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THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE PEOPLE'S PAPER PUBLISING COMPANY. 117 1-2 Whitehall St. THOS. E. WATSON, - - President. C. C. POST, - - - Vice-President. D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas. F. GRAY, - Business Manager. fitobscniption, One Dollar Per Year, Six Months 50 cts., Three Months 25. In Advance. Advertising Rates made known on appli cation at the business office. Money may be sent by bank draft, Post Office Money Order, Postal Note or Registered Letter. Orders should be wi&de payable to PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ADVERTISING DEPARTMENT. W. 11. Lowe, Room 8, 17| Peachtree Street, is the advertising agent of this paper. TO ADVERTISERS. The circulation of the People’s Party Paper is now 17,000 copies to actual sub scribers. No better medium could be found for reachihg the farmers of Geor gia and of the South, and advertisers are requested to consider its merits. The following certificate of the postmaster at Atlanta, Ga., the office of publication, needs only the additional remark that the paper used in the publication weighs 44 pounds per ream to fully explain itself: Atlanta, Ga., July 25, 1892. This is to certify that The People’s Party Paper, during the week ending July 23d, 1802, mailed sixteen hundred and sixty-three (1,663) pounds at this office. J. R. Lewis, P. M. The circulation is steadily* increasing, and most advantageous arrangements can be made for space. FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1892. SUBSCRIBE NOW! Mr. Watson will return immediately upon the adjournment of Congress. He will be tendered a Public Recep tion at his home and will make the Opening Speech of the Campaign. This will be stenograpbically reported specially for us and will be published in full in this paper only. It will be a most important Cam paign Document. All who desire it will do well to subscribe at once. As soon as Mr. Watson can have a few days of needed rest he will invite Mr. Black to a Joint Canvass of the Tenth District. These debates will be literally reported for ourpaperand will be published in full. If you want to keep up with the subscribe to The People’s Party Paper. Notice To Subscribers and Club Raisers. In all instances the casli must ac company the names sent in. No paper can be run on credit. In another column it will be seen that the 10 cent oiler has been withdrawn, and no subscriptions for less than 25 cents will be received. Long term subscriptions are better all around. The campaign in Virginia is de scribed as being on the move. Or ganization is in progress in all parts of the State, and the average Geor gian has but to reason from liis sur roundings to answer for himself what means. The nomination of Cleve land, followed by the flank movement under Tom Reed on silver, lias lent so much color of purpose to notorious facts, that the people of Virginia, as elsewhere, now realize fully that the Republican and Democratic parties are but wings of a grand army of con quest, in the pay of Plutocracy. The seeming conflict between those wings is but the rivalry of commands under identical orders. The National Watchman notes that the first consignment of wheat of this years’ crop in the Baltimore market brought 85 cents, against $1.03 last year. This will war rant a price of 60 cents at the railroad stations of the great West, or about $9 per acre for rent, labor on the farm and hauling to market. The people should work harder, economize more closely and leave politics alone, in order to secure a better price! The battle cry of the Democracy one year ago was, “Czar Reed and the Billion Dollar Congress.” Now Reed leads the party in its support of its platform against silver as mon ey and the expenditures of the Bil lion Dollar Congress are exceeded by the Democratic majority of two to one in the present House. Oh Democracy, in thy name the people are robbed and humbugged beyond endurance. FREE SILVER. As this will be leading issue in the campaign of the People’s Party, it demands full and fair consideration. This can best be had by a division of the subject under the following heads : 1. V hat is meant by Demonetiza tion ? 2. What is meant by Free Coin age ? 3. How did Demonetization hurt the Debtor and the Producer ? 