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2 Now, that thing has been spread Among you colored people to in fluence vou against me. In answer to that, I will hand this to Major Black, (suiting the action to the word,) and if he has a charge to make against me in connection with that I will give you an explanation chat will open your eyes the balance Qf the year. (Great cheering and persistant efforts to drown the speak er’s voice.) Now, I said at the opening of the speech, (The Democrats in the au dience began to writhe beneath the lash, and a renewal of the scenes when Mr. Watson got on the table, took place.) What a pity it is that the Demo mocrats from Augusta and Savan nah did not come in a refrigerator. (Laughter.) They seem to have gotten suddenly very hot beneath the collar. (Renewed laughter.). Now, I say that every position I take to-day is the logical outcome of the position I took in the past. I have here all the reports of all the speeches, I then delivered from the Augusta Chronicle, the Atlanta Con stitution, the Macon Telegraph, the Savannah News— (Like a clap of thunder in a clear sky the supports at the rear end of the platioim gave way, pitching some backwards, but fortunately, no body was injured. Mr. Watson mounted the table, with smiles for his friends and defiance to his foes. An effort was made to clear the back part of the platform, allowing no one- but the speakers, the time keepers and reporters to remain, but the crow d was so dense that the project had to be abandoned, not from any disposition to be unruly, but the weight from the outside was too great for the inside. Quiet be ing restored, although the platform was in a very shakey condition, Mr. Watson proceeded again.) Mr. Watson. Fellow citizens, I hope that in all the coming contests between the People’s party and the D- mocratic party, the People’s party will come out victorious, but there is one thing that I especially desire to see them outdo the Democratic party in this series of contests, and that is in good behavior. (Cries of; “Yes! |Yes!”) At this point the platform came to the ground with a crash, and there was a general shaking up. Evidently the better side of human nature asserted itself, and there was general satisfaction that no person was hurt. Mr. Watson. (Mounting the table which from now on was the speak er’s stand for both gentlemen.) Now I say here as I said at — (L could not hear the name of the town, on account of the confusion,) that I can speak from any platform that any other man can, referring to the wooden platform on which I stood, but, Mr. Hook, I did not say that I could stand on any platform, and it -was most cruel and unjust to report me as saying that. A voice. “That’s right, . shoot him again.” Mr. Watson. Oh, no, he’s too nice amm to shoot. But, I will return to the subject. 1 say again, that every position I now occupy is the legitimate outcome of my past. As I was about to say awhile ago in the past; I will sub mit them to Mr. Black, and if he does not rind in those speeches the very same arguments, if he does not find that I was fighting the very same abuses, and using the very same argument that I am using to-day, I will bow my head and re tire from the canvas before the sun goes down. A voice. “That is right.” Mr. Watson. Now listen to the boys. I have only a few minutes remaining, and it is exceedingly dif ficult to address this crowd. [Read ing] Hon. J. C. C. Elack, Dear Sir:—Will you agree with me that the People's Party shall have a rep resentative on the Board of Managers at the State and Federal elections at every polling presinct in this Congres sional District? Will you co-operate with me actively and in good faith to see that this agreement is carried into effect? . Respectfully, - Thomas E. Watson. A voice. Hurrah for Harrison. Mr. Watson. If that is the sort of medicine you take, why take it, but take it on the outside. Now, here is another three ques tion addressed to Mr. Black. They are fair questions. I put it to every fair, candid man, whether they are not fair questions, and whether he should not answer them promptly and fully. 1. Do you admit the existence of un usual Buffering among the people result ing from vicious legislation? 2 If so, specify the legislation from which that suffering results? 3. What remedies do you propose? Let him come squarely up to the string and answer theae three ques tions. [Handing the letters to Mr. Black.] Now, let me hurry on. I want to strike an evil much more vicious then the tariff, which I claim to be vicious—so vicious that I am a free trader, and voted for every par ticle of free trade that I could get a chance to vote for, even when it came to taking the tariff off wool, and keeping a high tariff on the manufactured article, which favored the manufacturer. I had only the chance to vote on the one, and would vote for bfith if I could. A voice. You know you did do it. Tou do not know what you are talking about. I know they say that I do not read bills, but I find out what, is in them all the same. I re peat that assertion, and challenge its