The People's party paper. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1891-1898, August 26, 1892, Image 4

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE PEOPLE'S PAPER PUBUSING COMPANY. 117 1-2 Whitehall St. THOS. E. WATSON, - - President. C. G. POST, - - - Vice-President. D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas. R. F. GRAY, - Business Manager. ,FmDAY7AUGeSr 26, 1892. MR. WATSON’S APPOINTMENTS. Louisville, Monday, August 29. Lincolnton, Wednesday, August 31. Douglassville, Monday, September 19. <!&<lartown, Wednesday, September 21. Gainesville, Friday, September 23. Qordele, Tu-sday, September 27. Sylvania, Friday, September 30. Col red people are invited to attend. Remember that we ask no favors of the big-headed Democrats. We are running on an independent schedule. Reep in the middle of • the road. The full militia force of two great States called out to suppress work ingmen ! Lawlessness should always be suppressed. But how is labor to make protest against unjust systems of. laws ? Since the Seventh district Demo cracy has turned down Mr. Everett; the People will doubtless secure the votes of a large number of voters who would otherwise have been counted as “Ocala Democrats.” There seems no doubt that the dis trict will be carried by the People. The effort to take Watson’s crowd at Sparta was a waterhaul for the Governor and his friends. Half a dozen campaign orators and a free dinner attracted one-third as many voters as listened to Mr. Watson at his appointment at the same hour •in. the same town, The people of Georgia care more for reform than -for buncomb and barbecued meats. In seeming ignorance and good faith the Ashburn Advance makes the statement that certain resolu tions published in the Constitution as having been adopted by a local meeting of Republicans in Atlanta were passed by the State Republican convention. The resolutions in ques- • tion were never adopted in any pub lic meeting in Atlanta, and it seems that the Constitution was imposed upon. No public meeting was held at the time stated in the local by any considerable number of colored men >in Atlanta. No such meeting has declared for the Democratic ticket. Mrs. Watson accompanied Mr. W atson to Bishop, August 18. The assemblage to welcome them con tained many ladies, whose interest in the movement for reform is not a wliit less than that of the true men of Georgia. The ladies had prepared a basket of exquisite flowers, which were presented with the following mote: “To the noble champion of the People’s cause, and to the devoted little woman whose help he so mag nanimously acknowledges, his wife, this slight token of appreciation is presented by the Ladies of Oconee.” Delegates to the State nomination convention will remember with pleas ure Dr. N. C. Osborn, of Dallas, Texas, who made a short address to the assembled delegates. Dr. Os born was unanimously nominated for the State senate in Dallas, August -10, by the People’s party convention . The doctor has spoken since July 20 in seven or eight counties, and finds that in most of them the People are aggressive and strongly in the ma jority. lie will go at once to Texas to take up the campaign there, and expects to be elected, as will the State ticket. Assistant Secretary of the Treasu ry Nettleton, in a letter, gives the total bond purchases from the begin ning of Cleveland’s administration to the present year, at $597,168,500, at a cost to the government of $657- 581,573. Thus the premium paid is shown to have been $60,413,073. It will be remembered that R. Q. Mills, of Texas, introduced the measure in the House, authorizing this bond purchase, and that the Democrats controlled the House. The premium .paid by the government for 4 per cent bonds ran as high as 28 per cent, and the average premium was over 10 per cent., or equivalent to ‘-more than two and one-half years’ - Interest m excess of face and interest < to date of purchase. SOLDIERS AS POLICEMEN. The late efforts to settle labor dis putes by military arbitration presents a strong view of the tendency of the times toward standing armies and a government of force. The closest analysis of the dispatches sent out from Tennessee do not indicate that more than four or five hundred miners were in actual rebellion, though the favorable sentiment of the community doubtless gave them great advantage in the campaign waged against them by several thousand militiamen equipped in the best style known to warlike art. In Georgia, as this is being writ ten, an effort is being made to arouse military enthusiasm by a demand on the Governor for ammunition in suf ficient supply to enable two or three companies to encamp on short notice at certain coal mines in this State. There is no evidence that the mines are objective points of an invasion or attack from any source, but evi dently the managers of the mine, old and adroit politicians, think something is to be gained by playing on the military spirit of the young men who comprise the militia, and it would not be a matter of surprise if several companies were yet en camped in the neighborhood of the mines, to test their capacity for camp life and—blind