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PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE V€<«.£'s PAPER PUBUSING COMPANY. 117 1-2 Whitehall St. TEfGS. E. WATSON, - - President. C. C. POST, - - - Vice-President. D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas. R. F. GRAY, - Business Manager. FRIDAY, AUGUST 19, 1892. The statement that Mr. Watson had refused to meet Mr. Black, be ing para de dby the daily papers of the State, is simply a sample false- Jtood. Mr. Watton has challenged Mr. Black to joint debate, to conl znence at Appling, September 2, and to extend through every county in the district. CORRESPONDENCE. Thomson, Ga. July 27, ’92. tlott. Thomas E. Watson, M. C. The People’s party of the Tenth Diatiict of Georgia convened yester day in the city of Augusta, and un animously, by rising vote, nominat ed you to represent them in the Fif ty-third Congress. And the under signed were appointed a committee to notify you of said nomination,and to ask your acceptance of same. We take pleasure in saying to you th at 11 ic convention unqualifiedly endors ed your course in the paesent session of the Fifty-second Congres. The People of the Tenth District, who elected you to Congress, feel that you have obeyed the spirit as well xs the letter of instructions they -gave you, and consequently they they are determined to return you to the Fist-third Congress. Yours very truly, C. 11. Eli .ING TON, T. H. Rumson, J. L. Bynum, B. 11. Miller, T. M. Brown, S. H. Rhodes, J. J. Taylor, Silas C. Reed, B. F. Kitchen, W. F. Peacock, A. C. Taylor. mr. watson’s reply. Thomson, Ga., Aug. 13. ’92. | Senjtemen of the Committee. The preceding notification would have been answered sooner but for the press of other matters which de manded more immediate attention. I accept the nomination tendered me and greatly appreciate the I warmth of approval of my course, shown m the convention. Your nomination places me upon Stesame platform in substance to which I owe my election two years 1 age. It will be my effort now, as then, i to carry these principles to success. Yours very respectfully, Tuos. E. Watson. The war - horses of Democracy nakc purported extracts from Gen. Weaver’s speech in the early 70s do iiityto an extravagant degree. There no doubt Weaver poured hot shot unto the Democrats when he first lan :i& s.. Republican, nearly as hot as Ten. Dan Sickles did before he came back to the party in 1884. Now Sickles is all right. Weaver has been indorsed by lowa Demo since then, and elected by tfetir votes, while Sickles was still a ixloody-shirt Republican. If Wea is correctly reported in the pa pers, he is strong in phillipic, and a gixjd stumper. But in the quota tions printed there is nothing per sonal to any man or woman ; they ■tpply to “organized Democracy,”’ aatf no man can say they are wholly undeserved. Not one sentence sin gles out the South. The Peoples’ party rally at Car nesville, Franklin county, August will doubtless be a winner. '.The report of the minority of the -“Jag” committee, which is found eJeewhere in this paper, should be res/L by everybody. And when read, remember that the investiga was really an effort to discredit Mr- Watson’s charges, and that was the least of them. T&e majority did not dare raise a of other charges in that jaiafchmg paragraph. w And the people kave agreed that the lesser charge «?£ drunkenness is sustained by the testimony admitted. THE FIGHT OF LABOR. Ralph Beaumont described legal ized robbery as being committed by those who “made the Jaw and rob bed accordingly.” How true his definition, and his application thereof, was never more faithfully illustrated than in the condition shown by a glance at several great strikes now or lately in progress in the different parts of the country. By a most studious and persistent control of the law making power, the people of this republic, the chosen home of labor, have seen the great corporations secure the passage of conspiracy laws and kindred statutes leveled at labor organizations, until it has now be come possible to put the judicial power of the State or nation, backed by the militia or standing army, face to face in antagonism with any con certed movement in behalf of the welfare of the laborer. Any overt act, whether by striking laborers or by designing employers, presents an opportunity to call in the judicial or : executive powers, which leads to the i execution of the statutes to protect ■ robbery on a grand scale, and the , strike is defeated at the leisure of I the employer. Twice within the last few months has the standing army of the republic been seen hurrying to the relief of the corporations. In one instance, in May last, forced marches were i made to protect an invading force of cowboys, hired by the managers of an association of cattlemen, who had raided into the farming communities of Wyoming, slaying settlers, burn ing houses and destroying property, intending to render the section unin habitable by home-owners, that larger ranges might be afforded for cattle. Assuming to facilitate the course of