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you, and you squeeze the soil, and the wl ole system goes just that way. Under that power of taxation, lim ited only by the greed and cupidity »f its directing force, while we had five in .lionaires in 1860, to-day we have over 30,000 millionaires in Ameri a. You working people who hammer the anvil and till the soil, who stand at the scorching furnace, think of the sweat of millions wf yeople whose daily bread comes from the daily exercise of your muscles, and all the earnings except bread and meat is transferred to the heads of corporations that got the eon sent to live by your own votes. 'When you vote for the old parties you perpetuate the machine that is grinding you into dust and despair. We have made since 1860 an aver age of 3,000 millionaires each year, and under the same system we have turned out over 2,000,000 tramps. u hear a fellow say, “but that .ramp is of no account, anyhow.” I am willing to meet him half way, but I tell you, the same system that has turned them -out is turning out mil >l millions more. >ln better words, I shall turn it this way: The train p is a kind of a political body i- oie ; he is in the filthy garments of bad government, and if you want to get nd of the louse, wash out the garment. Kit. wimberly’s speech. Georgia delegate, Hon. F. D. Wimberly, Saturday night, bore the palm, making the opening speech at the re-union of the Blue and the -Gray, as follows: “You will me excuse for using to night a little of personal history. It not because a presuming or bigoted mar, n >r because I would win undue applan*'. It is because I want to make good use of it, and because I be. <vc it will, under the blessing of <rod, serve this occasion well. • When this war opened I was a hoy verging on to manhood, attend ing the University of Virginia, and I had learned before that time some little of the philosophy of history, and I looked upon that movement as all wrong. I could not help but re gard it as dangerous to my own loved section, but as portentious of ruin. I could not to save my life, see how the South, weak as she was in com parison with the North, having at its back the sentiment of all Christen dom, was but entering into a destruc tive war which could but result in the exhaustion and utter ruin of our -every institution and the complete Impoverishment of our people and the bad days of reconstruction and y the engulfment of the liberties of our broad country, unless God Al mighty in his goodness and wisdom would arouse the people to their dan ger. So when the electric hash came over the wires announcing at Char lottsville that Georgia had seceded, I knew that that w r as the signal, for ac tion on the part of the whole South; that the die was cast and the Rubi con crossed, and in perfect anguish of sou] I bowed down and wept as if burying my own mother? I went to George Frederick Homes, professor of literature at that grand institution, late at night and said to him : ‘Oh ! Professor Holmes! You are the pro foundest student of history I ever saw. These are my fears and this is my grief. Oh, man of w’isdom, if there be any relief, for God’s sake give it to my bruised heart.’ Prof. Holmes bow r ed in anguish of soul. He wept long before he could speak. Rousing after a while, w’ith prophetic train he pictured to me a war the w’orst the world had ever known, lasting through four years, he said, .and ending just as I feared. Then using ihe word ‘reconstruction’ he told what we of the South must suf fer, then said :|‘One quarter of a cen tury after the close of that war, un less all history is a lie, the people of the North, as well as the people of the South, will be completely enslaved by ‘•monopoly.’ “Fellow-citizens, originally a union man loving this country in all its broad proportions, about ten days after that conference w’ith Prof. Holmes, feeling that I had no right to a conviction, as Georgia had spo ken, I hastened to Yorktown to lay my life down a willing sacrifice as an humble private in the service of my native land. All through those four years, day by day and night by night, I smothered; those convictions of a soul bursting with grief, else I had been a traitor and deserved to die a •disgraceful death. No Confederate soldier more faithfully did his duty and bore his burden than I did. I had always wondered through that war, and I will wonder till I die, why it was that I was spared, because I was sure on two or three occasions that the providence of God had in terposed to save my life, and at its close I felt that I was to live to see the day of redemption of our land. So, as the years have gone on I have been watching and waiting, until now I believe I have reached the point where, in the providence of God, I have been saved to take part in this battle. Think as you may about it, let any man come to the conclusion that he may, I tell you, nothing good, nothing great, nothing grand is ever accomplished by a man or na tion unless it rests upon a profound faith that will take no denial. And when I tell them in Georgia, ‘Yes, we will W’hip in this fight; we will whip out sectionalism by the ideas of November,’ men say to me, ‘Why, Wimberly, have you gone crazy? Where is your reason ?’ I say, ‘My reason lies in an unconquerable faith in the God who made the people free ; wdio presides over the destinies of all nations and individuals.’ “Now, we stand here today bound together by these railroad bands reaching into every nook and corner of our country. Don’t you see that the God of us all allowed that war to come because by it alone could be wiped out that institution which made us enemies. Don’t you see further more that these grand railroad sys tems, covering these vast prairies, bridging these immense rivers, climb ing over the high mountains from ocean to ocean, never could have been constructed by individual enterprise ? Corporate power and money was needed to do it, and while the day has come to say to them, ‘Stay thy might,’ these lines have come to civ ilize you, and in God’s goodness and wisdom He provided these railroads to bind us together from Oregon to Florida. “Wasn’t that war intended to give us a common money, the greenback? The rag baby you just heard sung, and the delight of the Kansas heart. Yet how Georgia does want some of it. And now, bound together by these railroads, already intermingling day by day so grandly, on occasions like this, by the thousands, as we look into each others faces we see w’e are identically the same people only sep arated by prejudice. Don’t you see that the day has come when we can have a union on every hand, and the great God who has made you and has made me has reserved this day of glory and revealed it in our time. He has given us the grandest oppor tunity to make an exhalted history. Let us then place ourselves upon the high plane of Christian civilization and make this country the light of the world for the salvation of liberty and freemen, and the elevation of man to the highest pinnacle of glory. If I could stand true to Georgia in those trying hours of the war. If I could do and dare and shout with southern boys over well won victory? If I could that night in the deep silence of the midnight hours alone at the camp tire sit down and see as plainly that night as I can see your faces here where God himself interposed w r ith mighty power to keep us from the fruits of that victory. If I could be true then, you ought to be true now. Who else is going to do his part? Who else will face death itself in these days of arrogant domineering power and bitter prejudice fired by the venom of hell itself ?” At this point the presiding officer called time, and Mr. Wimberley’s speech was closed,having been repeat edly cheered and applauded during its utterance. Christ and the Money-Changers. BY JESSE HARPER. A close inspection of modern mon ey-changers will prove that they are filling the cup of iniquity fuller than did their prototypes of antiquity. The instances given in the Classics of the extent to w’hich they carried their system of spoliation is supris ing beyond measure. Becke’s “Trapezeta?”: “I have purchased, said the first, from this man here a slave, for two minare. By reference to my count book, I find there must be seven hun dred drachma? lying with you in my name. Pay the man his money.” The “trapezetie” again looked in his book. “In the main,” said he, “you are right in your calculations, except that you forgot the agio on three hundred and fifty Eginetau drachma? which I paid to Paseas for the ivory you bought. This the man could not dispute ; the two mime were paid and the man went away.” B. 69. And as to their rascality in book keeping, the moderns as those of an tiquity, are identical. “I did not know,” said he, “that Sosthens had so large a claim upon me. Has he forgotten that I have had to discharge eight hundred drachma l for him to the Heraciote. Look here at my book. What stands there ? Sosthens, son of Phrynon, of Syracuse, has deposited two talents. Out of these, eight hundred drach ma? to be paid to Phrynon, the Her saclote, who will be introduced by Epecrotes, the Priam. You see there remain but four hundred drachma 1 .” B. 72. He disputed the account of the depositor, and had “doctored” his books; but the creditor had outside proof, and threatened the money changer. A scene. Lycon [deposi tor] interrupted Cesphon at this junc ture, saying : “Don’t be inventing any new taicks; it is still fresh in people’s memories how, not long ago, you bubbled the Byzantian merchant ■when he came to require the money deposited with you. The whole city knows how you got out of the way the only slave w r ho was acquaint ed withthe fact, and then not only denied the claim, but also suborned w itnesses to prove that your cred itor had borrowed six talents of you.” B. 7’2. Note: “The passage w'hich affords any clear insight into the method of book keeping pursued by the bankers, is Demoth. 1’236.” The infamy of their extortion, is perfectly astounding. As high as two hundred fold premium w’as ex torted whenever the opportunity offered and they could grind it out of the oppressed and dependent peo ple. There was an “agio” to be paid be tween all the different kinds of mon ey. And upon this premium they built their superstructure of robbery. And in all ancient times, up to the beginning of the New Era, the place above all others, in cities, towns, vil lages, at the great groves, surround ing the theaters, the circus, was the place of the tables of the money changers. Plato, in his Apol, trying in some measure to extenuate the crimes of his time, looks upon the class which Christ denounced, as the ones most culpable. And when gazing upon the market-place, with its thousand forms of wrongs, mixed with right, good mixed with evil, he seems to forget all else, as his eyes catches the seat