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CLEVELAND A MONOPOLIST BIS RECORD DOES NOT HARMONIZE WITH HIS PARTY’S PLATFORM. The Standard Oil, a Railroad Trust and a English Syndicate Cleveland’s Backers. New York Press. Grovei Cleveland, -in the hands of representatives of the greatest trust in this country, the Standard Oil Company —its existence as a trust having been declared a violation of the law of land—in the hands of ac credited representatives of the great est surface railroad monopoly in the world and in the hands of powerful Wall street interests and other vast corporate influences, has been made the nominee of the party of Jeffer sonian and Jacksonian simplicity, upon a platform condemning trusts and monopolies. furthermore, Mr. Cleveland’s most pronounced and dogged adherent in this State is the head and front of a great English syndicate whose capi tal is confessedly some <£60,000,000 ($300,000,000), and probably really amounts to nearer £100,000,000 ($500,000,000). Such as the outlines of the situa tion as regards Grover Cleveland in his relations to the forces which have again made him the nominee of the Democratic party. MR. CLEVELAND AND MR. WHITNEY. For the first time since William Collins Whitney began to enact the role of the Warwick of the Demo cratic party —a role for which he has preference above all others—he has come boldly and, for him, courageous ly to the front to pull the wires os tensibly in the sight of his fellow men. Hitherto it has been his habit to follow [instincts or secretiveness such as he developed while Corpora tion Counsel of this city for three terms. During the campaign of 1884 Mr. Whitney kept out of sight. But he kept all the more busily at work. The contributions of the Payne-Whit ney interests to the campaign fund are generally credited with having assured to Mr. Whitney the position of Secretary of the Navy under Mr. Cleveland. In that campaign Mr. Whitney is said to have displayed great astuteness. Through the whole campaign it was well understood that the most powerful wing of the Stand ard Oil Trust supported Mr. Whitney in his requirements for campaign pur poses. In Washington, from March 4, 1885, until March 4, 1889, itjwas Mr. Whitney’s influence which was para mount over others in the administra tion. It is Mr. Whitney who bears the credit of having projected the famous Red Top real estate specula tion, in the line of which Mr. Cleve land selected a spot for his country residence, toward which all District of Columbia street improvements made their way. When Mr. Cleveland land out, before leaving Washington, it is generally reported that he clear ed some $150,000 on his judicious in vestment in the direction taken by these improvements. MR. WHITNRY AND MR. GRACE. To what extent Mr. Whitney and Mr. William R. Grace were in touch during the years 1885-89 no one seems to know. Through some means Mr. Grace was made happy in having his man Roberts made Minister to Peru, a land in which the great Grace- English syndidate was operating and working to secure a mortgage of that republic. When the Whitney-Clsveland anti monopolists came to this city early in March, 1889, a place for Mr. Cleve land had been provided by Mr. W hitney, through ths kind offices of Francis Lynde Stetson, one of Mr. Whitney’s legal advisers, a member of the firm of Bangs, Stetson, Tracy & MacVeagh. It was given out, ap parently by inspiration, that Mr. Cleveland would have a salary of $50,000, a full solace, financially, for his involuntary relinquishment of the Presidential public trust. The firm of Bangs, Stetson, etc., having had its offices sufficiently long at No. 45 William street—the num ber made historic by Mr. Cleveland’s presence—finally removed a year or more ago to No. 15 Broad street, the building in which Mr. Whitney, Col onel Oliver Payne and Colonel Dan iel S. Lamont, president of Whitney, Elkins and Widener surface railroad syndicate, had their offices, and there have since abided, with Mr. Cleve lend still close under the Whitney wing. MR. CLEVELAND AS A REFEREE. Mr. W hitney has kept an eye upon Mr. Cleveland’s welfare in His real estate adviser, John |D. Crimmins, who was one of the few Tammany Cleveland shouters at Chi cago, was instrumental in finding Mr, Cleveland a fine residence in Madi son avenue. Mr. Cleveland was made a referee in several cases through Mr. Whitney’s kindly offices, among them being the position of referee in famous Landon water front appraisals. The Tammany Hali city officials desired to have the apprais als made at a very low figure in order to enable them to seize the property for the city—so-called—and Mr. Cleveland found away to gratify