Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

But, they say that I voted to make prohibition universal. I have this to say: .1 voted for the local option bill which allowed every county to settle that question for itself; a bill which allowed McDuffie county to settle it for itself; a bill which al lowed Hancock county to settle it for itself; a bill which allowed eveiy other county in the State to settle it for itself; a bill which secured the old Jeffersonian doctrine of home rule (great applause), allowing every county to have just what it de sired— prohibition or anti-prohibi bition. (Renewed cheering.) I voted for that bill, as John T. Jor dan did; I voted for that bill as many another good man did; I voted for that bill as a majority of the House did, and I have no apologies to make for that vote. (Voices, “There is no call for any. You were right. We are satisfied.”) Ido not know whether I am losing votes or not by saying that I voted for the local option bill, but if it lost me every vote in this vast audience, I would do it again. (Loud applause.) Not only that, when it come to vote in the Legislature, I voted for pro hibition, and if that makes me ene mies, make the most of it. I say this: When they attack my prohi bition record, they are in a pretty fix to fight me on that line (cheering and laughter); Mr. Black is in a pretty fix to fight me on that line. I say, let the people of Hancock vote for it or against it, as they see fit. That gives you home rule.. Free men want nothing more. (Great applause.) Here is what they say, that Wat son had voted to retain a mail in a seat to which he was not elected, and to eject Anthony Wilson from a seat to which he was electei. How do they know he was not elected? If they told you that the committee to which it was referred was split half and half; if they told yoi that the committee was made up of same ■of the best lawyers in the State of Georgia; if they told you that one half of the committee voted one way and the other half the other way; if they told you that some of the finest lawyers in the State of Geor gia voted as I did, they would have come to the truth, but that di I not suit their purpose. I have my speech with me, and it was all right then, but it is all wrong now ; it was a good speech then, but it is a bad speech They have very sud denly broken out in a very bad case of Anthony Wilson. (Great applause and laughter.) Why is it that they did not tell you of that before? (Laughter and applause.) Why is it that the people of my county, white and black, turned out and gave me such a welcome as 1 never had, and probably no other Geor gian ever had ? Why did the colored band turn out and express a desire to play at my reception ? Did not they know that 1 was such an enemy to the colored people ? Did not they know whether 1 treated all right, irrespective of color— whether rich or poor, white or black? (Cries of “You bet; the people know you!”) Well, they say in this that I denounced Anthony Wilson with great bitterness. I have that speech here to-day, and if you can find one word of bitterness in it against Anthony Wilson, or against the black men; if you can find any al lusion to the black people in this speech, I will withdraw from the race. My fellow - citizens, when I was in Congress I voted to seat a Republican, and they say I was wrong. I won’t stop to argue the reason. In the Legislature 1 voted to seat a Democrat that they wanted seated. What 1 did in the first place was right then, but wrong now; what I did in Congress was wong, because nothing I do can be right. Why, if I had the seven-year itch these men would not let me scratch, and if I did not scratch they would denounce me for not scratching. (Applause and laughter.) So far as I can find, it is a clear case of— ‘‘You can and you can t, You will and you won’t; You’ll be damned if you do. You'll de damned if you don't” (Great laughter.) No matter which road I take, I am on the wrong track ; no matter what medicine I. take, I am adopting the wrong remedy. Let us be fair and honest. Until you have the facts before you, you cannot judge intelligently. I voted against Anthony Wilson in the Leg islature, just like I voted against the democrat in Congress, and neither politics nor color had any effect upon me. (Applause.) Anthony Wilson did not show' by the best evidence, no matter what the- presumption might have been, that he ought to have the seat. Therefore, I voted in his case as I did in the case of the republican in Congress, according to the evidence and my oath of office. But, it is likely, that Anthpny Wil son remembers my bitter denuncia tion of him m particular, and ne groes in general, during that contest. If I did, he is here to-day and I give way for him to come before you and state whether or not that statement is true. (Cries of “Wilson ! Wilson ! Wil son !” and cries of, “He is coming; he’ll be here soon.”) Mr. McGregor, while the crowd was waiting for AVilson, advanced and said : As the democratic press has already started the music and composed the notes that they expect to sing for the next few weeks, I de sire to say a few words while you are waiting for Anthony Wilson. It was only a week or two ago that the Ishmaelite expressed the greatest sympathy for Anthony Wilson (laughter), and the Ishmaelite is a PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1892. democratic organ. [Renewed laugh ter.] It is only recently that the Atlanta Constitution, the Augusta Chronicle and various other demo cratic organs expressed the deepest sympathy and solicitude for Anthony, the deeply wronged colored man; and you, my fellow-citizens, and others who did know the facts, might imagine, from reading the Ishmaelite and other democratic pa pers, that he was a much abused man ; but 10, and behold! last Tues day Anthony Wilson, of his own vo lition, like an honest man urged by his own sense of justice, urged by his own disapproval of the falsehood and abuse heaped on Tom Watson, took the platform in an adjoining county in the interest of what he conceived to be right and justice. (Great applause.) What is the re sult ? Why, the papers that saw in hirn a victim of Watson’s malignity suddenly discovered that he was as black as the ace of spades. [Tre mendous cheering.] Now listen and I will read to you where they say he is so much abused, and then his sud den transition inta a nigger as black as the ace of spades. But here is Anthony Wilson, and he can speak for himself. Mr. Wilson advanced, was re ceived with great applause by both white and colored, and spoke as fol lows: ANTHONY WILSON’S SPEECH. Fellow-citizens of Hancock county: It affords me much pleasure to be in your presence to-day, and especially on this occasion. Having heard my name ringing in the papers, and deeply conscious that I was becom ing a campaign document, and hear ing so much sympathy expressed for me in particular, and the colored people in general, it occurred to me that it was no more than right that 1 should appear before you for the purpose of setting this matter in its irue light. [Applause.] In the year 1862 I was elected to the Georgia Legislature as a member from the county of Camden. [A voice, “1882, yiot ’62.] Did I say 62? It was 1882 —thank you. V ell, Mr. Watson was there and Mr. McGregor was there, and many )ther gentlemen from all over the State. That contest came up in its form, but, as Mr. Watson told you a few moments ago, there were legal ; questions involved, and while I had ' die votes, my opponent had the law. Mr. Rountree, who held the mi nority at the time, told me that I ! hid a good case, “but” says he, “you have left out the legal points in the case, and for that reason the com mittee is compelled to report against you, and we will make a minority report on the matter.” But the facts in the case were behind the returns; the committee went behind the returns and they disclosed certain facts, but certain legal technicalities had not been complied with; then came the vote in the House, and when that vote came on, Mr. Watson, as well as many other gentlemen on the other side voted against me, voting the facts, as disclosed on the legal side of the question. They expressed themselves as being satisfied with the justice of my rights, and so they do now, but my case was not put in legal shape, and the law was against me. In view of all the facts, so far as I .am concerned, I have only to say that, as far as that vote is con cerned, there is nothing rankling in my bosom;there is no hardness in my heart against Mr. Watson or the other sixty-one members who voted against me that time. These sixty-one who voted against me, and are now trying to create a prejudice against Mr. Wat son, were probably honest in their votes then, and they may be honest iu their course now. I will leave that to their own conscience and to you. (Great applause and laugh ter. ) I wish to relate Mi incident in connection with that contest. Two years later the chairman of the com mittee that made that report, Mr. Rountree, was an aspirant for the position of Solicitor-General in his District, and he said to me:“I suppose that you are in a position to return the compliment now; I voted against you getting your seat in the legislature, and it is in your power to vote against me now.” I said “No; I have no dispo sition to show any retaliation, I would cheerfully vote for you, but I have already promised to vote for another gentleman.” (Long con tinued applause.) There is another thing I want to call to your attention—you colored men, I mean. It is right, it is just that we colored men should stand by each other as the white men stand by each other, and I would not give the snap my finger for the colored man that would sell his birth-right, or his State-right Now, so far as you are concerned, when you come to cast your vote, exercise an intel ligent discrimination in casting it for the cause of right and justice—l am not going*to say how that should be. So far as lam concerned, I say to you [addressing his remarks to Mr. Watson,] as I said to Mr. Roun tree, there is no feeling rankling in my bosom against you or any other gentleman w T ho voted against me, and if these other honorable gentle men v r ere genuine in their sympathy my colored friends here would have heard of it two years ago. fLaugh ter.] They would no? have waited until this late date. You never heard of Anthony Wilson until a few days ago. [Cries of: “No ! We did not.”] To-day you are called upon to sympathize with Anthony Wilson. You are called to cast your votes against