justice and protect the raiders from an incensed community, the Federal court really prevented prosecution in the State courts, and finally set the culprits at liberty without trial. The second, instance of Federal interfer ence was in Idaho, where the Miners’ Union was crushed by companies of regulars. The subserviency of the States have been illustrated more fre quently in no less signal a manner. When Carnegie at Homestead failed, as did the J Wyoming cattle barons, in his invasion with a private army, a State stood ready with its militia to overawe all opposition and stamp the approval of law upon his efforts. As in Wyoming and Idaho, the courts were made the vehicles of the State’s action, the laws having been brewed long since which put the great civial power behind the mili tary. In New York, as this is writ ten, a national guard of 13,000 men is under arms to enforce statutes en acted by capital while labor igno rantly slept or divided against itself in mock battles for party supremacy. In Tennessee the blood of slain men has not dried on the ground where it Ho wed in an effort to dispossess capital of legalized- power to com mand the lives and fortunes of citi zens by control of competing convict labor, and the militia is found on the side of the. dollar, and against the citizen. The introductions of soldiery to settle disputes between capital and labor, always in the interest of in vestment, are so many milestones on the high road to absolutism. In all ages what is called “power” in poli tics and statecraft has been the power to so control labor as to di vert production into channels other than to benefit the worker. While industry has been adding to the vast wealth of the republic, those in power have made the laws and di rected the courts so as to secure returns to “investors,” leaving the laborer protected only by his limited capacity for organization, which in the meantime has been minimized and abridged by every conceivable means, until now any concerted movement by laborers is met by the military power, directed under or ders from the courts in compliance with laws enacted at the behest of capital. Admit that the miners in Tennes see and Idaho violate a statute ; that the use of Pennsylvania militia at Homestead, to do what the Pinker tons had failed to do, was lawful; that the invasion of Wyoming and Pennsylvania by mercenaries, result ing in homicide and arson in each instance, was a proper exercise of, the power under the law to employ whom capital may be pleased to em ploy, and what then ? Once has the country been rocked from center to circumference by a conflict between free labor and slavery. The principle which pre vailed was the principle of the la bor organizations, that labor should receive that which it creates. In changed form, but with the same force at work, the same question now presses for settlement. The effort of the People’s Party is to settle it by ballot. That of the Re publicans and Democrats is to either prevent its adjustment at all, or to assume that laws made by capital provide the only settlement needed or possible. Is it necessary to say that if their position be true, then the republic has become a means of oppression ? The convict labor system must go. The old party speakers and papers seem to believe that free coinage means that the government shall pay 81.29 for each ounce of silver pre sented. This is not true. The gov ernment under a free coinage law would simply coin into dollars all the silver presented, charging such seign iorage as shall pay for the labor, just as it now charges 1 per cent, per annum for furnishing plates, print ing, issuing and circulating the na tional bank notes. At the weight of grains of standard silver nine tenths fine, 100 Troy ounces would make 129 silver dollars, for coining which the owner of bullion would pay perhaps 1 per cent, seigniorage upon receiving the money. That money would be full legal tender, paying interest on the public debt, customs duties, and finally the face of the bonded debt. These func tions are now confined to gold. Despite predictions of the Demo cratic papers, the session of the State Alliance at Gainesville was well attended, and became harmoni ous as the business of the meeting proceeded. The election of officers was unanimous. Col. C. H. Elling ton was elected President by accla mation; Col W. E. H Searcy, Vice- President; Mr. W. A. Ivey, Secre retary; Col. W. A. Broughton, Treas urer; Rev. S. A. Walker, Lecturer; I. P. Gilmore, Assistant Lecturer. The Executive Committee is Com posed of Felix Corput, W. R. Gor man, J. W. Taylor, J. J. Stevens and A. F. Pope. By an error, the name of R. G. Hyman, presidential elector, was misspelled in the ticket published in this paper. Papers copying from us will please note the fact and change the name in their standing ticket to conform to that above. T. T. Smith, of Brent, Ga., writes that the negroes of Monroe county held a mass meeting in Forsyth Sat urday to determine what course to take in the present campaign. The court house was crowded, and with great