them by making the appraisal SIOO a foot. In so doing he refused to admit testimony as to the value of contiguous property, and for this the Court of Appeals upset his finding. In his second report Mr. Cleveland placed the valuation at S6OO a foot. It is by such little surface indica tions as these that one is enabled to see the cordial relations, financial as well as social, which continued to ex ist between the anti-monopolist claimant and his monopolistic spon sor. Mr. Whitney put into operation his plan to secure Mr. Cleveland’s nomi nation in 1892 as soon as he had taken his summer vacation in 1889. For that matter the plan was laid out before he left Washington. It began to be developed as soon as Colonel Lamont was made president of the one horse avenue C. road. That choice of the brilliant aid de camp of Grover Cleveland puzzled the public for a time; but when the great Broad way Railroad was leased to the one horse road andjthe latter’sbapital stock was increased from $3,250,000 to $5,000,000 on the value of that lease, the public was no longer puzzled. Then it was that Mr. Whitney’s fine work was made manifest, for he had then secured the cabling privilege for the Broadway Railroad Company by merely giving W. Bourke Coch ran a free lunch. THE WAGE EARNER’S FRIEND, INDEED. The Whitney-Philadelphia syndi cate unites politics and business wherever it goes, whether in Phila delphia, Boston, Chicago, New York or Minneapolis. And all this influ ence in these various large centers has been thrown according to Mr. Whitney’s desires. But for the de claration of the Chicago platform against trusts and monopolies no man in the country, judged on the basis of apparent facts, would be a more vivid illustration of the power of trusts und monopolies in politics than Mr. Whitney’s man Cleveland, who keeps away from public view of Mr. Whitney just enough to enable him to pose as the wage earner’s peren nial friend. As disclosed in The Press a year ago, Calvin S. Brice was made chair man of the National Democratic Committee in active compliance with Standard Oil interests in Ohio and New York combined. Mr. Bnce has played his part judiciously. The vast railroad Jan djtru st interests of Mr. Brice are, however, in active sym pathy with the other monopolies and corporations surrounding the candi date on the anti-monopoly platform of Jeffersonian credulity. Mr. Whitney played a very shrewd hand in the anti-snapper movement, yet there is the best authority upon earth for the statement that one of his legal advisers contributed $20,000 to the campaign fund. And that gentleman is Mr. Cleveland’s law partner. MR. CLEVELAND AND WALL STREET. It was Henry Villard’s $30,000 private car which took ex-Mayor William R. Grace, ex-Secretary of the Treasury Charles S. Fairchild and E. Ellery Anderson from this city to Chicago to get as nearly as possible into the Democratic National Con vention. The Press has already pub lished full accounts of this phase of the Grace-Cleveland movement and of the campaign against trusts and monopolies. The fact that Mr. Vil lard offered to contribute SIO,OOO to help the endeavors of Mr. Grace, ex- Office Holders Fairchild, Whitney, Canda and Anderson of the Cleve land Administration, to secure the nomination of their chief, has also been chronicled. All the gentlemen are prominent Wall street men, and directly or in directly interested in trust companies or railroad corporations or other in terests centered in Wall street. Mr. Fairchild is prosident of the New Y ork Trust Company, at No. 44 Wall street, just across the way from No. 35, the Wall street wing of the big building in which Mr. Cleveland, Mr. Whitney and Mr. Villard have their offices. Mr. Anderson’s office is at No. 10 Wall street. He is attorney and counsel for corporations. Through Mr. Whitney’s influence Mr. Ander son was appointed a United States Railroad Commissioner by Mr. Cleve land during his administration. Mr. Cleveland’s own firm is devoted wholly to corporation practice, and the $50,000 salary paid Mr. Cleveland stands as a tribute to the quality and quantity of the firm’s business. RAILROAD END OF THE REFORMERS. Ihe railroad end of the Cleveland anti-monopoly and anti-trust combin ation is made most prominent, of course, through Henry Villard and Calvin S. Brice. Both these gentle men are the heaviest plungers m the railroad marljet. Mr. Brice, as is well known, got his financial start in the world by plunging in Wall street and then getting up the Nickel Plate Railroad scheme, through which he made some millions of dollars by un loading the road on William H. Van derbilt, who bough it in order to save the New York Central from disas