the man who voted against Anthony Wilson, but I say, boys, examine the case well and go and cast your votes intelligently, and to please yourselves. I am thankful, gentlemen, that you stopped long enough to hear the reasoning of the whole matter from the beginning, therefore, we ought to have patience to hear the conclu sion of the whole matter. There is another Representative running for Congress in the adjoin ing District, and seven years ago what did he do? Why, he did the same thing, and nothing is mention ed about Anthony Wilson having re ceived bad treatment at his hands, or why Anthony Wilson, or An thony’s colored friends ought to turn against him. Another thing, I want to say a word in reference to the Eleventh District. Mr. Turner is running in the JKleventh District—ln Anthony Wilson’s District—and not a word is said about his vote, yet Anthony Wilson becomes a campaign Demo crat two hundred miles from home. Now gentlemen and fellow-citi zens, this is a race for Congress. This is a movement called the Peo ple’s party movement. There is a division between the people of the State of Georgia, and it behooves you, as colored people, to say which is the best course to pursue. Seven teen years ago you were told to get the scalawags and carpet-baggers from among you—to give them the cold shoulder. God be praised, the carpet-baggers and the scalawags are gone, and you to-day say by your enthusiasm that you are willing to go with the Southern people; yet, there is another batch of Southern men who say that you are wrong yet. [Laughter and applause.] Well, according to that, I do not see that we are able to please anybody. If we go with the carpet-baggers and scalawags, we are wrong; if we go with the Southern people, we are wrong; if we go by ourselves, we are wrong. • When will we do right? Where is the right place for the ne gro? [A voice, “in the third party.”] Well, sir, decide for yourselves; that is what brought you out to-day; and I put this matter plainly before you that you may decide for yourselves. You have been trying to have others decide for you, and you see that there is no chance for you to be set right by them, now decide for your selves; and if you decide that the third party is the right thing, why, put your feet down and stay there. [Several voices, “AVe’s already de cided.”] Now, I want to say a few words on another question, and that is the school question. [Voices, “Yes! we want to hear about that.”] During the time that I was in the Georgia Legislature I will say right here, before going any further, that there is no man in Georgia, white, black, green or blue, whose heart goes out more to the blessings of education of the people than mine, though totally uneducated, as the papers said yes terday. 1 say, too, that there is no man in the great State of Georgia, who leans more in that direction than I. lam in favor of educating the people, white and black, because the ignorant white man is as danger ous to the peace of the State as the ignorant black man ; yet, if you look on the recerd you will find one of my votes recorded against the school bill—the same bill for which Mr. Watson is sought to be prejudiced for voting against as an enemy of educating you colored people. A word of explanation. I did it in this wise : We were in that old capitol building on Marietta street, and we were told that it was unsafe—that it was very dangerous—and I well re member the great snow the last year I was in the Legislature, and upon entering the capitol we were told that we had better get out as quick as we could. Seeing the great ne cessity of having a capitol that would be safe to meet in, and the pride of the city of Atlanta and the State of Georgia, we passed a bill appropriat ing $1,000,000 for that capitol, and immediately upon the heels of that came up a school bill to si raddle a heavy tax upon you in addition to the million just appropriated. I thought, as one oL your representa tives, that would be too great a bur den, and it would be the part of wisdom to let it rest for two years, and I therefore cast my vote against that measure. [Voices, “And you were right.”] 1 thought we had bet ter let the matter rest for two years, and when the capital was finished w r e could take a fresh start. Now, then, my fellow-citizens, I did not come before you to make a speech; I simply came to set these matters right before you. I did not come to influence you in casting your ballots but to tell you the truth so that you could have an intelligent conception of the situation. [Cheers.] I have friends in all those parties, but I could not—would not- —for one moment stifle my convictions or stifle the truth for the sake of my friend ships, and no man is true to himself, to his country, or to his God, who would. [Great cheering.] No man is a true citizen to his race or to his govern ment who casts his vote against his conscience for a few dollars. [Alanv voices, .