and center of wrong com pared with which all others seem in nocence. And as he beholds this Macbeth ean pot bubbling with thieving and robbing, he cries out: “en agori epi trapezon.” [’29l B] This great philosopher cried from the depths of his heart : “Look in this open public place, at the tables of the bankers”—and read the ruin of Greece ! There falls from his lips the same sentiment, when contemplating, the money-changers, that did from the Master, when viewing in the outer court of the Gentiles; and both alike charge the “trapezites” with turning the temple of worship and the tem ple of justice into a den of thieves. Think of the money-changers sell ing a half shekel (forty-nine cents), for two hundred fold profit—“heka ton ddo ergasia ek nomisma takos.” Iso. Tra., 71. Is not such an one a “thief?” Is not such an one a “robber?” And would not a temple Where such transactions were carried on, be properly termed a den cf thieves? Christ, (Mark xi., 17) quoting fjom Isa. Ivi., 7, Heb.: “My house shall be called a house of prayer for all nations, but ye have made it a den of thieves.” Prophetically looked at (Jer. vii., 11) the same thing has been charged : “Is this house, which is called by my name, become a den of robbers ? Business was corrupt among the ancients in all matters of memory. Extortion in dealing was seen every where. “Cast your eyes to the right, on the haggard man in the fish market, with matted hair, who sidles about, not having anything himself, but watching every one else; he is a most dangerous sycophant, and glides about the market like a scor pion, with his venomous sting all ready, spying out whom he may sur prise with misfortune and ruin, and from whom he can most easily ex tort money, by threatening him with an action dangerous in its conse quence.” B. Tra. 65. He made his fortune— “en arpax epi-nomisma.” That is, he made his fortune by robbing peo ple of money. Did it by law! See him: In the market place, at the open space of trapezitie, sly as a scorpion, seeking a victim to extort money from. Extort: Extortion conies from the Greek. Tob. Gr. Lex. arpax. “raven ous” “ravening,” “of wild beasts,” “robber,” “extortioner.” Mat. vii, 15. It goes further : The arpax, “ex tortioner,” shall not inherit the King dom of God. 1 Cor. vi, 10. “Nor thieves, nor covetous, nor drunkard, nor extortioners shall in herit the Kingdom of God.” The extortioner is described thus : “You won’t see him speak or asso ciate with anyone, but as the painters encompass the shades of the wicked in Hades with the terrific phantoms of cursing and slandering, of envy, discord and strife, so also are these attendants of the extortioner.” B. 65. So, also, Xenophon, as to the low state of morals and honesty : “But,” said Socrates, “how small a part of the qualifications of a general is honesty; he must be a man of great contrivance and activity, care ful, persevering and sagacious, kind and yet severe; open, yet crafty; careful of his own, yet ready to steal from others ; profuse, yet rapacious; lavish of presents, yet eager to ac quire money,” Xen. Mem. 2,1, 6. Such were the characters whom Christ expelled from the temple. And may we not ask in all candor, if the world’s Omniarch was opposed to the money-changers at the begin ning of the Christian era, would he not be new if upon the earth? If the character and business of the money-changers have been cor rectly drawn, was not their expul sion from the temple demanded by every element of the moral law and every attribute of justice ? Did not their extortions forever brand them as thieves and robbers ? And if they were not expelled for extortion, what were they expelled for? They had made the temple of God a den of thieves. How had they done it? Nobody but money-chan gers were turned out. These we have briefly portrayed as they ap pear in the annals of the past. Is history repeating itself ? Are money-changers and their satellites to-day defiling the temples of religion ? Are there any den of thieves in christendom ? Is it true in our time, as it was eighteen hundred years ago, that the love of money is the root of all evil? Is it easier for rich men to enter heaven in these “last times” than it was when Christ opened up the way ? Is it not true, rather fearfully true, that the age of the Gentiles draws to a close ? Is not the prophetic warning as to “perilous times,” now actualizing be fore our eyes? Is it not true that the great “apos tasy” is now taking possession of the world with the hands of the infernal superhuman ? The Anti-Christ: “Let no man deceive you by any means; for the day of Christ shall not come except there come a falling away (apostasia) first, and that man of Sin be revealed, the Son of Perdition.” 