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People’? Party Paper VOLUME I. THE JOINT DEBATE. WATSON AND BLACK MEET AT CRAWFORDSVILLE. A Vast Throng Listen to the Discus sion—A Full Report of what was Said. [Reported expressly for the People’s Party Paper by J. L. Driscol, Law and General Reporter.] The province of the Reporter is to record the words of others, and, when the occasion requires it, to truthfully describe the surroundings. No man who would keep his soul unspotted from the blackest of infa mies would be tiie instrument of knowingly misrepresenting a speaker. A speaker may be misrepresented in many ways. By putting words into his mouth which he never uttered— words calculated to subject him to odium or ridicule; that is nothing less than forgery and libel. Taking from his words clauses or sentences which serve to modify a proposition, and which, without such modifica tion, would be repugnant to common sense and detestable to himself. A speaker may also be misrepresented by throwing around him such cir cumstances as will give the reader a false impression of the spirit in which a sentiment is presented, or giving the reader a false idea of the occasion. These reflections are suggested by the published reports which have come under my observation of the contest now going on in the tenth congressional district. I Lave my prejudices like other men—nay, I will admit that my prejudices are stronger than of the average man—but I will state right here that I expect to meet b :>th Mr. Watson and his distinguidied com petitor, Major Black, during this campaign, and if either should chal lenge the accuracy, the fairness and the fullness of this, or any future re ports, aside from estimates—which are mere matters of opinion—l will be the most surprised man in Geor gia. The people want the truth, and I will use my best efforts to give them the truth—not only the truth but the whole truth. I left Atlanta on the six o’clock train that was to have reached Craw fordsville at 9:35, and did not reach there until nearly 11. Many were disappointed and others were mad at the delay; but on the other hand, it was freely discussed in my presence that Watson was to speak first, and they could stand to miss his speech. I wonder if there was any precon certed scheme on the part of the papers publishing the false schedule and the railroad authorities to keep the thousand outsiders from hearing both sides ? The conductor told me, positively, that there was no schedule whatever for that train. It simply meant, “Leave Atlanta at 6 o’clock and get to Crawfordsville when you can.” Upon reaching Crawfordsville the crowd took up the line of march for Liberty Hall, situated in a beautiful grove, and hallowed by the memory of Georgia’s great and good son. Your reporter easily distanced the procession, and arriving upon the ground found the people for about sixty yards from the speaker’s stand, in every direction, packed like sar dines in a box. I must get on that stand, but how? Here I brought a little strategy into play, which I shall insist was pardonable under the circumstances. While it was a pro miscuous crowd, yet the Watson men and the Black men were in groups here and there. It did not require very deep penetration to distinguish one group from the other, so when I approached a knot of Black’s admirers I would say, in a very positive tone, “Gentlemen, I must get through here; it is of the utmost importance that I see Major Black.” When, on the other hand, I reached a group of Mr. Matson’s admirers the same appeal was made, substituting Mr. jWatson’s name. What seemed a hopeless task w’as accomplished in less time than I take to write this paragraph, and I was on the stand before the head of to Special Privilege® to None.” the procession reached the outer edge of the crowd. Mr. Watson was speaking when I reached the stand, but the fresh ar rivals caused him to suspend his re marks, and gave me a chance to re gain some spent breath, for which I was thankful ESTIMATE OF THE CROWD. This is a question on which fair minds might differ. One newspaper passed it over in silence, wisely ab staining from making a bold asser tion, which, perhaps, he could not reconcile to his conscience. The representative of another paper said, “That Democracy had*a majority of the crowd, no one doubted, but the Third party men claimed to have a large majority of the Taliferro men.” How did that scribe know that no one doubted it. I hazard the opin ion that at least three thousand men, who were present on the occasion, not only doubt it, but absolutely state the converse of that proposition. The same report says further on they did have a majority of the FARMERS AND OF TIIE NEGROES. Why this slur on the farmers? Why couple them with the negroes? A gentleman who was a representa tive of the legislature, from one of the counties in the Tenth District) told your correspondent that the Democrats of Augusta were going to pay up the taxes of over three thous and negroes and vote them against Watson; and still these newspaper men talk about the farmers and ne groes being for Watson. The far mers of Georgia will remember that in November; the colored men will not forget it, they