“No! No! No! You’re talking straight!”] Let us, my friends, rise above these things. Let us cease looking to others and look to ourselves—look upward—-.and cast our votes in the direction that we think will do the most good for the greatest number, and in doing that you will retain yourself-respect and the respect of the men who affect to look down upon you. [Great applause and shouts of approval.] Now, then, I wish to say a few words in regard to my being here. I saw articles in the morning papers headed “Watson and Wilson,” and then the writers went on to say that AV atson had Wilson going around with him at a heavy expense. Well, sir, if Mr. Watson has paid one cent for Anthony AVilson, Anthony Wil son does not know it. And I sav it to Mr. Watson’s face that he did not know that I was to be here until he saw me at Sandersville, to his great surprise. [Long continued cheering.] I will say further that from what Mr. AVatson heard he expected to see me fighting him in this district for the vote he cast against me in 'the Georgia Legislature. But An thony AVilson cherishes no resent ments either against Mr. Watson on account of that vote, or against the other gentlemen who cast their votes against me, and are now so deeply sympathising with Anthony AVilson for the great wrong done him by Mr. AVatson. [Loud laughter and long continued applause.] Now, let me give you an illustra tion of this case as it is presented to you: About two or three weeks ago, probably a month, a certain gentleman called upon me and asked me whether or. not it would be pos sible for me to take the stump, and tell you, colored people of this dis trict, the necessity of casting your votes against Mr. AVatson on ac count of the manner in which he cast his vote against me. I told him then and there that our convention had not met; that I did not know when they would meet, or whether it would meet at all; but when it did meet, if it was decided to put a candidate in the field I could only champion that man in the field, and if they did not put a candidate in the field, then I would speak and vote as I saw fit. [Cheers.] AVell, this day has rolled around, and I am here, my colored friends, to set this matter squarely before you that you may vote intelligently. I be lieve that every voter when he goes to the polls ought to know why he votes for the man of his choice. I am not here to tell you who that man is, but I am here to tell you the facts, and you can do the rest. [Cries of “You bet we’ll do it for VV atson!”] I have been tossed from pillar to post by the newspapers, and I thought it <was but right that I should come over here to-day and let you hear the truth. They say that Mr. AVatson .■ has paid me. [Shouts of “They have told a lie! They have told a lie !” 11 will say, my friends, that Air. AVatson did not know about my coming here to-day until I appeared upon the scene. 1 came of my own free will and ac cord, iu the interest, not of Air. AVatson, but of trglb, . [Cries of “Good! Good!”] I came because I believed that your votes would be diverted from the right to the wrong through misleading and un true statements. Now, with the plain truth before you, vote for Air. Black if you see fit, but do not do so, I beseech ydu, under the mista ken idea that you are righting An thony AVilson’s wrong. [Great cheer ing, and cries of “Hurrah for AA rat son ! Good-bye, Jimmie Black !”] One word more and I have done. You have probably made your choice, I judge by your enthusiasm, I have not made any choice for you. lam only one of the people, and when ever you make your choice I am with you. lam not the boss—l am one of the people—you are the bosses. If AVatson is your choice, and you have said it on this and on other occasions by your enthusiasm, prove it on the day of election. [Cries of, “AVe will! We will! We will! Hurrah for AVatson ! Good bye Jimmie Black.”] [Some of the able correspondents, who spoke of Anthony Wilson as an ignorant negro, may surpass him in concealing truth, but I doubt very much whether, any of them can equal him in making a speech.—Re porter.] Air. AVatson [in a mocking, laugh ing tone] : Now, fellow-citizens, ain’t we in the soup ? [Laughter.] AVhose name is Dennis now? [Renewed laughter, and a voice, “The’re left.”] Yes, they are over there in the grove without company, while we are here enjoying “a feast of reason and a flow of soul.” [Great applause.] They tried to make you believe that some .great crime had been com mitted against Anthony AVilson ; they tried to get Anthony AVilson to go everywhere and tell you so, and what does he tell you ? [A voice, “He tells the truth.”] Yes, my friend, he tells you the truth; he tells you that I cast my vote just the same way that sixty other members did, believing that thej vote was against him, and that the law was against him; and he tells you fur- . thermore that he has not Leen out- | raged at my hands; that I did not denounce him in the legislature; ; that I did not denounce his color in the legislature; that I acted as a sw r orn juror, doing what I believed | to be right, and he says, further, that he believes I acted conscientiously, | The democratic party, in spite of its barbecue, in spite of its brass bands, in spite of its Sidney Lewis lies, in spite of its false dodgers and artful j dodgers, is staggering around over | there in the grove, saying : “Alis’er Speaker, where was I at?” [A tre- | mendous outburst of applause and : laughter.] And when November comes and the votes are cast, and they repeat the question, “Alis’er Speaker, where w r as I at?” a disen thralled, long suffering, badly de ceived public 'will answer, “You