obedience. In New York the entire national guard was called under arms, to bulldoze some 500 striking switch men, of whom it is said by the local papers less than 10 per cent, are dis posed to be rowdyish or to violate the law. The Buffalo Enquirer, published at the scene of the trouble, discusses the matter, and suggests some compromise that should make the people, including governors and sheriffs, think. The Enquirer says : To-day out there at East Buffalo 8,000 men are under arms. Heaven alone knows what they are there for. Sheriff Beck and Major Bishop don’t. Gen. Doyle dosen’t although he probably thinks they were created for the express purpose of forming starvation patrol camps to guard the the property of his employer. Do you know how large an army 8,000 men make? General Wash ington didn’t have that many availa ble men when he gssumed charge of the armies of the Continental Con gress. He fought the battles of Long Island and the Jerseys with less than that number. He made the attack on Germantown with a third number. When General Taylor moved on Corpus Christi at the be ginning of the Mexican war he had 4,000 soldiers all told. When he advanced to the assault of Monterey, defended by 10,000 Mexicans, he had 6,625 men. At the bloody bat tle of Buena Vista when he engaged General Ampudia with 20,000 Mexi cans he had 5,400 troeps. General Worth had only 3,500 men at Molino del Rey. Sheridan’s raids from Winchester to Petersburg were made with a force of 10,000. An army of 8,000 men is larger than the force under the command of General Winfield Scott at Buffalo when the war of 1812 was in pro gress. It is almost as large as the immortal corps of which Xenophon wrote. It is almost as large as the army which William the Conqueror landed upon English soil. It is more than half as large as the force which William of Orange disem barked at Torbay. It is one-fourth as large as the army w T ith which Alexander the Great conquered the world. Gen. Porter said that he would not come to Buffalo until he was sure there were troops enough here. He says that he can forward 5,000 more if neccessary. He had better send them along. They are needed just as much as three-fourths of the men here in the field. If it is such hard work for 8,000 men to preserve the peace against less than 10 per cent, of less than 500 striking switch men, it is neccessary to have the other 5,000 in order to prevent over work. It is unfortunate for the National Guard that incentive to serve in its rank and file should be removed by this system of police scavengering. If the intention is simply to render the militid offensive as an engine for reducing wages and hurrying striking laborers, it is evident that those high-minded young men who gain for the patriotic purpose of guaranteeing protection from public enemies will soon leave the ranks, to return no more. A NEW PAPER. Col. C. M. Jones, of Bartow, real izing that a live People’s party paper was needed in Cartersville, has taken steps to supply the need. He has organized a stock corjipany, put in a good plant, and secured the services of Mr. R. B. Goodwir., till now em ployed on the People’s Party Paper, and the new venture is within the days of grace. Mr. Good win will be manager. The name of the leading editor is not yet an nounced, but the paper will be vigor ous. Col. Jones wants it understood that he is no half-way man, and will keep the paper in the middle of the road. A PIECE OF VILLAINY. If the farmers of Georgia discover a report of the “ jag” committee do ing service for the democrats, they may not understand why the minor ity report that should accompany it is not part of the publication made at the expense of the taxpayers. The following, from the National Watchman, clears the matter up : The conspiracy to crush Hon. Tom Watson culminated in refusing to in corporate the minority report of Mr. Simpson’s in the printed report of the investigation. It hardly seems possible that political methods has reached such a desperate condition, but such is the fact. A printed volume of the testimony taken at the investigation, together with the un fair and infamous report of the “cow ardly majority,” has just been ob tained, but the defense of Mr. Wat son by Hon. Jerry Simpson consti tuting the minority report does not appear. It is also stated that a large number of this document are to be sent into Mr. Watson’s district. Such action leaves no room for doubt as to the miserable unscrupulous methods that are being put forth to destroy the leaders of the People’s party. When the proper authorities were asked as to the facts in the mat ter, they said that after waiting nearly two days for the report of Mr. Simpson, Speaker Crisp was ap prised of the fact, and asked what to do. He ordered the report to be sent up without the views of the minority. This shows that Mr. Crisp was a party to this infamous proceed ing. When asked where the report was, and why withheld, the reply was evasive, but the inference drawn that it was given a drunken clerk in the file clerk’s department at the House, who mislaid it. The report of Mr. Simpson’s was the first one handed in. It was put out of the way for