2 Thes. ii, 3. Are not the premonitory throes now felt that shall introduce the baptism of fire, from which shall spring the third and last dispensa tion—the Messianic age ? IMPORTANT NOTICE. The chairmen, secretaries and others friendly to the People’s cause in the various Militia districts in the several counties of the Fifth con gressional district are requested to send their names to me at once, so that we may put ourselves in close touch and harmony for the approach ing campaign. Immediate action re quested. L. P. Barnes, Sec. Fifth Cong. Dist., E. Hunter St., Atlanta, Ga. •Tune 28, 1892. Call for a People’s Party Mass Meet ing. The People’s Party of Schley county and all those who are in sym pathy with said party are requested to attend a mass meeting at the court house in Ellaville Saturday, July 30, 1892, at 10 o’clock sharp, a. m., for the purpose of nominating a candi date to represent the county in the next general assembly. J. T. Collier, Chairman. E. B. Barrow, Secretary. Notice. The Executive Committees of the People’s Party of Fulton and Clay ton counties, are requested to send committees to confer with Cobb coun ty, relative to necessary action in re gard to the senatorial contest. Meet ing will be held at the headquarters of the People’s Party, Whitehall street, Atlanta, Ga., Wendnesday, July 20th. J. L. Sibley, Sec’y, E. C. People’s Party, Cobb Co. People’s Party Bally. There will be a grand People’s Party rally at Comer Chapel, Cobb county, three miles north of Powder Springs, on July 15th. Good speak ers invited. D. C. Moore. PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPERS IN GEORGIA Farmers’ Light, Harlem, Columbia county. Farmers’ Friend, Waynesboro, Burke county. News and Allianceman, Jackson, Butts county. Banks County Gazette, Homer, Banks county. Hinesville Gazette, Hinesville, Liberty county. The Allianceman, Atlanta, Fulton county. Southern Alliance Farmer, Atlanta, Fulton county. The Enterprise, Carnesville, Frank lin county. The News, Ball Ground, Cherokee county. People’s Party Paper, Atlanta. Farmers’ Herald, Wrightsville, Johnson county. Alliance Plow Boy, Buford, Gwin nett ounty. Progress, Cleveland, White county. P eople’s Advocate, Greensboro, Green county. PEOPLE’S PARTY PLATFORM. The conditions which surround us best justif y our co-operation; we meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political and material ruin. Corrup tion dominates the ballot box, legislatures, congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench. The people are demoralized; most of the states have been compelled to isolate voters at polling places to prevent universal in timidation or bribery. Newspapers are largely subsidized or muzzled; public opinion silenced ; business prostrated; our homes covered with mortgages; labor im poverished ; and the land concentrating in the hands of capitalists. The urban work men are denied the right of organization for self-protection; imported pauperized labor beats down their wages; a hireling standing army, unrecognized by our laws, is estab lished to shoot them down, and they are rapidly degenerating into European condi tions. The fruits of the toil of millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes for a few, unprecedented in the history of mankind; and the possessors of these in turn despise the republic and endanger liberty. From the same prolific womb of governmental injustice, we breed two great classes—tramps and millionaires. National power to create money is appropriated to enrich bondholders; a vast public debt pay able in legal tender currency has been funded into gold bearing bonds, thereby adding millions to the burdens of the peo ple. Silver, which has been accepted as coin since the dawn of history, has been demonetized to add to the purchasing pow er of gold by decreasing the value of all forms of property as well as human labor, and the supply of currency is purposely abridged to fatten usurers, bankrupt enter prise and enslave industry. A vast con spiracy against mankind has been organized on the two continents and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If not met and overthrown at once it forebodes terrible social convulsions, the destruction of civil ization or the establishment of an absolute despotism. We have witnessed for more than a quar ter of a century the struggles of two great political parties for power and plunder, while grievous wrongs have been indicted upon the suffering people. We charge that the controlliug influence dominating both these parties has permitted the exist ing dreadful conditions to develop without serious effort to prevent or restrain them. Neither do they now promise us any sub stantial reform. They have agreed togeth er to ignore in the coming campaign every issue but one. They propose to drown out the cries of the plundered people with the uproar of a sham battle over the tariff, so that capitalists, corporations, national banks, rings, trusts, watered stock, de monetization of silver and the oppression of the usurers may all be lost sight of. They propose to sacrifice our homes, lives and children on the altar of mammon; to destroy the multitude in order to secure corruption funds from millionaires. Assembled on the anniversary of the birthday of the nation and filled with the spirit of the grand general-in-chief who es tablished our independence, we seek to re store the government of the republic to the hands of “the plain people” with whose class it originated. We assert our purposes to be identical with the purposes of the national constitu tion—to form a more perfect union and es tablish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the bless ings of liberty for ourselves and our pos terity. We declare that this republic can onlv endure as a free government while built upon the 1 ove of the whole people for each other, and for the nation; that it can not be pinned together by bayonets; but the civil war is over and that every passion and resentment which grew out of it must die with it, and that we must be in fact, as we are in name, one united brotherhood. Our country finds itself