enthusiasm and unanimity they resolved to support the national, State and county nominees of the People’s party. They elected a chairman and a county executive committee, and are now fully organ ized and enthused for the cause of the people. The negro cannot bear the name of democrat. The Constitution of Tuesday, Aug. 16, says: ‘ Last night a large gathering of promi nent and conservative colored people was held in this city to discuss the interest of the colored race.” A prominent clored man called at this oilice to say that no such meet ing was held as described by the Constitution, and that either that paper was imposed on or had lent its columns to a falsehood. No large gathering of prominent colored people in Atlanta would pass sueh resolutions as those printed by the Constitution in its pretended re port. The report that 200 colored citizens of Jefferson county had held a meeting and denounced Mr. Watson is doubtless a gross exag geration as to numbers, if not manufactured to order. The col ored voters as a rule know that it is the same old Democracy,only grown more intolerant. ALABAMA POLITICS. i Kolb’s Answer to Jones on the Recent Election. When men refuse to accept office because of the corrupt methods by which they have been declared elected by their party associates, the fact is conclusive of the question of fraud in the election. The country has been startled by the announcement from Alabama that candidates for office on the Jones ticket have in several in stances declined to accept because satisfied they had been “counted in.” And not only that, but in Montgomery county (the Capital county and home of Governor Jones), where the Kolb candidates proposed to begin contests in the courts for possession, it was found upon application to the custodian of such records that the tally sheets had disappeared from the ballot boxes, where the law requires them to be preserved for sixty days after election for the express purpose of supplying evidence in cases of con test. No honest man, after know ing of these outrageous and felon ious assaults upon the purity of the ballot-box, can fail to be strongly inclined to credit the statements of Capt. Kolb in his recent letter to the Constitution in reply to Gov ernor Jones. There is an air of openness and fearlessness about it that carries conviction. Witness the following extract: ‘ The governor commences his letter by saying that ‘I do not see how it is pos sible to cut my majority down under 15,- 000.’ This may puzzle the governor, but it is by no means a prob’em to any well informed Alabamian. In fact, the state ment excites general derision, and even pity, from some of his friends. If the governor will substitute the honest ma jority for me for the fraudulent majori ties he claims in Montgomery, Dallas and Wilcox, he will lose over 15,000 accorded him in those counties, and by adding to my majorities 8,000 which I honestly received from these counties, it would make a difference of 23,000 votes, which would wipe out all his alleged majority and place him in a hopeless mi nority. This is not at all difficult for the citizens of these respective counties to see and realize. In fact, most of his candid friends admit it. But, to be more specific, he claims 6,254 majority in Montgomery county, where no one but his partisans credit him with any ma jority at all ; but on the contrary all except these partisans admit that 1 car ried the county, and those who have taken the pains to inform themselves know that I carried it by not less than 1,500 majority. In Dallas county he is credited with 6,124 majority, when it is a recognized fact that he did not receive a majority of the votes in that county, and those who are informed know that I received a majority of over 4,000. In Wilcox county, where a majority of 3,054 is credited to him, it is well known in that county that he was beaten at nearly every box, and all who have in formed themselves know r that my ma jority’ exceed 2,500.” And now, bearing in mind the pregnant fact that Governor Jones is in office, and that he and his friends have control of the election machinery, read this further ex tract : “It is a very significant fact that Gov ernor Jones carried only four counties in the State in which I was accorded my legal rights to at least one inspector at each box. In this connection it is also very significant that Governor Jones re fused to join me in an open letter to our respective friends requesting them to act with perfect fairness in the election, and to do all in their power to assure honesty in the management, correctness in the count and fidelity in the discharge of all legal requirements about the election. It is also a very significant fact that in every county in which my friends had the appointment of inspectors that Gov ernor Jones had an inspector at every box where he had a supporter in the beat, and that in all these counties ex cept four I received majorities.” And this: “Even in his (Governor Jones’) home county, his best friends admit the enor mity of the frauds perpetrated in the black belt