will remember the insulting assertion that they are to be bought by men who are forg ing shackles for them to vote against the man who is working with heart and brain, with bravery and determ ination unparalleled to break their fetters. if we concede that estimate to be the truth—that every syllable vas the exact truth—why did he not go further and tell all the truth ? Why did he not tell that over one thous and men, and the noisiest portion, were from outside of the district? A long train from Atlanta; another from Athens. “Oh, but,” some say, “there were only from twenty to twenty-live from Atlanta.” True; but why stop at that simple truth ? Why not go on and tell that that same train was filled from the sta tions between Atlanta and Union Point before the edge of the Tenth district was reached ? Why not tell that every man that came in from Athens and along that road was from outside Mr. "Watson’s bailiwick? It was because the truth would hurt; but the four thousand present who are of the people, for the peo ple, and by the people, know these facts; the two thousand five hun dred or three thousand people who sneeze when the plutocrats take snuff, know it; and tens of thousands of people who read these lines will know it by heart ere the ides of November. When I reached the stand Mr. Watson was speaking, and had been for about a half an hour. The tar diness of the train prevented me from getting Mr. Watson’s opening remarks, which I deeply regret. Below I give a synopsis of his speech, prior to my arrival, from the Augusta Chronicle, changing the text from the third person to the first. I present it without either challenging or indorsing the report; and I will add byway of an addenda that I believe it to be as full as a long-hand writer or an inexperienced stenographer could get it: mr. Watson’s speech. Horace Holden, Esq., wss chair man of the meeting. Mr. Watson, who came in on the fast train, was first to arrive at the speaker’s stand, and as he came in view, accompanied by Major -Mc- Gregor and President Ellington, he was greeted with cheers by his fol lawers, who crowded around the stand. Major Black came a few minutes later, and a great cheer went up as he mounted the stand and shook hands with Mr. Watson. “Hurrah for Black I” “Hurrah for Watson!” ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1892. Chairman Holden at last secured order, and urged good behavior and respectful attention on the part of the audience. He said, under the terms of the agreement, Mr. Watson would begin, and speak one hour, Major Black would follow for an hour and a half, and Mr. Watson would conclude in fifteen minutes. He then introduced Mr. Watson, who was greeted with cheers. Mr. Watson began by reading the concluding paragraph from an edi torial in the Augusta Chronicle, as follows: “And if on the other hand the man who raises tys hand against the prospeiity o1 his own people, and would scatter the ashes of desolation over the hearthstones of his ne ghbors, is ever confronted by the consciousness that he stands before his fellow-citizens a political pariah and social Ishmael: te, then Mr. Watson's conscience will be his enemy and scourge to-day. “We commend to Major Black the thought— “ ‘Who saves his country, saves ail things, and all tilings saved will bless him.’ “While Mr. Watson may be chastened by the reflection that — “ ‘Who lets his country die, lets all things die, and all things dying curse him.’” This is in keeping with the intoler ant and proscriptive spirit of this paper. But who was anther of those words? Benjamin H. Hill, who said if he was ever a democrat, he didn’t go to be. (Cheers.) He was first a Whig, then a Know- Nothing, and when he died was al most an Independent. I repel the charge that I am either a political pariah or social Ishmaelite. I am within a few days of my 36th year, and if any man has ever found me out to be a scoundrel I do not know it. I went to the legislature and think I served with some dis tinction, and if I was ever charged with unfaithfulness I do not know it. When an elector, I denounced the financial ills which I now denounce. So bold was I in my denunciations that a pistol was drawn on me in the Louisville fair grounds. (At this juncture the Georgia rail road train was heard coming, with the brass band playing Dixie, and the speaker decided to wait until he could be heard.) He continued by saying that no where did he feel more perfectly at home than in the yard of Liberty Hall; and paid a high tribute to the Grand Old Commoner. Mr. Steph ens wrote that he would stand for Congress regardless of the Augusta thimble-riggers. (Cheers.) Let no man think that I am discouraged by showing me the picture of that grand old independent. I thank you for showing me his picture. It strength ens my arm and inspires my soul. I do not doubt that the Master will furnish me strength as long as he has work for me to do. Any man who thinks he can browbeat the ban ner-bearer of the People’s party is mistaken. Tho corporations and their attorneys cannot bring enough of their followers from Atlanta and Augusta to beat me down. Every fair-minded man knows that I was elected on the Ocala platform. Who says that I promised