some reason, and the Speaker of the House ordered an in complete report made without at tempting to look up the alleged lost document. This is a matter that should stir the blood of any fair minded man, and should nerve every true reformer to renewed efforts to clean out that nest of boodlers, bums and corporation thieves. Here is a deliberate attempt to destroy the character of an honest man just be cause he chanced to call things by their right names. But to have the head and front of this conspiracy the Speaker of the House, as it now seems he is, should cause the cry of shame to come up from all quarters. MR. HOLMAN PROTESTS. June 6, 1892, when the pending appropriation bills showed about $30,000,000 less on their face than when finally passed, Mr. Holman, of Indiana, chairman of the Committee on Apppropriations made a speech made his fellow Democrats winces, but did not reform them. His pro tests is as follows: The House having under consideration the following resolution: “Resolved, that the House nonconcur in the Senate amendments to House bill 7820, entitled ‘An act making appropri ation for the construction, repair, and preservation of certain public works on rivers and harbors and for other purposes, and agree to the Senate’s request for a conference thereon ’ — Mr. Holman said: Mr. Speaker: I think it is a very unfair practice to restrict debate this way. I admit, however, that when gentlemen feel that they have overwhelming strength they are apt. to disregard con siderations of fairness. Mr. Speaker, I have never appeared before the House of Representatives to address the Speaker either in time of peace or of war, indulging the apprehen sions that I feel this morning, or so op pressed with anxiety and alarm. What ever may be your views, gentlemen, the vote to be taken now may gravely affect for the present at least the true interests our country and the fate of the Demo cratic party. With this bill, or this bill substantially, becoming a law, how will our appropriations compare with those of the first session of the last Congress which has been so signally rebuked by the people of this country? As the account stands between the pres, ent House and the last House of Repre sentatives our appropriations will pro bobly reach $508,000,000 against $494,- 030,000 at the first session of the last Con gress; a margin against us of $14,000,000. gentlemen, do you intend to consum mate this record? Mr. Goodnight. Will the gentleman permit a question just there? Mr. Holman. Yes; but it must be merely a question. Mr. Goodnight. Merely a question. Does not the excess of the pension appro priation bill of this session more than double the difference you have stated? Mr. Holman. No; the excess for pen sions does not double the difference. But lam speaking of the condition of the bills as they are now, not as they will be when this session of Congress shall have closed. Gentlemen, you have incorporated into this bill the most odious and indefensible feature which was inaugurated and adopted by the last Congress, and the one which the people, as a rule, most in dignantly denounced—the contract sys tem, the pledging and mortgaging of th future labor of the people. That, bey ond all other features of your legislation here, is to be condemned. How does this bill stand upon which you propose to ask a conference? Twenty-six million dollars in contracts when the bill went to the Senate, the Senate adding $5,000,000 more, with $11,000,000 coming down from the last Congress, swelling up to $42,000,000 in contract pledges upon the labor of the people and upon your Treas ury for the future. Is that the record that this Democratic House intends to go to the country upon? We came here pledged to economy in government We came here, gentlemen, upon the fierce and indignant protest of the peo ple of this country, the Democratic masses and a portion of the Republicans, against the profligacy of the Republican party, and shall we now make a record still more to be condemned ? Will you go before the people of this country, gentlemen, in the coming campaign, de manding a reduction of the burdens rest ing upon the shoulders of the people, de manding a reduction of taxation, when you have yourselves piled up appropria tions until you are compelled to look about to see what further burdens you can lay upon the shoulders of our people ? * We denounce the burdens of taxation, yet we deliberately provide for increasing them. Can we go before the people de manding that the Democratic party shall remain in power for the purpose of se curing purity and honesty in the admin" istration of our affairs, when is this very bill we are adopting a system inaugurated by the Republican party in the last Con gress—a system of making contracts for the future which will sap the very foun dation of virtue in this Government and in our legislation, and, as gentlemen all know, open up the sluices of fraud and corruption ? So far as I have seen, not a single Democratic paper north of the city of Memphis—not one—has failed to condemn this measure in unqualified I terms. Here is a bill which, including con tracts and with the amendments, runs up to $53,000,000. Fifty-three million dollars 1 Gentlemen, can we face our constituents without blushing when we present to them such a record as this ? Can we stand before Democrotic audi ences and def end such a record? What justification can we make when the whole country believes that this Demo cratic House should compel a reduction of expenditure to the extent of at least SIOO 000,000. It is not for me to criticise the record that any gentleman has made here. We have all a right to vote as we please. But we have made the record which I have shown up to the present time. With this bill passed, there is no hope that this record will be better than that made in the first session of the last Con gress. Now with that record, I repeat again, can we afford to go before the Democratic masses who believe that in tegrity, frugality, and honesty in the ad ministration of the Government are in dispensable for the preservation and per petuation of our Republic? We came here pledged by our national and State platforms in favor of frugal and honest government. The Democra tic party have never hesitated in their approval of that platform; and what is more they have never violated their pledge. Shall we be able to leave this Hall within the next few months feeling conscious that such has been the case ? I do not criticise the course which any gentleman has chosen to pursue. I know how these measures press. But that a measure involving this enormous expenditure which does not benefit one man out of twenty five in this country, not one out of fifty in my own State —not one in twenty in my district’ although it borders on the Ohio River for 70 miles —that such a measure as this should be made the means of unex ampled extravagance is marvelous be yond all degree. Excessive pension appropriations are inevitable; but there is no necessity for this prodigal measure Mark you, gentlemen, if this measure is not defeated now, it will not be defeat ed at all; if it commands at this time two-thirds of the votes of the House, there is the end of it. Let me appeal to these young men who come into Congress under such favorable conditions and have such a grand future before them, let me appeal to them to pause and re fleet before they commit the Democracy to a policy which will leave our constit uents but one alternative —the repudia tion of this House or the placing of a stigma upon the great record of the party for more than a hundred years. Gentlemen, we are pledged to economy. While I do not criticise other gentlemen, I am here holding my seat on this floor upon a solemn pledge made to my con stituents to stand up for f ruga!, plain honest government. I have held mj seat on this fluor for more than a quatei of a century upon that pledge ; and if I violate it—speaking for myself, if I viol ate that pledge may the Almighty snnt* my lips with eternal silence. [Applause I warn gentlemen that if this bill be comes alawaspart of this system ol unexampled extravagance we can not expect to receive public approval; and gentlemen, when these seats shall be fill ed by others than ourselves, and when hat most infamous of the measures car ried through this House in the last Con gress shall again come up for action, when your ballot box both North and S uth is in the hands of the Federal offcials, and the majesty and power of the people of the States is under the heel of Federal despotism, shall we be able to stand before our Democratic constituents without blushing? Shall we? CORRESPONDENCE. Hon. Caleb R. Ramsay, Danburg, Wilks County, Ga.: Dear Sir—We, the undersigned committee appointed by the late sen atorial convention to notify you of the action of said convention of the People’s party of the Twenty-ninth Senatorial District of Georgia, held on August IG, at Smith’s Mills, to nominate a candidate for senator at the next election for members of the Georgia Legislature, beg leave, in the discharge of this very pleasant duty, to inform you, officially, that into your worthy and capable hands, by the unanimous choice of said conven tion, has been committed the great reform standard of the People’s party as their candidate for senator in the coming State election. And with this for our motto: “ Equal rights to all, and special privileges to none,” we bespeak for you the hearty support, by the use of all honorable means, of every one who favors the repeal of all laws that build up and foster all wealthy cor porations by discriminating against American laborers, thus robbing them of their homes, their liberties and the fruits of their labors. And we trust, with due reverence to our God, in the success of our cause upon the principles of justice and right. Respectfully,’ A. E. Strother, 11. A. Story, Wm. McDaniel, J. G. Fanning, J. W. Bellows, Committee. Danburg, Ga., Aug. 25,1892. Hon. A. E. Strother, H. A. Story, Wm. McDaniel and others, Committee : I appreciate the honor of being chosen the People’s party candidate for State Senator for this, the Twen ty-ninth Senatorial District of Geor gia, and I entreat you to accept my thanks for the same. I esteem it, coming from a people I love, from the people with whom I have been reared, and for the