refutation. PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1892. Now, further, I say that while I am opposed to a high tariff, and want to substitute an income tax to raise the money necessary for carrying on the government instead of raising it on the hats, on the clothing, the household and kitchen furniture, and other necessaries of the people, it is not the fundamental evil from which we suffer. Now let me illustrate. an illustration that illustrates. Take this country, and suppose that it is an island, like Cumberland island; suppose that there were one hundred and one persons living on that island ; suppose that there were in circulation one hundred thousand dollars; sup pose that fifty thousand dollars of that was in gold, and that one man had it; suppose that the other fifty thousand dollars was in paper, and the other hundred people had it. Mr. Watson turned to the chair man and said : I cannot proceed with such confusion. There are men over there [indicating] who are evidently determined to keep the people from hearing me. The Chairman. Gentlemen, Mr. Watson cannot proceed unless there is more order in the audience. Cries of: Order, order. Mr. Watson. If you but keep or der, I can be heard by every man in this assembly. I just said, suppose that those hun dred men had the paper money; sup pose that they raised cotton, or wheat, or corn, to the extent of 1100,000; then what? Would not that paper money and gold buy it all, exchang ing the products for the paper and the gold ? Cries of “Os course it would.” Now, fellow-citizens, if that is a logical illustration, what then ? Sup pose that these one hundred people, instead of producing one hundred thousand dollars’ worth of produce, they made one hundred and fifty thousand dollars’ worth, then who would get that $150,000 worth? Why, the men that had the SIOO,OOO. That is, they would get the extra $50,- 000 worth of produce by the simple power of money. That is the effect of contraction. Can you all see that ? Cries of : “Yes, yes,” and a voice on the outskirts: Where are you at ? Mr. Watson. The democrats know when they are going to get hurt in these discussions, and get a» far off as possible. A voice on the stand: “Here’s one that’s close enough; hurrah for Gro ver Cleveland.” This was followed by cheering on both sides. Mr. Watson. If there is anything that makes a democrat squeal in this campaign, it is the financial question. Let me come back to that illustra tion, which is so plain that anybody can see it—anybody can understand it—that is what I want, and that is what these democrats do not want. Suppose that those men on tha tim agmary island made $200,000 worth of goods, and there is no more money to buy the goods, won’t that same sl’oo,ooo buy the $200,000 worth of goods ? Cries of: “Yes, yes,” and derisive rejoinders from the democrats. Mr. Watson. Then what? It takes just as much money for you to get your necessaries and pay your taxes, while the man that has the money would swindle you out of one out of every two bales of cotton you raise ; one out of every two bushels of corn, or wheat, or anything else. That is not all. (Angry cries from the democrats, and angry expostula tions from the people.) I know it hurts you, boys, but you have got to stand it. (Applause from his friends, who seem to be more than holding their own.) I have only seven min utes remaining ; let me conclude. A voice : “ Where are you at?” One of Mr. Watson’s friends on the stand: “Don’t notice the fool, Mr. Watson ; he’s only trying to irritate you.” Mr. Watson. Suppose, now, that the man that had the $50,000 worth of gold, by some hocus- pocus in the creating of the law, gets that $50,- 000 worth of paper burned up-—gets it destroyed—and those people con tinue to make $200,000 worth of corn and cotton and wheat, what then ? Will not that man with the $50,000 in gold get every bit of the $200,000 worth of produce ? Cries of “ Stick it to ’em! you’ve got ’em on the run! Good bye Jim,’’ and “Good bye Tom.” Mr. Watson. That is our financial system of to-day; that is what they have done; they take two bales of cotton where they only took one. Cries of “That’s right; hit ’em, and hit ’em to hurt. We see it.” Mr. Watson. They take two bush els of corn where they only took one; they take two bushels of wheat where they only took one; they give you one day’s wages for every two days’ work to buy the necessaries of life, and when you get it it will not buy any more. (Great cheering, which drowned out opposition, if there was any.) We have $346,000,000 of green backs remaining in circulation Sup pose that a man was running for of fice and declared it to be his policy to burn up that $346,000,000 of green backs, which the bankers cannot cor ner ; which do not cost the people a cent; which circulates among the pso ple and buys all the necessaries of life; which the bankers want destroyed and national bank notes substituted in place of—national bank notes on which you would have to pay exorb itant interest, —would you support* such a man ? Cries of “No! No! No!” and de rision from the opposite side. Mr. Watson. ‘ I