trous competition. Mr. Villard is even more promi nently known as the getter up of foreign and domestic syndicates to float his Northern Pucific Railroad schemes. That both these gentle men are in active sympathy with Mr. Cleveland goes without saying. One form of this activity may be seen in the fact that Mr. Villard is now cred ited with being.the controlling power in the leading evening Mugwump newspapers in this city. The influ ence, if not actual control, of the Grace syndicate in the leading morn ing Mugwump newspaper is, inci dentally, a subject of mention. It will be recalled that the Western National Bank was organized to af ford a Wall street scene of action for the ex-Cleveland administration, or a goodly part of it. Daniel Manning was made president of it. Then, on his death, Charles J. Canda of the Whitney-Grace reform and anti monopoly combination, was chosen to the place. He did not prove sat isfactory, and so Drayton S. Ives was made president of the bank. Mr. Ives is an old time financial ally of Mr. Whitney, having embarked with him as far back at least as the days of the incorporation of the Broadway Railroad Company some ten years ago. In all this shuffling of Wall street interests, a Whiney man as a Cleveland annex is sure to turn up. mr. Cleveland’s anti monopoly FRIENDS. At Chicago two men turned up among the Tammany braves who were for Cleveland all the time. These were John D. Crimmins, the Whitney contractor, and Thomas F. Ryan, the treasurer of the Whitney- Philadelphia surface railroad syndi cate. Mr. Crimmins has the contract for laying the cable in Broadway. After Tammany persecution had compelled William Wharton, of Philadelphia, to throw up his con tract for laying the cable in Third avenue it was Mr. Crimmins who got the job, and now all is lovely. The Whitney syndicate is trying to get hold of the Third avenue railroad on the same line of track as on the Sixth avenue railroad. When Henry Hart dies they may succeed. As for Thomas F. Ryan, it was he who, according to testimony before the Fassett investigating committee, met Richard Croker in Baltimore and swept the deck for action _£or the coming Cockran free lunch with Mr. Whitney. Mr. Cockran has al ways been a Whitney man, at least ever since Mr. Whitney became Sec retary of the Navy, and although he may talk for Hill he is for Whitney every time. It has been only fear of Mr. Grace which has kept Tammany from following Mr. Whitney into the Cleveland Camp. THEY ARE ALL WALL STREET MEN. In all these combinations, whether the name be Crimmins, Ryan, Fair child, Villard or Grace, they all lead to Wall street. Mr. Ryan is a member of the Stock Exchange and bears the reputation of being Mr. Whitney’s broker. If there be a member or an out post of the whole Whitney-Cleve land element m the city, from Vil lard and Brice down to Crimmins and Wagstaff, which does not begin in, flourish in and end in Wall street, the fact has not yet been discovered. THE GRACE-ENGLISH SYNDICATE. For years, as a matter of history and record, William R. Grace and Michael P. Grace, his brother, have been engaged in an endeavor of al most fabulous proportions, and that is to secure control of the undevel oped mineral and fertilizing wealth of Peru. Upon the death of Henry Meigs his great railroad contracts in Peru were secured by the Grace brothers. Among these the richest has always been esteemed the Oroya Railroad grant, since that road, when completed over a mountainous re gion hard of access, would lead into the heart of the Oroya silver mines, where tens of millions upon tens of millions of mineral wealth are con cealed. In order to execute the vast un dertaking of completing the Meigs railroad contracts, it became neces sary to form a syndicate. The Messrs. Grace looked to English capital for the purpose. The house of Grace <fc Co., in Lima, Callao and \ alparaiso had been always re garded as an English house. The managers or partners of these houses to-day are Englishmen. In 1887 Michael P. Grace opened the house of Grace Co. in Lon don for the purpose of floating there this colossal Peruvian scheme. Os the result of Mr. Grace’s syndicate efforts the New York Herald’s cor respondent, under date of May 16, 1888, sent here a cablegram, the pur port of which was as follows : “WANTED TO OWN PERU BODILY. “In 1887 an English syndicate had been formed through the efforts of the Messrs. Grace, not onlv to exe cute the railroad contracts is Peru I but also to take up the Peruvian debt, in return for which the Grace- English syndicate was to have the revenues of Peru for a certain num ber of years. What was known as the Peruvian Corporation, composed of the members of