love I have for the party —believing the principles demanded in its platform are equita ble and just, and if ever enacted into laws the laboring and producing classes will be relieved of the oppres sion and burdens that they are now enduring. I favor rigid economy in all public legislation, and every pos sible reduction of taxation during the present oppressed condition of the people, Respectfully, C. R. Ramsey. Notice. Whereas Hon. H. T. Hollis de clines to be a candidate for Con gress, the convention is called to meet in Greenville on the Bth day of September for the purpose of nomi nating a candidate for Congress for the Fourth congressional district. John H. Traylor, Chairman Executive Committee. Rotten Egg Argument. Often when men are in pursuit of a certain end, upon finding out that years of patient toil have been spent in vain, they have been known to be come desperate and slay their fellow men and even commit suicide in their madness. Despair is a terrible thing. It has caused men to commit almost every crime in the catalogue. Death is preferable to defeat with some. To revenge themselves, hon orable men have challenged their opponents to the dueling grounds be cause they were not able physically or mentally to cope with them upon the rostrum or on the hustings; but it has remained for the year 1892 to develop a class of bipeds, the first I known to history, who were so low bred, so entirely foreign to all that roes to make up a good citizen, who attempt to avenge their (dis)honor, relieve their despair and answer ar gument and facts by throwing rotten eggs at an honorable opponent. Their case is certainly desperate. The latter years of the nineteenth century are certainly developing some rare birds. The speakers of the People’s Par ty have recently been pelted with rotten eggs in Georgia and Ala bama and Arkansas. They were all honorable men. When I read the accounts of it, I blushed with shame. I took myself to a looking glass, and after a few sober thoughts, I ex claimed to myself, Are you a Geor gian? I turned away without an answer, yet, my gray-haired father and mother are native Georgians and I was conceived and brought forth among her red old hills, and love and cherish every memory con nected therewith. It is a disgrace to the State,it slan ders the names of such men as Ben Hill and Alex. Stephens, to have such vagabonds encumber Georgia soil as threw eggs at Col. W. L. Peek, our beloved candidate for governor, who will soon don the robe so lately worn by Alex. Stephens, Georgia’s greatest statesman. “Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad.” Truly these rotten egg disciples are desperate. When the People’s Party speak ers prove that the cowardly Demo cratic majority of the present Con gress sold out toWall street and kill ed the silver bill, the Democrats an swer the argument and facts with eggs. When they are arraigned for in competency to legislate and general worthlessness they howl, “Force Bill,” and throw another egg. When they are asked why they pigeon-holed the sub-treasury bill and did not report it till the very last day of the session, when they knew there would be no time to dis cuss it, they cry out, unconstitution al, and throw another egg. When asked how it is that at the beginning of the session of this Con gress they so roundly denounced the billion dollar Congress, and went right on and were even more ex travagant, they cry out “Pensions! pensions!” and throw another egg. So it goes all the way through. They are just simply not in it when the boys meet them on the stump—not further than their eggs go. That’s right, give them the facts and figures; make life miserable for the cowards. The Farmers’ Alli ance has been educating you for the last five years for just such work. Let rotten eggs, lies, slander and villification fly thick and fast, but go right on with those arguments, back ed up with the facts, and you will receive your reward when the ides of November roll arouwd. w. H. Turner. * Watson and Lawson. Bishop, Ga., August 18. The debate between Mr. Watson and Mr. Lawson was very quiet and agreeable. I propose to give the facts. We do not want to carry our . points by misrepresenting things, as some of the Democratic newspapers have done in regard to the discussion between Mr. Watson and Mr. Law son at Bishop on the 18th of August. Mr. Watson and his accomplished lady arrived at Bishop on the 11:50 train, and it was met by a large and enthusiastic crowd of People’s party men, and also a goodly number of ladies were present. There were also about two hundred colored peo ple. The crowd was estimated at about fifteen hundred or two thous and. It was a very easy matter to size the strength of the Democrats. All the Democrats that were present wore badges; the Oconee Democrats’ badges had the words “ Oconee Dem crats.” Those in that mark were very scarce, not over thirty or forty. So you see how the county stands. N oticing closely, I do not think there v as over one hundred and fifty Demo crats on the grounds. The Demo crats expected to have Hoke Smith to meet Mr. Watson; but Mr. Smith did not come. So Judge Lawson agreed to meet Mr. Watson, and the