wonder if my friend, Mr. Black, knows that in sup- porting Mr. Cleveland he is support ing a man who, as late as 1888. A voice. “Hurrih for Cleveland.” Mr. Watson. You say “hurrah for Cleveland.” I wonder if you will hurrah for the recommendation of Mr. Cleveland’s which I am now going to call to my friend’s attention. I say, I wonder if he knows that he is supporting a man who, as late as 1888, said, through his Secretary of the Treasury, that all the balance of the greenbacks should be burned, just as all the others had been burned, and in place of that cheap money of the people which the bankers could not corner, that we should have national bank notes in their place. A voice. That’s what he said. Another voice. He never said it. Mr. Watson. I will repeat that proposition, and I challenge any re sponsible intelligent man to refute it. As late as 1888, Mr. Cleveland said, through his Secretary of the Treasury, that all the greenbacks should be burned, and national bank notes take their place. .If that policy is carried out, if the people are to be sold out to the money power, they may as well hold up their hands and let their masters chain them in eternal servitude. A voice. Just like Peek wanted to chain them. Mr. Watson’s friend’s on the stand. Do not mind that fool. Mr. Watson. What do we want to do ? We want to strike down that moneyed monopoly—that mon eyed king—in the illustration given you, that is getting your produce at half price and robbing you of half your labor; we want to unshackle your limbs and give every free man a fair share of the benefits of the na tional currency. “ Who saves his country, saves all things, and all things saved will bless him; who lets his country die, lets all things die, and all things dying curse him.” Have I succeeded in this campaign ? Who are the men who will curse me ? A voice. It won’t be the republi cans. Mr. Watson (without heeding the interruption). The national bank ers, who are robbing the poor white and black alike, : will call down male dictions on my head. Let them do it! The monopolists, who are con trolling the price of money and the price of produce, robbing the far mers, the merchants and the wage workers all alike, will call down curses on my head. The million aires, who pay no taxes on their princely incomes wrung from a plundered people, will call down curses on my head. So be it. But, fellow-citizens, if I receive the curses of these, where will I ba blessed? In every humble cabin of every farm in the State of Georgia. Cries of, “Yes! Yes! [God bless you.” Mr. Watson (continuing). In every field of industry-—where white and bluck laborers till the land, w here men work at the bench or on the highway and are to have ®a due reward for their toil—my name will be blessed. Where the poor women of this land, God bless them, humbly pray for the success of our princi ples of “equal rights to all and spe cial privileges to none,” will my name be blessed. I will cheerfully take the blessings of God’s suffering poor, and the curses of the arrogant oppressor, and Major Black can have the blessings-Of the banker and the monopolist. [Tire impassioned tone of the ora tor, the fierce earnestness with which he hurled the poisoned chalice from his lips, and the power which shone in his face thrilled his audience into the most perfect silence during the delivery of the foregoing splen did piece of word painting. It .was the lull, however, preceding the storm. A wild burst of applause swept over the audience and for the time being you could not believe, hardly, that it was so evenly divided. The bow of the master played on the chords of sympathetic hearts, and even enemies bowed their heads in silence and admiration—if not ap proval.] Mr. Watson. I find my country, the beautiful South which I love so dearly, bound down to a system which has beggared her people, stripped her farmers of their birth rights and mined her happy homes ; I would, if I could raise the mort gage from every home; I would, if I could, elevate all from the sloiigh of despond to dry land; I would, if I could, elevate all to a higher scale in the progress of humanity; I would, if I could, break the chain of financial servitude and cast it from her limbs. Oh, my fellow-citizens ! My work by the day, my work by the week, my work by the year, has been toilfully, cheerfully and faith fully spent that her people might understand these great questions iu which their welfare is so much wrapped up. I say here to-day that if we can incorporate into law the fundamental principles of our plat form that no cursas can come to us from the people; no injury can re sult to the rich, for there is enough for all; and our banners will go for ward to victory, which means the best thing for every home and fire side in this dearly loved South of ours. [Great cheering and hand shaking among the friends of Mr. Watson.] Mr. Watson took his seat amid deafening applause, and Mr. Black mounted the stand. He was re ceived with long continued cheers, which lasted fully ten minutes, with cries of “Hurrah for Black! Listen to the grand gentleman!” inter spersed