4. How would Free Silver help the Debtor and the Producer ? To answer the first question we must understand what purpose mon ey was established for. There are numbers of mildly insane people who seem to think that God made money at the time and in the sense that He made light, air, and water. Immense confusion of thought has grown out of this silly notion. Men have accustomed themselves to re gard money as having the same di vine origin as the tides and the sea sons. Greater nonsense never exist ed. Os course the Creator made gold, and silver, and copper, just as he made cows, and rocks, and pearls, and potatoes. But money He did not make any more than lie made brogans, Belgian blocks, necklaces or puddings. These are purely hu man creations. Man takes the hide of the cow and makes for himself a pair of shoes. lie take the potatoes and makes for himself a pudding. This is a somewhat homely way of getting at it, but being a homely man I can afford it. Os all things, I want to be understood. Now, just as the Creator gave us the cow out of whose hide we fash ion shoes, so he gave us gold,silver, copper and iron, out which we can make various useful articles. One of these articles which man has been in the constant habit of making from each of the materials I have named, is Money. Why did he want to do so ? Sim ply because he got tired of bartering one substance for another and need ed a medium of exchange. In order to avoid the trouble of carrying his horse to the factory and swapping it for goods, he economizes time and labor by agreeing that Money should represent the value of his horse, The man who owns the factory agrees that his goods shall likewise be represented by “money.” Thus the horse is exchanged for “cash,” and, by means of this cash, the goods are bought and tlie man who sells them uses the money to exchange for such commodities as he may desire, whether they be lands, houses or chattels. Hence money should never have any pow T er beyond that for which it was created:—to facilitate ex changes. Now, to make these exchanges the amount of money in use becomes very important. There should be enough of it to do the work it was intended to do :—So that products may exchange in the markets at their natural prices. Natural price is the labor cost, the use to which it can be put, the demand and the supply. When there is not enough money to do this, then products are hampered in their exchanges And do not fetch their natural prices. In other words, Money becomes absolutely necessary to transact busi ness on a natural basis. This being so, it becomes quite clear that shrewd manipulators, by obtaining control of the money, can get control of the markets. This has been done so notoriously in so many instances of late years that no argument is needed. Now how do the speculators get control of the money? Either by “cornering” the issues as they are put forth, or by having laws enacted which destroy a portion of the issues already out. Just after the wnr, money was de stroyed by the simple process of burning it up. After awhile the peo ple caught on to the outrage and had it stopped. But the flames had al ready swept away so much of the medium of exchange that exchanges ! became hampered and prices fell to 1 a tremendous extent. The specula- * tors and bankers, however, were still unhappy. They wanted more money ; destroyed. In 1873 and 1874 their: wishes were complied with. Silver ’ was “Demonetized.” What does this mean in plain English ? It means that silver was no longer Money. It was a commodity like cotton, or corn, or wheat. Since 1792 it had been Money, and had,in conjunction with gold, measured values and assisted in making exchanges. After the act of 1874, however, it was no longer a standard of value; it no longer had the same usefulness in making ex changes. Gold won a monopoly. The men who had raked in all there was of that metal, became Money kings in name and in fact. They ruled the roost. They priced every man’s product. They mastered la bor in all its vocations. Cotton, wheat, corn, lumber, etc., brought smaller prices. The mortgage on the farm swallowed a greater amount of produce every year. The account at the store demanded more days la bor every year. Free coinage of silver means that silver shall again supply the people with a medium of exchange equal to gold; that the monopoly enjoyed by gold over labor’s products shall be destroyed ; that the clutch which the speculators and bankers have on the markets shall be loosed. Free coinage would help the farm er, the debtor and the producer, by putting more money into circulation ; by taking away from gold its pres ent tyranny over all values; by un fettering the markets from the bank ers |and speculators; by assuring a better price for every bale of cotton and every bushel of grain. We are told that the silver dollar should contain a dollar’s worth of silver. Measured how ? By gold. This is an insult which the plunderer throws into the teeth of the man he has robbed. From 1792 to 1873, silver more than maintained its equal ity with gold. Measuredhow? By both metals : by the “double stand ard of value” established hy our fathers. Gold and silver, minted on equal terms of freedom, constituted coins of equal value. Now in 1873 and 1874, the bank ers gave silver a black eye. They had the law to put a mark of degra dation upon it. It was pulled down from its place as Money and put among products as a mere article of bargain and sale. Is it any wonder its value (as measured by gold) de clined ? Would not gold have done the same ? Did not gold