to go into any caucus? On the other hand, this St. Louis platform con tained a distinct enunciation that these principles would be sustained independent of any and every cau cus. The choice came between party and principle, and I did not hesitate to stand by principle and let the party go. They told you to make your fight inside the party lines; that they would have the majority m the Fifty-second Congress and, they said, “we will get you the relief you demand.” Have they kept that promise? [Cries of, “No! No!] They told us that they would liberalize the platform. Every little county democracy adopted the most of your demands; almost every State democracy; the democracies of Kentucky, South Carolina and Florida adopted your demands. But all this v. as before the democratic national convention, and they did it with the hope that your demands would be recognized in the national convention. Why am I publicly blamed ? for I said, “I will wrap the Ocala platform around my body; I will take that platform and call upon the people, and I will ppen it and make a distinct fight. If I am a traitor, every one of you who have left the democratic party are also traitors. You may indict one man, but you cannot indict a whole peo ple.” [From this on is Mr. Watson’s speech as he delivered it.—J. L. Dris col.] Mr. Watson. They have denounced me for voting for the slavery bill. I shall say no more about* that until Mr. Black answers my speech upon that subject at Sparta. I shall con sider it answered until he reiterates it, or refutes what I have already said. A voice. He cannot answer it. Mr. Watson. They stated that I did wrong in voting against Anthony Wilson. That statement I answer- ed, and Anthony Wilson answered, and I shall make no further reply until they make it again. They said that I was wrong about this personal difficulty; I shall not notice it further until he dignifies it by his silence. They said that speaking at Sandersville last week, I used an ex pression so disgusting that no man would let it cross his lips. I tell you, gentlemen, the man that—(the uproar was so great at this point that I could not hear the conclusion of the sentence’.) In that Sanders ville speech, I alluded to the fact that while I stood for principle, Mr. Black stood for party; that his posi tion, reduced to its true anaylsis, sanctified error if that error had on its side the advantage of being an old error—that it should not be cor rected because it was venerable. I made the point that on that line Luther never would have started the reformation or John Wesley never would have started the Methodist church because the errors they were designed to correct were even wore venerable than the old gray haired warty nosed Democratic party (An indescribable scene of confusion oc curred at this point. Cries and jeers and huwls of rage and wild exulta tion, shaking of fists at the speaker by some and cries of encouragement from others made a picture impossi ble to present by the pen of the writer or the pencil of the artist.) It was in connection with that point that I made that statement, and as I hope to live in this world, and as I hope for salvation in the next, do most positively assert here in the presence of this vast assemblage, that ‘ I did not use the nauseous phrase quoted in the Augusta Chroni cle. (Facing Mr . Barrett, of the Constitution) I might have been misunderstood, I hope I was, I hope no man would so willfully and ma liciously distort my language, hope that no man would be so lost. Mr. Barrett. I reported it, and I understood you to say that but I might have misunderstood you. Mr. Black; I accept your disclai mer. Mr. Watson. Mr. Barrett says that he so understood me, but that he might have bosn mistaken. lam glad he made chat acknowledgement. That annoyed me more than any thing in this campaign. Whatever may be said of me by my most bit ter enemy, I think I know how to respect a lady, and if I am to be de feated, I want still to have my char acter left as a man as a gentleman! —[Many voices. You never can be defeated, we are with you.] I must hurry on, iny friends, you know that the confusion and the wind make it exceedingly difficult for me to address you, theieiore, I hope you will* give me your atten tion. I can take care of these other little fellows. (Indicating a point where a babel of voices kept up a din.) The speech I made at Thomson on my return home, has been de nounced from one end of this state to the other. Why? Because it hurt. I meant it to hurt, and it got there. (Great cheering and a voice: You bet it hurt! Hurt then again, Tom, and laughter.) They tell you that that speech has been picked to pieces, and that it has been shown that every statesment in it is false. Cries of: “It is false,” and counter cries of: “It’s the truth that hurts ’em, Tom. Hurt ’em some more.” Now, if that be true, so great a man as Mr. Black can surely expose those lies. I here deliberately re state every assertion made in my Thomson speech, and I defy Mr. Black to controvert them. (Great cheering.) Now, just one thing more. The Augusta Chronicle had an article on its first page, August 26, headed “Watson’s Work,” wherein was de tailed the insult of a colored