with shouts for Wason. MR. BLACK’S SPEECH. My Fellow-Citizens —lt is im possible for me to proceed unless you restore order. It is difficult to speak under these circumstances, at the best. It is impossible for me to .discharge the duty of the hour with any satisfaction unless the most ab solute quiet is restored. Before I proceed with what I pur pose to say, I shall answer those questions that have been propounded to me by Mr. Watson : “Do you admit the existence of unusual suffering among the people, resulting from vicious legislation ?” I do admit the existence of suf fering, resuiting from vicious legisla tion, but I dare to stand here in the face of these thousands of people and say that I believe that this suf fering is exaggerated. [Great cheer ing, and a cry, “Hurrah for Wat son !”] Now, I have no objection to Mr. Watson’s friends applauding, but please wait for the right time. A voice. Why didn’t y our people wait when Mr. Watson was speak ing? Mr. Black. The only time that I called Mr. Watson’s name while I was in the campaign before he came from Congress was in the county of Greene, when I told* my friends if his duty called him before them, to give him as patient and respectful an audience as they gave me. [A voice, “You did say it; I heard you.”] I know no reason why we ought to be afraid to hear him. No man ought to be condemned unheard. Every man is entitled to a fair, pa tient, impartial and just investiga tion of his public conduct; with his private conduct we have no con cern. Voices. That’s right! Hurrah for Watson! and great cheering. [A great deal of confusion occurred at this juncture; shouting for Black and shouting for Watson; Black’s followers evidently shouted down.] Mr. Black. [ln a defiant attitude.] I have stood before more people many a time, with guns in their hands, and was not scared worth a . cent. [Great cheering.] i lam trying to answer the ques tions propounded to me by Mr. Wat son ; do you want to hear the answer? [Cries of “Yes ! Yes ! Yes!”] Mr. Black. Well, if Dlr. Watson’s friends will keep quiet I will try to answer them. A voice. Ask your friends not to applaud and Mr. Watson’s friends will be quiet. Mr. Black. I ask my democratic friends to kindly give me their atten tion ; Mr. Watson has also requested that his friends should be quiet. Certainly our mutual friends ought to have respect enough for us both to be quiet. A voice. That is right. Mr. Black. Now, to answer bis second question: “If so, specify th ' legislation from which that sufferi results ?” I specify as principally the legisla tion from which that suffering results, the iniquitous tariff. [A voice: That is right.] And who is the expo nent of opposition to that iniquit ous tariff, but Grover Cleveland? (Wild cheering) And which one of all the political platforms has been the most pronounced and methodical against the tariff ? The democratic. [Voices: No; the Third Party platform; the People’s Party plat form. Another voice: Keep your mouth shut.] Mr. Black: He said he is a free trader. lam not. You are bound to raise money by taxation, but how do you want to raise money ? To set the machine to work and stamp it. That is your plan (turning around facing Mr. Watson.) And if your plan was carried out you would have money until it was plentiful as the autumnal leaves of the forest, and about as worthless. [Great cheering and counter-cheering.] There is no class of our population that is more interested in a sound currency than the great laboring classes of our coun try ; but while your platform asks for fifty dollars per capita, your scheme to purchase the railroads would run up to one hundred and thirty eight dollars per capita; and when you had purchased the railroads, and purchased all the land that be longs to the aliens of the country, the mathematician, I was about to say, has not yet been born who could tell where you would carry it. [Great cheering.] But that is a diversion. “What remedies do you propose ?” I propose the old democratic remedy to confine the expenses of the govern ment to an honest, economical admin istration ; and the taxes to be levied only for that purpose; and those taxes to be put upon luxuries and not upon the necessaries of life. [Voices. “Hear how a Kentucky gentleman can answer them,” and great cheering] Mr. Black. Listen, you farmers !- You Georgia farmers, listen ! lam not a farmer ‘ but I do not think it is exceeding the bounds of propriety if I propose to speak to the farmers of Georgia. I propose another remedy, and that is, your own remedy; that is one that you would select; one that you put in formal, solemn declaration by your last legislature. Was not your last legislature a farm ers’ legislature ? Was not your last legislature an Alliance legislature? Did you not control everything, and sweep everything two years ago ? Now listen! You said: “Whereas the statute of the United States, levying a tax of ten per cent on State Banks of issue”—which was an Act in the interest of National Banks, giving the latter a monopoly in the currency which injures you, and injures me, and injures all the