decline when it was demonetized in Europe ? Our enemies insolently say that we must make good all the losses silver sustained by reason of their crime against it. They say the dspreciation they brought upon it must remain. On the other hand, we claim that silver will go to its old place if the laws against it be repealed. We say that we ought to put the two metals side by side just as they were in 1873 and 1874. If this is not done, we condone the crime against Free Silver; we leave gold the superiority which that crime gave it; we refuse to put our standard of value where Jefferson put it; we refuse to lift our people out of the distress which the destruction of their currency brought upon them. I have never claimed that Free Silver would remedy all our financial ills. It would not do so. But it would add $22,000,000 annually to our volume of money; it would loosen the grip of the Money-kings to a very considerable extent; it would be a proof that the wrongs of the past were being considered and redressed; it would give strength to the reform movement which seeks a better currency system; and it would most assuredly stop the down ward tendency of prices by affording the markets of the world a standard of value and a regulator of prices more just, and liberal, and flexible than the arbitrary, exacting and monopolistic gold standard of today. T. E. W. Col. C. C. Post, having declined to serve as chairman of the State executive committee, will have more leisure to devote to the campaign in Georgia, and perhaps in other States. In putting M. D. Irwin in charge of the campaign as chairman, and re electing Oscar Parker, Esq., as- sec retary, the executive committee is to be congratulated on having done the right thing. The work goes bravely on, in the lines hitherto so effective. KODAfcS. Governor Northen said in his Sparta hoorangue that “Free Silver” would only give us 30 cents in ad ditional currency, and that “you can step over to Silver’s Bar-room and drink it up in two drinks.” The Governor evidently believes that when money changes hands it is lost and its effect is gone. This shows how much a man’s whiskers may stand in the way of his knowl edge. If “ignoranee is bliss”—then the said William J. ought to be hap lW- * * * * Last summer no Democrat thought the country could be saved without “Free Silver,” Cleveland was de nounced without stint because of his New York letter. Now: why bless you, the Democrats say that Free Silver is a “nigger in the wood pile a cross-eyed nightmare ; a splay-footed hobgoblin ; a crooked nosed* catastrophe ; a sway-backed abomination ; and nothing more nor less than “a trick of the Republicans to break up the Democratic party.” Really it seems that nearly every man you can come across these days has got his pockets stuffed with tricks to “break up the Democratic party.” There never was a decaying lot of old moss-back imbeciles more both ered and harassed by “tricks to break up the party.” ** * % If there ever was a party which was going to pieces fast enough with out any “tricks” it is the Democrat ic. Without leadership, or convic tions, or policy, or plan of action, it beats helplessly on the reef and goes apart with every dash of the waves. True, its ruin was caused by “tricks,” but they were those which its leaders tried to play on the people. * * * * The Augusta Chronicle gave a glowing account of the fancy turn out which accompanied my brother Black to Berzelia. There were the Phinizy’s, Tobin, Mercier and other gilt-edged securities too numerous to mention. By some strange oversight Alfred Baker did not go. This was unkindin Alfred. But they man aged to worry along without him. Milton Reese went down from Wilkes. Brother Reese wants to go to the Senate and Columbia is in the district. See? Brother Wright was along. Brother Wright has only been Solicitor twelve years and hasn’t got near enough ; and if this People’s Party isn’t squelched John West will get the place. See? So it was real nice all around. The Chronicle says that my brother Black threw the audience into “convul sions of applause.” Os course. It must have been a gay sight to have seen old man Bill Mercier in “con vulsions of applause.” And Jake Phinizy —a photograph of Jacob undergoing “convulsions of ap plause,” would fetch big money in any market where that enthusiastic citizen is known. * * * * Tell Toombs Collars to have my name put in the pot. I’m a-coming as sure as the world stands. Shall spend the night, no matter how the winds blow. Shall I fetch my fid dle ? * * * * Some how the Force Bill doen't seem to make the babies squall as it used to. Isn’t this queer? The city politicians don’t seem to know what to make of it. Well, perhaps its. because we have learned a thing or two on the subject of “Tricks” ourselves. * * * * So we have I One of of the things we have learned is “notto bet on the other fellow’s trick.” Another is, to have the battle fought out on the lines we choose