are in the soup.” [lncreased laughter and applause.] I tell you we coun try boys can get ahead of these silk hatted city politicians, and give them two in the game. We understand this light; we understand this sud den affection for the negro; we un derstand why the democrats have woke up to such a sudden affection for the colored people in general, and to Anthony Wilson in particu lar. Your votes have become very precious in their sight all at once. I Loud laughter, and a voice, “Ain’t he tollin’ de God's truf?”] They used to meet here in this court house, not more than half a dozen of the most properest men in the town. [Laughter.] Why, .a big umbrella would keep the rain off the demo cratic darty in Sparta. [Renewed laughter.] They would sit around a table, and it would not require a very large one either, and they would map out their policy and trot out and trim up the jade and tell you to mount, and if you did not like it you could lump it. [A voice, “That’s right. Oh, how well we know it.”] You had no voice in it. [A voice, “Right you are.”] If you com plained you were denounced as inde pendents. [A burly voice, “The people’s going to take a hand in de nouncing.”] If you refused to sup port the ticket, you were denounced as a radical; if you would not vote for the office holder, you could nof vote for anybody. [An enthusiastic colored man at my elbow, “’Fore God, ’porter, he’s knocking dem fel lows silly.”] Gentlemen, this reform movement has knocked that higher than a kite, i [A voice, “Oh, how glad I am of I that.”] Yes, and the people at large are glad of it; and the only men who are mad about it are the town ringsters who had you in their power, and made you walk the chalk line, •whether you wanted to or not. You men of Georgia, and of other great States, know what was the matter. Hence, the farmer in the field, the skilled mechanic in the shop, the laborer in the factory, in the corn patch, in the cotton patch, rose in f their majesty and said : “ This is a government of the people, and by the people and for the people,” and that no little crowd of town politicians, that no little spindle shank editor should rule the people and make the laws. They said that the people should have a voice in the government; that the laborer should be heard; that the rights of the me chanic should be respected; that the farmer should get there; so they formed a great league in 1889. Col. Northen was down there. Col. Liv ingston was down there. Your great representatives of the Knights of La bor were down there. Your great representatives of the Farmer’s Alli ance were down there. And when they met they said this: “The more we work, the poorer we are; the more we toil, the more we suffer; but the men who do not toil are ar rayed like Solomon in all his glory.” [Great applause, laughter and cries of: “ True, true, every word of it.,” They said that when the people are in rags, it must be from some other cause than that they produce too much clothing. If it was owing to the people producing too much cot ton, they would have more clothing instead of less. [Cries of : “ That’s so.”] They said that it was a very strange thing that the more corn the people made the less bread they had to eat. [A voice : “ Skin ’em, Tom.” Another voice : “ All the hide’s done gone,” and laughter.] [Another plug-hatter rode up on horse-back, and trying to force his way into the crowd said: “A free dinner for everybody; you are all invited down to the barbecue—white and colored.”] Mr. Watson: I hope, the reporter will set that down, that while I was here speaking in defense of the peo ple’s cause, that while I was speak ing in defense of the.platform which Governor Northen helped to frame, that while I was speaking in defense of the platform which Col. Living ston aided in forming, that while I was speaking in defense of a plat form which Col. AY L. Peek helped to formulate, that a plug-hatted freak rode up here on a horse and tried to bribe the people away from a discus sion of these questions, of such vital interest to you all, by offering a free feast, and that the people arose in their majesty and might and said, “Skedaddle.” [Wild applause.] There he goes! Well he may ske daddle. Oh, my friends, if there ever was a time ’when the people could not be bought, now is the time ! If there ever was a time when the true, manly American people would not sell out their birth-rights for a mess of democratic hog and hominy, now is the time ! [Tumultuous ap plause.] They may spread their feasts; they may hire their brass bands; they may have their Gov ernors ; they may have their corpor ation lawyers; they may have the ringsters ; but there is one thing they cannot have—that I have—and that is the great hearts of the common people. [The scene at this point was simply indescribable.] [A voice: “Here he is, coming again. You men out there, tell him to get up and dust—run him off.”] flt turned out to be a fellow with a tin star and a club, the town being full of them that day, ostensibly hired to keep order.