and protest against their em ployment to defeat the will of the people honestly expressed at the polls, which clearly show his defeat. Many go so far as to publicly state that should he avail himself of these frauds to foist himself upon the people against their will that he would be playing the part of Ruther ford B. Hayes and would be so regarded by the best people of the State.” Governor Jones having stated in his Constitution letter, to which Capt. Kolb is replying, that “this majority” (for Jones) “represents a white majority, for it is idle for any one to deny that Capt. Kolb, through the State, received a ma jority of the black vote,” Kolb comes back thus : “When the Governor admits that ‘it is idle for any one to deny’ that I received a majority of the colored vote he annihi lates his claim to any majority in the State which he may set up, for his ma jority claimed of over 24,000 in the ten black belt counties must be yielded, which alone would overcome all the ma jorities he claims in the State. That is a plain confession of his defeat, for it is well known that an average of all those counties would show my white vote as large as his. IT that estimate is correct all his majorities in these ten black belt counties should be credited to me. Should these be deducted from his vote and given to me, that alone would give me a majority of over 30,000 on the vote' as claimed by his managers. * * 1 admit that I received a majority of the votes of the colored voters of 'be State, and that it was all won the merit of the cause I represented.” Governor Jones cannot afford to remain silent under the imputations contained in Kolb’s answer. There was good excuse seventeen years ago for the high-handed methods re sorted to in the Southern States for their rescue from carpet-bag mis rule. but the time is past for lawless tactics. In the campaigns that made those times forever memorable, and ever since, the leading argument of Democrats has been that the will of the majority of the white people must govern. The independent who undertook to control any Southern States by adding the black vote to a minority of the 'whites was de nounced as a renegade and traitor to his race and section, because it was said a river cannot rise higher than its source. If a majority of the independent’s support came from Africa, then it must follow that the administration would be African. Now, if Kolb got a majority of the white vote of Alabama, does not this principle clearly entitle him to the office ? Can Governor Jones afford to set up an Africanized ad ministration ? But if. as is doubtless the case, the Jones side, finding the white vote going to Kolb, neutralized it by stuffing and other frauds, not only in the black belt, but also in many white counties, can Governor Jones afford to take office ? Should he not follow the example already set by humbler candidates counted in along with himself ? Indeed, should he not have hastened to set the example? The situation in Alabama is not unlike that in South Carolina, where the fiercest campaign in the history of the State is now in progress. Ben Tillman, the farmers’ governor and candidate for re-election, boldly proclaims that the fight which he leads is one between the poor, plain people on the one side and the aris tocracy on the other. So in Ala bama, Kolb is supported by a good majority of the “common” white people, whose right to govern is de nied by the professional class and the rich, who are the aristocracy of the Southern section. F. Perhaps the biggest barbecue and rally of the People’s Party in the Fifth district this campaign will be at Jonesboro next month. The meeting will represent the three counties of Campbell, Clayton and Forsyth, and already meats enough have been pledged to feed several thousands. Speakers of State repu tation have promised to be present. The Constitution seemed to be greatly puzzled to know what posi tion to take on the election in Ala bama. Jones’ friends at first seemed to stand on the position that he was elected by negro votes, and the Con stitution hastened to rejoice and congratulate the South upon the fact that the blacks were seeing the error of their ways, and would henceforth, by being tacked on to the minority, constitute the democratic party ’ But the Jones people soon realized that that doctrine would involve the eating of twenty years of argument on the white supremacy question, and they hastened to claim a white majority at all hazards, and the Constitution ever since has looked like a boy who has dropped his biscuit. On Friday, the second day of September next, Mr. F. D. W imber ly will speak in Vienna,Dooly coun ty, Georgia, on the political issues of the day. Speaking to commence at ten o’clock, a. m. On Saturday, September 3, Mr. Wimberly will speak at Mount Vernon church,Doo ly county. Speaking will commence at 2 o’clock, p. m. Everybody come. Convict labor is the most obnox ious form of slavery. It places at the mercy of greed workers who have forfeited the good will of so ciety, and who are therefore unable to appeal to