confronted by conditions for which there are no prece dents in the history of the world. Our annual agricultural productions amount to billions of dollars in value, which must within a few weeks or months, be exchang ed for billions of dollars of the commodi ties consumed in their production. The currency supply is wholly inade quate to make the exchange. The results are falling prices; formation of combines and rings; and the impoverishment of the producing class. We pledge ourselves that if given power we will labor to correct these evils by wise and reasonable legislation in accordance with the terms of our platform. We be lieve that the powers of government—in other words of the people—should be ex panded as in the case of the postal service, as rapidly and as far as the good sense of an intelligent people and the teachings of experience shall justify, to the end that op pression, injustice and poverty shall event ually cease in the land. While our sym pathies, as a party of reform, are naturally upon the side of every proposition which will tend to make men intelligent, virtuous and temperate, we nevertheless regard these questions—important as they are as secondary to the great issues now press ing for solution and upon which not only our individual prosperity but the very exist ence of free institutions depend, and we ask all men to first help us to determine whether we are to have a republic to ad minister, before we differ as to the condi tions upon which it is to be administered, believing that the forces of reform this day organized will never cease to move for ward until every wrong is righted and equal rights and equal privileges securely established for-all men and women of this country. We declare, therefore: 1. That the union of the Labor forces of the Uniled States this day consummated shall be permanent and perpetual. May its spirit enter into all hearts for the salva tion of the republic and the uplifting of mankind. 2. Wealth belongs to him who creates it, and every dollar taken from industry with out an equivalent is robbery. “If any will not work, neither shall he eat.” The in terests of rural and civic labor are the same; their enemies are identical. 3. We believe that the time has come when railroad corporations will either own the people or the people must own the rail roads: and should the government enter upon the work of owning and managing all railroads, we should favor an amendment to the constitution by which all persons engaged in the government service shall be placed under a civil service regulation of the most rigid character, so as to prevent an increase of the power of the national administration by the use of such addition al government employes. We demand a national currency, safe sound and flexible, issued by the general government only, a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, and that with out the use of banking corporations ; a just, equitable and efficient means of distribu tion direct to the people at a tax not to ex ceed 2 per cent per annum be provided as set forth in the sub-treasury plan of the Farmers’ Alliance, or some better system; also by payment in discharge of its ob ligations for public improvements. We demand the free and unlimited coin age of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1. We demand that the amount of the cir culating medium be speedily increased to not less than fifty dollars per capita. We demand a graduated income tax. We believe that the money of the coun try should be kept as much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand, that all state and national revenues shall be limited to the necessary expenses of the government economically and honestly administered. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the government for the safe deposit of the earnings of the people and to facilitate exchange. Transportation being a means of ex change and a public necessity, the govern ment should own and operate the railroads in the interest oi the people. The tele-. graph and the telephone, like the postal system, being a necessity for the trans mission of news, should be owned and op erated by the government in the interest of the people. The land, including all the natural sources of -wealth, is the heritage of all the people and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes, and alien ownership of land should be prohibited. All lands now held by railroads and other corpora tions in excess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned by aliens should be reclaimed by the government and held for actual settlers only. Hon. Thos. E. Watson’s Address Should be Read by the Millions. The friends of Reform cannot do a better thing for the cause than to circulate the address of Hon. Thos. E. Watson, which appeared in the People’s Party Paper of March 17th. In order that it may be circulated at very small cost, we will put it into a two page supplement form and fur nish it to the people at 75 cents per hundred copies, or in smaller num bers, not less than ten, at one cent aach. Send in your orders. Bring the matter before your Sub- Alliance, union or lodge, and have the Secretary order a lot. This address places the whole sit uation clearly before the people, and wherever read will greatly strengthen the People’s cause. Address orders, with the money, to People’s Party Paper, Atlanta, Ga. 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