people in this country, in that said banks by an exhorbitant tax, are prohibited from doing business and prevented from issuing currency. [Great confusion ensued at this point, and the speaker was interrupted for several minutes, both sides, seemingly trying to obtain the ascendancy, but fortunately, good nature prevailed.] Mr. Black. Listen; what did you farmers say, which your leader has stated everywhere ? That many of the evils from which you suffered was the result of the national bank ing system. In passing I will say that no man can show, from the re cord, that the democratic party is responsible for that system. [Great cheering.] Listen. Here is what you farmers said; that the sources of all your evils brought forth from this great Pandora’s box that has been painted and held up before our vis ion, with all the disasters it has brought—what do you do? Formally and solemnly, by this resolution—a resolution not passed by lawyers; a resolution not passed by merchants ; a resolution not passed by men from the cities ; not passed by men of any profession, but by the honest farmers of Georgia; and what did they say? They said that “We want the repeal of the ten per cent tax on state banks.” Here is the record. No man will deny it; and the democrat! c pirty of the first convention held in the State, controlled by farmers, put that in its platform. [A voice: “.Hurrah for the brave soldier from Kentucky!” Applause.] Mr. Black: And I say here that the People’s Party leaders here to day are opposed to that plank put in the platform by the farmers of Geor gia. [A voice; “No, sir; we aint.”] Yes you are; your party leader is opposed to it; he ridicules and scouts it; he calls them wild cat banks, in the very face of the demands of the farmers of Georgia who passed this resolution—who passed it, and not only passed it, but called upon him, as one of the members, to see that Congress repealed that law. (Turning to Mr. Watson) What do you say to that? Mr. Watson. I have answered those questions. You answer some of mine. Mr. Black. Now, I proceed to say what I intended to say before those questions were propounded. A voice. Hurrah for Watson ! A voice on the stand. Pay no attention to him, Major; it is the empty wagon that makes the loudest rattle. Mr. Black. I think I have at least this advantage over my competitor. I appear before you today, not familiar to you as he is, (cheering) but a comparative stranger by face to most of you; but I appear without any explanations to make. The gentleman has referred to the abuse and slander that have been heaped upon him. He does me justice to say that I have had no part in that abuse; and well he may, for he knows me well enough to be aware that I would not buy a seat in the Congress of the LTnited States at the expense of justice to any man or to any party. (Great cheering.) I have nothing to say with reference to him except as to his public record, and he himself has introduced that into this first joint discussion, and to the discussion of that record I now invite your calm and impartial attention. A voice. Don’t do it; he has got the sway-back. Mr. Black. What is the spectacle before you to-day ? It is the spec tacle of a citizen seeking your suf frages and asking to be elected as your representative, and as a reason why you should vote for him he de nounces the very party that put him in power and whose commission he holds. [Great applause.] My friend rather challenged me, I think, to make certain charges against him, to make certain issues. Now, I say, I do not propose to be side-tracked in any such way as that. [Great applause.] In 1888 he was a Cleveland elector who went over this State, and he asked the people of this State to vote for Cleveland. If Cleveland had done every act for which he condemns him, it was al ready done then, for since that time he has not been in power. [Great cheering.] He says he has that record [turning to Mr. Watson.] Os course I have not time to look up all these papers just now, but I have a part of it myself—all that I have been able to find. By that record—l have only his speech reported in a Savannah paper—he went there as a guest of the Young Men’s Demo cratic club. He spoke of the tariff as one of the leading and controlling issues of the day, but still he did say that heretofore the difference be tween the two parties had been so little that a Republican might step on a Democratic platform without getting a splinter in his toe, but that it was different now; we have got a leader and an issue, and the issue is the tariff and the leader is Cleve land. [Great applause.] Mark you, the very same Grover Cleveland— there never was but one in the United States—the same Grover Cleveland. [Great cheers.] What more did he say ? Here is the record of his speech. Here is what he says of Cleveland. He says he is “a lion-hearted man who strikes at every abuse;” who has “vetoed unworthy appropriations.” He referred to Cleveland’s pension record—it was a glorious record, for this great country of ours has never furnished a sublimer exhibition of moral courage than Cleveland’s veto