public sentiment for redress. Last Friday at least 2500 people assembled at the grand rally at Miona Springs. Col. Peek made a good speech and many others who have been in doubt dropped in with the People’s Purty. Rev. T. G. Bell of Butler made a good speech after dinner. The Constitution reporetr said tlJre were only 1200 people on thegrounils—-about a; near the truth as they iver get. At least two thirds of the men present were People s Party calamity howlers. The Democrats have to depend on the People’s Party to get up crowds for their gatherings. Without our help they'always make a fizzle. PERSONAL. Thp daily papers of the State hav ing been treated to doses of assertion, that Mr. Watson’s brothers oppose him politically, the following cards are published that the truth may be known : CARD FROM J. F. WATSON. ! Thomson, Ga., August, 1892. Editors Chronicle : —There appeared an article in your paper of from the pen of “P. A. b., entitled “Tomi Watson’s Horne,” etc., m which the writer says : “ Watson’s two broth ers Forrester and Julian, are opposed to him, and are working for Black.’ Speaking for myself, I will say, while I am not fully in accord with the Peo ple’s Party, I am not antagonizing my brother, nor am I working for Mr, I > 1 ack . I will also have to disclaim the honor of being secretary of the Democratic Club of Thomson, a position never held by myself. Hoping you will take pleasure in correcting the article, I am very respectfully, J. F. Watson. CARD FROM W. A. WATSON. Thomson, Ga., August 16,1892. Editor People’s Party Paper I send you a clipping from the Augusta Chronicle for publication. It is ibeing used in Tom Watson’s district that his brothers do not agree with him politically. I wish to say I am fully in accord with my brother Tom. 1 know that no man has the interest of the people at heart more than he has. He has been shamefully misrep resented through the public press. Please publish the above. W. A. Watson. Letter of Declension. Buena Vista, Ga., Aug. 15. Messrs <7. H. Richards. J. B. Walker, J. F. Bushin, W. M. Cartlege, Committee : Gentlemen —Your esteemed fa vor, notifying me of my unanimous nomination by the People’s party of* the fourth congressional district foA| the fifty-third Congress, has received. Devoted as I am to the principles of the People’s party, and anxious as I am for its success, it is a source of regret that I am surrounded by circumstances, over which I have no control, that will preclude my ac ceptance of the high honor you have bestowed upon me. Had the con vention received my telegram, sent as soon as I learned my name was proposed, they would have been spared the trouble of calling another convention. I have tried to arrange my matters to accept, but find it im possible to do so. I beg to assure you, and the convention through you, of my high appreciation of the nomination, and, while I must decline it for the reason stated, I wish it un derstood that my declination comes from no lack of interest in this great fight for the people. I shall esteem it a privilege and duty to do all I honorably can for the" cause of the People’s party, for its triumph and success menus the prosperity of the people and the best hopes of the country. With great respect, lam Yours truly, 11. T. Hollis. Floyd County. Subject to a call of the chairman of the Executive Committee, the People’s Party of Floyd county met on the 16th day of August, en masse. G. VV. 1 leetwood was elected as per manent chairman, and D. S. Orndorff secretary. The chair stated that the object of the meeting was to select a a senator and three representatives for the lower house. It was moved and carried that a com mittee of one from each district be ap pointed by the chairman, to retire and select candidates for senator and three representatives in the legislature. The following committee was select ed : T. C. Hampton, John Marion, E. M. Johnson, S. N. Kyle, S. J. Whatley, J. 11. Horton, Seab. Griffin, W. A. Wimpey, J. D. O’Bryan, J. A. Deams and F. M. Autry. This committee was to select suitable men and report to the body. REPORT OF COMMITTEE. We, your committee, recommend the name of S. J. Whatley for senator. For representatives, E. R. King, E. L. Palmer and O. P. Rich. It was moved and carried that the names presented be accepted. There was not a dissenting voice. While the committee was out we had two good speeches from J. Blance and Miller Wright, of Polk county. . Ihe court-house was packed from the judge s stand to the head of the stair way. I here was a brotherly feeling among those present, and not a jar or harsh word was spoken. It was a strictly business meeting. Ihe men that we have selected are true, good men, and capable of filling any office. They will look to the wel fare of all men. D.S. Orndorff, Secretary, DeKalb County. Notice to the Executive Committee of the People’s Party of DeKalb County, Georgia: You are requested to meet at the court house in Decatur on Tuesday, September 6, for the purpose of nominating candidates for county offices. J. B. Holland, Aug. 16. Secretary pro-teuu