetites have met and their actions have now passed into history. There is no issue between them, save and except that of office and spoils. Both conventions were made up of lawyers, office-holders, railroad kings, monopoly tyrants and political wirepullers. The farmers and labor ers of the republic were not “in it.” Both conventions were oiled by the money of national banks, railroad and other monopolies. Both conventions ignored the pe titions and appeals of the wealth pro ducing classes of the Republic. Both conventions adopted plat forms made to order by the money power of Europe and America, and both conventions nominated a candi date dictated and named by the same power. The two old parties have at last thrown off the mask and now come befoi e the people with the party lagh in full confidence that they can whip the disaffectedjand suffering people into line as they have done in the past. The platforms are twin mon sters of iniquity, and the two candi dates are twin tools of the most cor rupt, heartless, and damnable power that ever cursed the earth wuth its presence, or blighted human hope and prosperity with its cunning. The mailed hand of heartless greed guides, controls, and manipulates both parties, and stalks over the starving bodies of innocent children and pleading suffering women with a gusto and indifference unknown to the darkest time of the dark ages of the world’s history. Up to the pres ent time there might be found some excuse for the great common people of this State t© remain loyal to the Democratic party. But now they have not only violated every pledge made to the people, but they have in their national convention, by plat form, declared that the Republican- English financial policy is right, and that the raw material produced by the farmer and common laborer shall go on the free list while the manu facturer is to be protected, thus forc ing the production of raw material to sell in the cheapest market in the world, and buy in the dearest market in the world. This is a bid for the money of the Eastern manufacturer, to be used as a corruption fund by Democratic heelers and wire pullers. Will the honest yeomanry of the country permit themselves to be driven further in the road that is rapidly bringing them to a condition of slavery that must fall as a blight upon their children for all time? Throw off the yoke of party bon dage. Join the on marching hosts of the People’s Party, and save to your children the right to enjoy the fruit of their toil for all time to come. Organize, take papers that will keep you posted on the movement of the enemy, and on election day strike for liberty, home and native land. The Depths of Infamy. National Watchman. The old issue of sectionalism is con fronting the South, The white people here are menaced by force bill legisla tion. The prosperity of the South— the industrial development of the whole section is menaced by the Republican party, which has promised its followers that it will turn the Southern States over to negro domination and fasten upon them an intolerable federal des potism. kV.r v,.-.. ~ : Ratify,"brethren I Get together and ratify! ***** With the force bill in operation, all the financial reform in the world wouldn’t do the South any good. Our industries would be paralyzed, and our business practically destroyed. The above extracts are taken from the Atlanta Constitution, and disclose not only the potency of the party lash, but the depths of infamy to which the press of the country will descend in order to serve the money ed plutocracy which now rules and governs this country. ' Especially is this example of abject servility more pronounced in the case of the Con stitution, both its friends and its en emies having expected it would come out for the People’s Party. It has advocated within the past tw o years almost every principle contained in the platform of the People’s Party. Jt has fought Cleveland and his sil ver record most intelligently and per sistently, and has called to* account, not only the Republican but Demo cratic party for past and present of fenses. It has been an ind'epx ndent, and to a considerable degree a fear less exponent of many of the reforms demanded by the People’s Party, To such an extent was this carried on, that Democrats complained and reformers rejoiced. The all import ant problem now to solve is the means and methods by which this sudden and complete transformation was brought about. It is certainly not the result of a changed condition, or the force of new arguments, but must be the work of some unseen and dangerous pow er. Whatever this controlling influ ence may be, or wherever it may be located, it is a menace to liberties of the people, and should be hunted out and destroyed. Os what account are the constitution and laws of the land, when an unknown force can be ap plied to a great and properous paper that will cause it stultify itself, re pudiate its past record, and strike hands with those whom it has so re cently condemned ? Such conduct is enough to fill all candid men with alarm, and make even the thought less pause and consider the gravity of the situation. It is not so much the faet that the Constitution has taken this cringing, menial-like course, as it is the power which compelled the action. From now on it will do the bidding of its ma-ters, whoever they ar.?, and will drop from the position of independ ent journalism to that of a fawning sycophant. Let the people of Geor gia wupe out the infamous sheet from out their borders. Refuse to have it iu the family for fear of its blighting and contaminating influence. People's Party Mass Meeting. The People’s Party of Jackson county, and all in sympathy with the reform movement, are requested to meet at the court house, on Satur day, July 23, 1892, to elect by ballot delegates to represent Jackson county at the Congressional convention to be held at Gainesville, July 27. Public speakers have been invited, among others Hon. Thos. E. Watson. The public generally is invited, especially the People’s Party, as business of im* jortance is to be attended to. A. L. Venable, Ch. Ex. Com. People’s Party. Macon County. A mass meeting of the People’s Party of Macon county will be held at Montezuma on Saturday, July 23, to select delegates to the Senatorial convention. A large attendance de sired . W. T. Christopher, Chm’n.