of the dependent pension bill. He applauded Cleveland for that very thing. He stands up to-day and tells you that he repeats everything he said in his Thomson speech. In his Thompson speech he arraigned Cleveland for his record on pensions. I say that I stand here to defend the Democratic party from every un truthful charge that he can make against it. I* can do it, and Ido it by successfully impeaching the wit ness. [Great applause.] The Demo cratic party needs very little defense at my hands or anybody else s. What did it do between the time he took its commission and the time he left its ranks. Its record on national banks, the currency, on everything and anything, was maae up more than four years ago, and I think I would hesitate long before I would go before the honest people of the country and denounce as vile and corrupt and unworthy of public con fidence a party while I hold the commission of that party in my hand. [Great cheers.] . Listen, my third party friends. It there is anything that has happened that the Democratic party is respon sible for, you were a part of it and must bear your share of the respon sibility. - . J u Oh, my friends, my friends; he might make out of every Democrat a devil, and out of every Democratic follower a devil, but he would only be blackening to that extent his own political record and the political record of his own political asso ciates. A voice. Hurrrah for Watson! Counter hurrah and cheers for Black. In that Savannah speech of his, according to the report I have here, he delivered an eloquent peroration. He predicted under Cleveland’s ad ministration a new era of prosperity for the Southern country of ours. He said that under Cleveland’s ad ministration prosperity would lie in the pathway of the South, and she would go forth like Miriam with a shout of victory on her lips. He closed his career as elector by saying that it had been “a labor of love. * A voice. Hurrah for the man up a tree. [Laughter.] They have him treed over yonder. [Renewed laugh ter.] x Mr. Black. Now listen. Two years ago he was nominated for Congress by the Harlem convention. He was nominated as the representative of the democrats on the Ocala platform. I admit that. I do not care what anybody else, says, if I know the truth I am here to stick to it. (Applause.) There is no reason why I should fear it, and if I did fear it, and it hurt me to the death, I should hold on to it stiff. (Great cheers.) ~ He was nominated representing the demands of the Ocala platform. Here let me tell you to-day that he does not stand on the Ocala platform. You go home to-night, you honest farmers, and take the Ocala platform and put it on your table and take the Omaha platform and lay them side by side and then if you do not tell me there is a difference I will be wil ling to yield this contest. Another thing, he represented the demands of the Ocala platform inside the demo cratic party. A voice. That’s so; he cannot de ny it. Another voice. Watson has a bet ter party than that now. Mr. Black. Well, maybe he has; but he was nominated by a conven tion called by the authority of the Democratic party, representing the democracy of this district, and he did stand on the Ocala demands, but this was one wing of the Democratic party, I ask you, I ask him, by what authority he turned upon the other wing of the party which put him in power. A voice. Talk to him, Major. Mr. Black. Here, fellow-citizens, if I had the time and the occasion would admit, I would like to go over this record, step by step. He pro claimed everywhere that he was a Democrat. He said iu private, if I am not misinformed, that he was as good a Democrat as anybody. A voice. He was for Jeffersonian democracy. Mr. Black. Yes, you say Jefffer sonian when you do not know the ABC of Democracy. You say Jeffersonian Democracy when yotl represent the party that is entirely at war with every conception that Jefferson ever had of this govern ment. That tune—the time we are talking about—you were a Cleveland Democrat. Now what are you? As my friend over here has said, I sup pose you are a Weaver Democrat. A voice. A Horace Greeley Dem ocrat. Another voice. A Western Dem ocrat. fCheers, jeers and laughter.) Mr. Black (directing his remarks to a certain part of the crowd). You referred to Horace Greeley. When the Democratic party adopted the platform of the liberal Republican party and voted for Horace Greeley, what was its attitude ? He had been an extreme partisan; he had been against the South; but when the war was over, like a true manly man, he laid down his hatred and went on the bond of Jefferson Davis. A voice. Hurrah for Horace Greeley (and cheers.) Mr. Black. If there is a man hers to-day who can suppress a natural uprising of gratitude to Horace Greeley that he helped your vicarious ottering from the prisons of the country, he ought to hang his head and leave this honorable presence. Horace Greeley ran on a platform that demanded amnesty, that de manded pardon for your fathers and yourselves who had been in the war, and he stood by the liberties and de fended these States. He r was dowg