man to a white lady in Sparta. (A voice: “That’s what we want to hear about.”) Fellow-citizens, that card went on to state I believe it was the one signed by Mr. Bennett that that lady told me in her heat of passion, consequent on that insult, that she did not want me in her hotel again, or any of my gang. (Voices, “That is right; hurrah for the Augusta Chrrnisle ; hurrah for Watson,” and general confusion, with a seemingly settled purpose to prevent an expia tion.) Mr. Watson. I am going to have all my time, and the time consumed in these interruptions will not be counted against me. (To his friends.) Let them alone, boys; I’ll fix them. If that lady was insulted on ac count of me being a guest at her house, she ought to have told me so, and no man would have been quicker, had I been in fault, to bow my head in humble submission to the just rebuke ; but she did not tell me a word of any such thing. (Great cheering, and cries of “No! No! Tom; we never believed that lie*!”) A voice. “Mrs. Roberts would not have told a lie.” (Very noisy de monstrations near the stand, as if to drown the voices of Mr. Watson’s followers.) Mr. Watson. No man shall pro voke me into the attitude of having an issue with a lady; but, at the same time, what is dearer to me than life itself is at stake—my honor is at stake; the peace and comfort of my household are at stake; my party — the party of the people—-is at stake, and I shall fight for my honor, fight for the peace and happiness of my family, fight for my party with all the resources the good God has placed at my command ! (Tremen dous cheering, and counter cheering.) Now listen to me. Listen to me one moment. 1 went to that hotel in company with my friends, Major McGregor, Hon. H. C. Ellington, president of the State Alliance; Mr. and Mrs. Oscar Lee, and various other friends whose names no not recur to me at this moment. I ar rived at about half past eight and stayed in that hotel until about two o’clock in the afternoon, except the time I was on my feet before the peo ple jn front of the court - house. The alleged occurrance never did come to my notice; it never came to the notice of any of my friends. Mr. Oscar Lee and his wife were in that hotel, and they say it never came to their notice. Voices. “We knew it was a lie! Hurrah for Watson!” Mr. Watson. Now listen and hear the exact truth. As I said, the lady never did give me any notice of this occurrance; never gave any of my friends notice. When I was leaving that hotel, I went to her; she was standing near the front door; and I said, “Mrs. Roberts, what is my bill?” She told off the items on her fingers, and said, “Ten cents for a cup of coffee, fifty cents for your dinner and fifty cents for your room.” I paid the bill—sl.lo —and I will swear to God she did not say one word to me about that alleged Insult. (Great cheering, and many voices, “We did not believe a word of it ”) Why should I be held re sponsible, even if she was insulted by any of my friends, if I stood ready to repudiate that insult? I would do it if she had been insulted by either white or black. Concede* that she said it, and that it was true—l ain’t denying that part of it, I am only denying that she called it to my attention as alleged in this card. I say say that if any wo man— any lady was insulted by any of my friends, there would be no man quicker to resent it than I. (Long continued cheering.) Let me go on. Why did not we stand by Cleveland in this campaign ? Because we have a better house to go to than before; we have not got the “Hobson’s choice” between Cleveland and Harrison. Voices out in the outskirts of the crowd. “That’s what you are trying to do; that’s the road to Harrison followed by jeering and cries of “Hurrah for Cleveland.” Mr. Watson. There are some words, there are some insults that demand the knife as promptly, as effectually as the most chronic (Great confusion and noise which drowned the concluding words of the sentence.) I say here (springing nimbly on the table in front of him) that any man, or any set of men, no matter where they come from, that say s that the People’s party position, or that says that my position leads towards Harrison, utters what is a reckiess and an infamous falsehood! (The picture at this juncture defies the power of pen or brush. The speaker, thin, pale and resolute, facing the vast multitude, with hands, elevated and fire in his eyes; the crowd nearly evenly divided; vociferations of approval from the larger half and howls of rage from the smaller, were well calculated to leave the impression on the timid that pandemonium had come.) I say this (shaking his finger me nacingly at a croup of chronic dis turbers), and I whirl it in your cowardly teeth, that I have stood this about as long as I am going tc stand it (cries of “That’s right”); and my friends have stood it as long as they intend to land it! (Shouts of approval.) The People’s party, the honest y eomanry of Georgia, have been called the rag-tag and bob-tail by the unprincipled politicians, and they have stood that about as long as they are going to stand it! And here, where I am exposed to every man who chooses to make me a tar get, I who have been charged with showing