—Reporter.] Mr. Watson: We are taking no man’s orders to-day, whether that man be a Governor or a little one horse constable, or a three- for-ten cents bailiff. We are here in the majesty of the people, and here we are going to stay, no matter how the sun shines or the clouds lower. The sun’s rays bear down upon me, as it does upon you, but let us show them that we are here, caring more for principle than for hog meat. We can eat to-night, and when we re tire it will be with the proud con sciousness of having discharged our duties as citizens first. Our first and highest duty, as citizens, is to meet the issues presented to us, and thus get ou higher planes of progress that will help the black, without injuring the white, and that will help the poor without injuring the rich. [Great applause.] They say lam an advocate of social equality between the whites and the blacks. THAT IS AN ABSOLUTE FALSEHOOD, and the man who utter it, knows it. I have done no such thing, and you colored men know it as well as the men who formulated the slander. [Several colored men: “We know it to be lies.”] It is best for your race and my race that we dwell apart in our private affairs. [Many voices among the colored: “That's so, boss.”] It is best for you to go to your churches, and I will go to mine; it is best that you send your children to your colored school, and I’ll send my children to mine; you invite your colored friends to your home, and I’ll invite my friends to mine. (A voice from a colored man: “Now you’s talking sense,” and mur murs of approval all through the audience.) Now, here is the truth. (A voice: “That’s what hurts.”) Yes, my friend, and here is where it hurts. I have said that there is no reason why the black man should not understand that the law that hurts me, as a farmer, hurts him, as a farmer; that the same law that hurts me, as a cropper, hurts you, as a cropper; that the same law that hurts me, as a laborer, hurts you, as a laborer; that the same law that hurts me, as a mechanic, hurts you, as a mechanic. (A voice out in the audience: “Boys, ain’t he getting there?” Another voice, at my elbow: “He’s been dar, all the time.”) Still others: “Yes, and he’ll be dar in November, sho’.” I said that you ought not to take a certain position, just because you are black. In other w r ords, you ought not to go one way just be cause the whites went the other, but that each race should study these questions, and try to do the right thing by each other—should con sider the interest of all—should vote for the enactment of just laws, and against unjust laws. [Great ap plause.] That the colored farmer and the white farmer, that the col ored cropper, and the white crop per, that the white laborer and the colored laborer should stand shoul , der to shoulder, and foot to foot, and win the victory that will bring bless ings alike to all That will benefit the black without injuring the white; that will give the poor, of whatever color, compensation for their honest labor, without injuring the rich. (Long continued applause.) A voice: “Tell us some more about the dudes skedaddling.” Mr. Watson: You just keep still, or the first thing you know, the Democrats will bring that barbecue up here; if they do not, it will be a lonesome barbecue, indeed. Lo! “They spread a feast, and no man come to partake thereof.”j(Laughter, loud and long.) Now, let us go a little further. What is it Mr. Black promises to the people? What does he propose to advocate to help the people? AVe all say that we are too heavily in debt; that the price of cotton is too low; that the masses of the people are getting poorer from year to year; that the houses of the people are going into decay; that the taxes of the people cry out, more and more for relief. Now, what is it that the Democratic party promises to you in the way of relief? Do they propose to remove the source? (Voices: “No: they do not.”) Let us look at the way the Demo crats propose to treat it, ttnd the way . we propose to treat it. We say that the government makes the money and allows the national banker to have it at one per cent; the national banker lets the New York banker have it at four percent; the New York banker lets the Augusta banker have it at six per cent; the Augusta banker lets the merchant in the country have it at eigh« per cent; and your merchant allows you to have it at from thirty to fifty per cent, according to your necessities. How does it work with you meh out in the country? Here is a colored man working for me; he turns into the field; he follows the rows; he plows the corn ; he chops the cotton, and at the end of the week he comes to me and says, “Mas Tern, I want to get something for the old lady and something for myself.” AVell, I take out a pencil and a piece of pa per and write a few words and hand it to him, and you begin to swell up right away. AVhy? You feel that you have not been fairly treated; you feel that I ought to pay you the cash; that when I gave you that or. der your merchant will make you dance juber [a voice, “Yes, and he does it every time”]; and you go home, having paid extortionate prices instead of paying cash and. getting them as cheap as any other man. Why don’t I pay you the money? I would rather pay the cash to the man I hire if I could pay cash, for there never was music like the clink of silver on Saturday %ight to the laboring man. [Voices, “Dat’s so, boss.”] Why do you have to - pay that extortionate price if my credit is good and that mer chant feels sure of getting his pay ? [continued on eiethpageT]