and not open the ground the enemy chooses. This much we have learned. We have, indeed. T. E. W. Who killed Bill Hulsey ? I, said George Hillyer, With intrinsic dollar silver, I killed Bill Hulsey. Who saw him croak ? I, said Lon Livingston, 1 and the Constitution, I saw him croak. Who mourns his fate? Deponent knoweth uot, Or knowing has forgot, Who mourns his fate. MOST INFAMOUS. The Macon Telegraph of July 27 leads its editorial columns with the following article, reproduced here in full: IN ALLIANCE WITH THE NEGROES. A telegram from Raleigh, N. C.» says a sensation has been caused by the ap pearance in the Third Party organ of that State of a long address to the peo ple signed by John J. Mott, caairman of the executive committee of the Third Party. It is a formal proposition for a fusion of the Third Party and the Re publican party. The terms offered are that the Third Party will support the Republican candidates for State ollices if the Republicans will vote for the Third Party’s candidates for Congress. The Democratic majority in North Carolina has been smaller than in any other Southern State except the two Virginias, and a trade of the kind sug gested, if carried out in good faith by both parties, would undoubtedly result in the success of the fusion ticket. In view of this fact, it behooves white men who feel themselves driven toward the Third Party by their discontent to consider exactly what the Third Party movement means. It is becoming eas ier every day for them to judge it in telligently. In North Carolina, as we see, the Third Party is willing to turn over the State to the negroes—the ne grpes are the Republican party —for the gain of a few votes in Congress. They are willing that the white prop erty holders of North Carolina be tax ed by a negro legislature, that the school system shall be managed by ne groes, the election laws made by ne groes; that all the functions of the State government, in fact, shall be per formed or controlled by negroes,if the negroes will only help them to destroy the power of the Democratic party. This is what the proposition of the chairman of the executive committee amounts to, and we do not think a poli tician ever made a more abject surren der to the base elements of society in an effort to further his own and his fac tion’s interests. No sane man can be lieve that he is acting in the interest of the white people and from patriotic motives. But it may be contended that the dis position shown by the Third party in North Carolina to buy the support of the negroes at such fearful cost is not shared by the Third party in other States. Such a contention would not be justified by the facts The same tendency is ob served everywhere in the south. The candidate of the Third party for vice-president once a lieutenant of the renegade Mahone, who is now the Re- publican leader in Virginia, was magnil oquent in a recent; interview in his boas f s of what would be accomplished by his party in the approaching election. It would elect Weaver in North Carolina Georgia, Texas and other Southern States —or, if by any accident it should fail to do that, it will at least defeat Cleveland and cause the choice of Har rison electors. In this interview, Field made no concealment whatever of his animus toward the Democratic party. It is that of implacable hostility. He would of course prefer to see his own ticket successful, but, failing that, he will be pleased if through his party the Repub licans are continued in power. He leaves no doubt that his enmity to the Democratic party is so great that he will rejoice in a Republican victory. The third p*rty leader of Georgia, Mr. Thomas Watson, has intimated plainly enough that he is animated by the same feeling A few days ago a resolution was before the house to print 10.000 cop ies of the force bill for the use of mem bers, and Mr. Wat-on fought it with all his strength. The force bill, he declared, is a dead issue, though he knows that it is not a dead issue, but it demands it and every leading Republican is committed to its enactment at the earliest opportun ity. Mr. Watson himself would probably vote for it. He knows that it is not a dead issue, but it is an issue which he wants kept out of the present campaign as much as possible. It is not yet time to openly make a proposition of surren der to the negroes, as has been done in North Carolina. The tendency of the Third Party is to ward the negroes, and the men who think of going into it should understand from the first that in the event that they are successful they must share their power with the negroes. They will be at all times at the mercy of their black al lies, and must grant whatever conces sions the latter demand. They should consi J er well before attaching themselves to the Third Party whether they can re main patriotic citizens while making the sacrifices which will be demanded of them. Rarely has a more infamous mis representation been given to