the white feather, I who have been denounced as a traitor in Augusta, I who have been de nounced as a Judas Iscariot, say here, to your teeth, that any man or set of men who says that I ever be trayed any trust, or anybody who says that I ever playedVtraitor to anybody or to the people, is a wilful and deliberate liar. (A recurrence of the scene de scribed above.) Mr. Watson. (Getting down from the tab.e.) Now, let me go on. We cannot support Cleveland. Why ? Because he represents the policy of contraction; because he represents NUMBER 50 the policy of bounties to favored in dustries ; because he represents friendship to national banks; be cause he represents favoritism to monopoly that now crushes the peo ple; because he represents opposition to the income tax; because he repre sents opposition to free silver. That is why we cannot stand by Cleveland when we have a better house to get in. (Cheers and counter cheers; jeers and counter jeers, with a babel of voices assenting and dissenting, the people finally asserting them? selves.) Why do we stand for Weaver and the People’s party ? It is because he represents the policy of expanding the currency and giving the people more money; it is because he repre sents the policy of the free coinage of silver; it is because he represents the income tax idea; it is because he represents the idea that this money, monopoly, represented by the na tional banks, shall die the death which it so richly deserves. [Great cheering.] Why don’t we want to be drawn imo a campaign simply and solely for tariff reform ? Because they will not tell us what they mean by tariff reform. [Laughter and ap plause.] It is because they violated their pledges on free silver, and they may do it on tariff reform. [Re newed cheering and laughter.] It is because the men who opposed the Mills bill, alleging that it was a free trade measure, are running the party machinery; because they say that a tariff of fifty-five cents is a curse and a triff of forty-seven cents is a bles sing. Why, my friends, it is only a differ ence of seven cents on the schedules. [Derisive laughter, and a voice close by from a gentleman I know to be for Mr. Black, “That’s a fact.”] But, they introduced their pop-gun tariff acts putting tin on the free list, and bagging on the free list, and cotton ties on the free list. They never did intend that these bills should become laws. A voice. Why do you say that ? Mr. Watson. "Why do 1 say that? Because they made no effort to bring them to a vote; be cause these bills, if they become laws, would reduce the revenue $158,000,- 000, and the moneyto come from somewhere to make up the deficiency, and they made no provision for that deficiency. They are not taking in any more money now than they are paying out; there is almost a defi ciency now, and where, I repeat is the money to come from to meet the current expenses if their little pop gun bills should become laws? That is why, and I repeat that they never did intend they should pass. [Great cheering on the one side, and more respectful attention on the other,] Where is it to come from, I repeat: A voice. It has got to come from somewhere. Mr. Watson. Yes, it has got to come from somewhere, but where? They dare not pass an income tax. Why? Because the great millionaires will not allow them. [Great enthusi asm.] If they were really in earnest in their pretended course toward free trade, why did not they offer some method of replacing the falling off of the revenue by the passage of the revenue bills? The fact that they have not done so shows that they aid not intend to. (Turning to Major Black.) Are you a tree trader, Mr. Black ? Mr. Black. (Soto voce.) I will answer you at the proper time. Mr. Watson. Major Black say a he will answer me after awhile. W ell, that is a mighty easy one. Voices. Hurrah for Watson I Hur rah for Black! Good-bye Jim! Good bye Tom! Mr. Watson. (Here a few words passed between the can iidaies that your reporter could not hear.) Mr. Black says he is not a free trader; therefore, I presume he would not go in the direction of free trade. Now, I want Mr. Black to tell me, in the light of the democratic platform, which we must accept as the authen tic declaration of the democratic party, where he is going to get the money to run the government when the tariff is reduced. Cries of: “lie’ll answer so that you won’t know where you’re at,” from some, and counter cries of “ He can’t answer jyou; he may do the way the others did about free silver.” Mr. Watson. There is one thing I nearly forgot. (Holding up a pic ture.) The Augusta fools got out some pictures about the Peek slavery bill. The Atlanta fools could not be outdone, so they got out a bill about Bradwell, and Governor Nor then is carrying him about the Tenth Con gressional District telling about this claim. Now, I want to say this A voice. Where is Anthony ? Mr. Watson. Where is Anthony? He is where the democrats are, in the soup, I reckon. (Laughter.) Whether Anthony is in the soup or not, there is nojdmbt about the democrats being there, because they tried their best to get Anthony and could not do it. A voice. We did not want him. Mr. Watson. Then why did your leaders try to get him ?