the syndicate, was formed, and a committee repre senting the bond-holders was ap pointed to secure the necessary leg islation in Peru to make the whole scheme valid. Os this phase of the matter, Gerald Augustus Ollard, legal adviser to the bond-holders, said : ‘Last year a contract was en tered into between the committee and Peruvian Government for the settlement of the Peruvian liability as to the extended debt. That con tract was called the Grace contract on account of the part he took in bringing it about. You will see by a copy of the contract, which I now hand you, that it provides for work ing a number of railways and for opening Peru generally. That con tract, however, was not submitted to the last Peruvian Congress owing to certain objections made by the Chil ian Government. Fortunately for all concerned the objections have now been overcome through the ex ertion of the English Government, so that the contract is to be brought before the Peruvian Congress in its existing form when it meets in July next.’ ” “But you will vrant a lot of money to carry this out.’' “Very likely; but I believe the necessary financial arrangements are substantially completed m London. A syndicate of commercial gentle men, composed of bankers and mer chants, are ready to back us with any amount. We have only to get the sanction of the Peruvian Gov ernment.” A WIDE-REACHING CONTRACT. The committee of bond-holders consisted of Sir Henry Tyler, George 11. Hopkinson, bankers; Fredick Santiago Hammack, forerly Chilian Consul; Colonel Sir Alfred Kirby, Colonel J. T. North, John Proctor and Earl Donoughmore. The Peru vian debt then amounted to £55,- 000,000. The Grace contract, ex hibited by Mr. Ollard, showed that Peru assigned “to the Grace syndi cate its rights to work its silver, coal, cinnabar and other mineral mines and all guano, with participa tion in the profits.” The syndicate was also authorized “to construct special quays or wharves, highways in all depart ments of the Peruvian Republic, to further commerce in cocoa, coffee, wheat, maize, alcohol, bark, wool, cotton and timber, and to work all the mines.” The government gives the committee 1,800,000 hectares of land for colonization purposes, and in various departments the right to ex port guano, the right to a certain percentage in certain house dues and the right to establish a bank at Lima. The necessary legislation to vali date the Grace contract w r as secured from the Peruvian Congress. But bitter opposit ion was roused in Peru, the matter was taken into the courts, and, according to Peruvian advices to-day, the courts have declared the transfer of the Grace contracts to the syndicate invalid, and have set them aside. This being the case, it becomes of the utmost importance that all pos sible influence should be brought to bear upon Peru and her courts in order to execute his colossal scheme involving possibly £100,000,000, WAS IT A LINK IN A CHAIN? Whether it be a link in a chain or not, as a matter of fact William R. Grace succeeded in having his man Roberts appointed Minister to Peru by President Cleveland. In the recent anti-snapper move ment it is well known that William R. Grace took the leading part, raised the funds to carry on the Cleveland movement, and declared his willingness to raise almost any amount to secure the end in view. Between the influence of the Eng lish Government, exerted as Mr. Ollard confessed, and the influence of the United States Government, as now hoped for, Peru might be forced into a position to place her fabulous resources in the hands of an English syndicate of enormous proportions. Syndicates and monopolies are re volving around Grover Cleveland in a most remarkable way. People’s Party Mass Convention. All voters .of Habersham county who are favorable to the People’s Party reform movement are request ed to meet in mass convention at the court house at Clarksville, Monday, July 18, 1892, at 10 o’clock a. m., to elect delegates to the State and Con gressional district conventions of the People’s Party. Able speakers will address the convention. J. B. King, Chm’n Ex. Com. L. F. Maxwell, Sec’y. If you meet a hob-gobblin float ing around, don’t get scared. It is nothing but the Force Bill made by Harrison and dressed up by the Democrats. It is a very harmless “critter.” ECHOES FROM OMAHA. Two Notable Speeches at the People’s Party Convention. On Monday, July 4th, the closing day of the Omaha Convention, after the adoption of the platform, in re sponse to calls from the convention, Hon. J. 11. Davis, of Texas, spoke as follows: While I appreciate the compliment you have extended ; while I appreci ate the great honor you have done me to-day, I have sought since I have been at this convention to perform my service as a service of work and not of speech-making. But the people here have a right to command me and I am at your command to-day, and what I may say if it will be of service I gladly dedicate my efforts to the cause of reform, to the cause of lost and desolate homes of this land (cheers), to the cause of the down trodden millions of my country and to the posterity that is to follow this generation. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen and fellow-citizens, don’t feel disappointed if I fall short of your expections; you cannot expect too much of one reared in the un bounded wilds of the f.4r West, the music of whose civilization was the hoot of the owls and the howls of the wolf, whose cradle song was the low ing of the herds. While the birds of the air sang me to sleep at night and the canopy of heaven was my cover, I learned to love freedom. I looked at the wild descanting plains, I looked over the beautiful un dulating surface of my country. I looked back over the annals of history and I found that man started from the garden of Eden about six thou sand years ago with the injunction to eat his bread under the sweat of his brow. Man started west. The first form of government was tribes and chiefs; the next form of government was kings and kingdoms, the next emperors and empires, and it was left to the grandest and most glorious form of government to be established in this beautiful land of ours, the greatest civilation arising in the light of governmental freedom. It was left for this government to be estab lished and dedicated to the cause of freedom. For six thousand years mankind has traveled west, west has been the star of empire. Until to-day, my countrymen, the humble and op pressed of foreign nations fleeing from their monarchs, have come w r est to better their condition, leaving millions behind, but to-day we can flee no further. What then shall we do ? The downtrodden of every country always would flee from the oppression and move west, but to-day no further west can you go, you have got to turn back, purify and correct and set up anew the declaration of independence. To-day, my countrymen, I see in my mind’s eye a sad and humiliating spectacle. I see the stars and stripes that were dedicated to freedom, no longer the emblem of liberty. I see millions of landless people in a home less land. The toiling millions are wresting from the earth wealth un told, but it is not theirs. And I see their widows and orphans m poverty and want. Gentlemen, and fellow citizens, this is a sad and miserable spectacle. How did it come about ? Did it come by any efforts in the cause of free dom ? No. It came through the machinations and the political in trigues oi unscrupulous men. To day we have sixty-three millions of people in the United States and the three great problems for civil gov ernment are before us to solve, name ly : land, transportation and money. . Let me tell you today, that out of those 63,000,000 we have nearly 30,- 000,000 of people without land. On the other hand we have land enough in our broad descanting realm to make comfortable homes for three fifths of the peop’e of the radh, and not to be more densely populated than Holland or Germany. On the other hand we find 4,575,000 mort gages on the homes of this land. My countrymen, it is a sad reflection to those who love homes, a sad reflec tion those who love freedom. We find that the corporations, the indi viduals that were never created by God Almighty, but created upon the statute books, these men in law’, with no inalienable rights rights vested in them nor designated in our constitu tion, owa land enough to make the twenty-six lesser states in the Amer ican Union. How did they get it ? Surrounded as we are by the over reaching spires of architecture and the huge piles of stone in magnificent buildings, we see the great industrial army of this country without com fortable shelter. How’ came it there ? Was it because they made too much ? That is w r hat the politicians tell us dowm in Texas. Now look over this land, see the condition that it is in today, and I tell you you have got to meet the conditions just as they are; we have got to take the conditions of the American country into considera tion. It must be saved, because, as my predecessor says if this effort fails, if this movement is dismember ed, we would lie in the hands of the monopolistic power, and according to the tendency in this country you would never be able to organize again. To-day you know these men in law, fhese corporate men, that live not by inalienable rights, but live by mathematical and legal strictures and governmental process. They to day are already sending out over the- United States orders declaring that these corporations will not employ men who belong to labor organ zations. What does that mean ?’ It means you have got to renounce the capacity to organize for self-pro tection and become manual slaves— become the pliant tool, reduce your self to the humble action of the machine, or you cannot get employ ment by these people. What does that portend? That foreshadows the condition of the peon, pf serfs- W hen our forefathers created this government they declared against the laws of entail, they declared against monopoly, they declared against perpetuity. They had seen by the laws of Great Britain that the wealth aggregating in any place and never dismembered and distributed became a menace to the great masses of mankind; they could see their purpose and tendency in derogation of the rights of the people. Under that system in England they have within two hundred and sixty years, in that country, founded a series of vast estates that belong to the dukes and lords of that country, and under the laws of entail and perpetuity re main undivided and a taunt and a menace to the people. But in America, where we have no laws of entail, excepting a chartered system in open violation of the spirit of our constitution, and under the laws of perpetuity in this country, we to-dav have sixty men in America that can buy out the richest lord or duke in Europe and pay cash for ail he has. And our American lords or dukes have made their wealth in the last twenty-five years. How did they get it? (Man in gallery): “They stole itMy friend over there says they stole it—and what is worse, they stole it by law. Robbery by law is the most terri ble robbery ever known to any age- When I meet a man on the highway,, knock him down and rob him., I am under the condemnation of the whole civilized world. But if I manipulate the Legislature or Congress of the United States, to pass a Jaw to hold him still and another one to get mv hand in his pocket,, and get what is his, I am considered a first-class bus iness man. They make me president of a bank, elect me manager .of a traffic association, the big daity pa pers insist that 1 am a genius, and the first thing I know they will run me for Congress. You have heard it said that a little over thirty years ago the agricultural people represented something over 60 per cent, but to day you represent less than twenty per cent of the wealth of this nation.. Has it been because you are lazy ? Has it been because you are trifling?' Has it been because you have lived too extravagantly? No; you have better machinery to work with, you produced moire and got less from year to year. If thirty years will take you from sixty per cent to twenty per cent, how many years will it take to get the remaining twenty per cent? You can figure yourself out a bank rupt in the morning before breakfast. On the other hand, while you have been going down hill, look at these men in law. These corporations,, that were created by law, not by God, never had any inalienable rights in this country, none except the rights granted by the granter and vaster. They have the taxing power, in open violation of the sacred principles of the constitution and, you can’t help yourself. In my State they pay the governor four thousand dollars a year; because we govern that State we say how much he shall get, but the governor of a railroad company in my State gets eleven thousand dol lars a year. How does that happen ? Because he sets his own salary with out our consent, although his corpo ration is but the creature of the peo ple of Texas and could not live five minutes without our consent. And when we gave our consent we never wanted him to be a bigger man. than our governor of Texas. Yet he is drawing as much in one year as our governor draws in three, out of the pockets of our people, and we can’t help ourselves because the Democrat ic party says it is undemocratic to bother him. It is the same wav in every State. In 1860 the great' ag ricultural interests represented sixty per cent of the wealth of the nation.. today less than twenty per cent. Business in that day was prosperous, while today the great middle class is left at the mercy of the banking and transportation monopolies. Way out in the West, and in the South.'how does the money get out ? It starts through a big corporation, the bi<r banks furnish it to the little banks the little banks to business aw::, bus iness men put it in commerce and distribute it among the people. The big bankers squeeze the little ones, the little bankers squeeze the busi ness men, the business men squeezes