the pub lic. The chairman of the Executive Committee of the People’s Party of North Carolina, is not John J. Mott, but such is the name of a prominent white Republican who published in the last issue of the Progressive Farmer a long letter, conceding that it was impossible for the Republicans to carry the State, and advocating the virtual disbandment of that par ty and acceptance of the People’s Party candidates for State officers. The Telegraph does not publish the telegram it alludes to, and whether the misrepresentation is by the editor or by the Associated Press does not detract from its infamy. There is no quotation from any utterance of Major Field to sustain the editorial statement in the Tele graph. It leaves the reader to infer that the People’s Party in Virginia, represented by the staunchest ele ment of Virginia farmers, such as Mann Page, the Beverleys, Turner, Jackson, Pierson, Ruffin, Tyler and others, are in a conspiracy to destroy a social order in which they stand at the head. Such men are incapable of such conspiracy. Is the editor capable of an untruth? or is he de ceived by a false report ? In either case he is unfitted to conduct the columns of a paper professing to be fair or clean. The press, immediate ly after the Omaha convention, con fused Major Field with another prominent Virginian of the same name, and the editor of the Tele graph should be too honest to make a charge of Mahonism with that fact explained. Mr. Watson has intimated no such thing as charged by the Telegraph, either plainly or by inference. When it was proposed to expend 8294 of the people’s money in printing a pamphlet for campaign purposes Mr. Watson said that the matter was, in his opinion, not within the rule which admits publication of matters pend ing before Congress at public ex pense. In this contention Mr. Wat son was logical, and simply stood by his pledges to economy and strict ob servance of the law. The objection was made under a rule of order, and when ruled out he did not vote against the proposition. It now seems certain that the ne groes of the South will vote for the People’s Party candidates. This they have a right to do, and this they will do because of the splendid plat form and because they believe the party intends honestly to carry out its pledges. The tendency of the colored voters to the People’s Party is one of the hopeful signs of the times, and indicates cledrly that the cleavage in the South is across the lines of both the old parties, and will result in the defeat of both. Wher ever the issue of fusion has been pre sented to the People’s Party it has been voted down, and there is no more probability of fusion in North Carolina than in Kansas or lowa. The fight will be made and won on principle. The Atlanta Constitution is look ing forward to the time when the people of Georgia will get their eyes opened. Does that paper think these people are a big litter of puppies? The shooting of Frick by a young man named Bergman has been made the text for a number of homilies by the press. The shooting of perhaps fifty men and women by thugs em ployed by Frick on several occasions has also been commented on. Berg man will probably be justly con victed tor attempting murder. Frick will never be tried for murders actually committed which he planned and caused. It is nip and tuck between Hillyer’s equal intrinsic value dollar and Liv ingston’s Alliance construction of the the Chicago platform. Senator Stewart’s speech in this issue will bear close study. The statement that the constant effect of contraction had, by September, 1881, overcome the stimulus given by the McKinley law, is full of food for re flection. Since that time there is no doubt that 12 per cent, average de cline has gone through the entire list of prices. In wheat and cotton, it is of course much greater than that, Can not the ordinary business man see that success as a merchant is impossible in the face of a 10 per cent, annual decline in prices ? How the Democrats clutch at the prospect of electing Cleveland in the House ! But they just would nomi nate him anyhow. The workingmen of Atlanta have opinions, and many of them share the conviction of the People’s Party, that a new political organization will have fewer specks on it than the old machine. And the workingmen will prove in October that they know a good article when they see it by voting the People’s ticket. It behooves every man to beware of debt, as of the devil, in times of contraction and falling prices. If the good voters of Fulton county who did not declare themselves Dem ocrats last Tuesday want to, they can emphasize their position in October by voting for Peek and the People’s Party. Somebody will be astonished at the number who do. In New York it seems to be a mock battle the combined capital of the oil magnates and the street rail ways against the Vanderbilt railroad system —of Whitney against Depew* Cleveland and Harrison are but in cidents.