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at that time all that any honorable Southern man could do for the • South ; while, at the same time, old Weaver was denouncing our people and saying they ought to be a mil lion miles in hell. You take your choice—if you want old Weaver, take him to your hearts content. A voice. He’s all right, and a storm of dissenting voices. The confusion lasted several seconds. Mr. Black. You are a farmer; you are an economist. You farmers, you laborers, you mechanics are go ing to lift the burdens from the bowed backs of the farmers and the laborers of the country. You laborers, you mechanics, you farmers who are going to leave the party and turn your backs on the Democratic party, are you going to take old Weaver with his record in three Congresses to appropriate si>oo,ooo,ooo to pay Federal pen sions to the North? You criticise Cleveland, you denounce Cleveland, ybu denounce him for his pension record, and yet roll under your tongue a sweet morsel this miserable old wretch who has haled us all his life, and would consign not only— Voices. Hurrah for Weaver! Hur rah for Weaver! What about that appropriation ? (Your reporter could not hear the remainder of the ques tion on account of the noise.) Mr. Black (with vehemence). Is it possible that you would compare a vote on that subject with old Weaver’s record ? I am not running against General Gordon for Congress. lam not go ing to go through any dramatic per formance and jump up here and say I am ready to die, because I am not ready to die. I want to Hve a little while longer to serve God and my country, and I want to serve my country in 1 his cause, but if it were necessary to die, I would as soon die in this cause as any other. Now, you know that is simply a little by-play by the way of off set. I have no idea that anybody wants to kill me. I say that was just a little by-play to offset my brother’s theatrical performance. He knew very well that nobody’ was going to kill him, and I know that too, and if I did not, I don’t know that I would jump around so about it. I believe that lam on the best of terms with everybody in this au dience. You know that nobody was going to kill Mr. Watson, and I know nobody is going to kill me. If I did not know that, I would not jump around here so lively. No body is going to hurt anybody until the grand old Democratic columns come marching down iu November. (Cheering.) I think that I hear the voices now, in the distance, growing weaker and weaker, .and the vic torious cries of Democracy growing louder ami louder; ami yet, the voices in the distance distinct enough to be heard by all, saying “Where am I at?” (Long continued cheer ing.) how listen; I have got something for you ; listen. It is not a Demo cratic lie. It a Democratic truth. A voice. If it is, it is the first one. (Laughter and counter jeering.) Nov listen ; you third party men, listen, ami see if you won’t accept the authority as the statement of a truthful man— A voice. That’s the way it looks to a man up a tree, Mr. Black (to the man up a tree.) My friend, you are the best behaved man in the crowd. Listen. This letter was written in April, the exact date of which I do not remember. It was addressed to the Augusta Chronicle. Hear W’hat it says: (Heads.) “You speak of the Democratic plat form. You assert that the Ocala plat form is the one for you and me to stand on. Certainly, but one can be a sound Democrat ana yet endorse the latter. >1 made the prediction that the Georgia legislature by a formal vote would in dorse the Ocala platform at the summer session. I make the further prediction, that the next delegates from this State to the National Democratic Conven tion, will go pledged to the Ocala plat form. In your clipping, you have one from the New York Sun, wherein Hr. Dana requests that 1 leave the Democratic party or leave the Alliance. I do not have to leave the one to be put in har mony with the other. The Democracy is not yet ostracised by the Alliance. Now, that letter is signed Thomas E. Watson. Here is what he said: He went out of the Democratic party that put him in office because it was unfavor able and hostile to the Alliance, lie cays here in this letter, as we all know, that it is true that a man in Georgia may be a true Alliancemau find yet stand and take his place in the Democratic party. A voice. What do you light us for? Mr. Black. Some individuals may but not the party. You had the party. Voice, we have it yet. No, you have not got the you flag of the Democratic party; have torn dow n that flag, and you have got the flag of an enemy in your hand. We night as well draw this line here and now. You are not a Democrat, sir—you are a People’s party man, and your leaders and your teachers have exhausted the vocabulary of abuse against the Democratic party. And now I see before me a distinguished gentleman (Mr. Ellington ) who, in a speech at Thomson at a ratification meeting in favor of Mr. Watson and denouncing Crisp, who said he would never vote for Barnes, Crisp or Cleveland any more, no matter what party they be long to. (Mr. Ellington nodaed his head.) You are not a Cleveland Democrat —you are no Democrat at all. • PEOPLE'S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1892. A voice. He is a Jeffersonian Democrat like me. Mr. Black. He bows his head and yet you stand up here and say you are a Jeffersonian Democrat. You are not a Jeffersonian Democrat; you are not a Cleveland Deocrat. A voice. We know that. Four years ago your leader went out from this district with the Dem ocratic flag in his hand. Where is that flag? Vo'ce. “He gave it away.” A voice again. “Mrs. Lease took it from him.” I call upon him here and now in the name of the Tenth Congressional District—we want our flag! What have you done with it? (Terrific ap plause.) I will tell you what he has done with i... He who ought to have taken that flag and held it aloft un til it was stricken down. But in the very opening of the Congress, before the Congress to which he was elect ed was even organized, instead of holding your flag and planting it upon the battlements of your enemy, he threw it down and trampled it under his unhallowed foot and comes back with your flag crimson with the blood of the party that put him in power. I have before me extracts of a speech of Mr. Watson made upon the Ocala demands. He says he has always stood upon it. This is true, but I say the great wrong he has perpetrated is to get the support of of the Democratic party and turn upon it—not only turn upon it, but denounce it. And even the dead has not been spared. He has gone to the grave of Samuel Tilden, that great Democratic leader, and he is so incorrigible in his hatred that he declares that Tilden obtained his fortune by piratical methods and did not have sense enough to draw his own will. Shame! Shame! Shame! (The crowd took up the cry of Shame! Shame!) Listen! Was all this done in the name of the Alliance? . Where is anything in the Alliance that authorized him to go out of the Democratic party? A voice. “I am an Allianceman and I am here.” Are you the Alliance? I have heard for two months Jhat Mr. Wat son killed the Alliance, and if yen are the Alliance I think it is about so. z A voice. “Good-bye Jimmie.” I have no doubt you would like to see Jimmie go in the good bye direc ti m, but Jimmie is not going that way. But I will tell you one thing, if Jimmie ever does go down he will go down with the flag in his hand, that his party put there. (Great cheering.) lie will never go down with the red Hag of the enemy in his hand. Here are the .proceedings of the Georgia State Alliance. Here is the resolution that was offered at the meeting of the Alliance. By that resolution it appears that representa tives in Congress are instructed to vote for no man for speaker of the National House of Representatives who is not in full accord with the principles of the Alliance, and does not stand squarely on the platform. But that resolution was offered but, could not pass: “Resolved. That our members of congress are instructed to vote for no man for Speaker of the National House of Representatives who is not in full accord with our principles, and who does not stand squarely upon the Ocala platform.” A voice. That’s right; there’s where we put him. Mr. Black.* Now listen—every body listen. “I move that the resolution be laid on the table.” said one dele gate. “I move that it be laid under the table,” cried another. A voice. "What did Watson say? Another voice. “Where am I at!” I reckon. Mr. Black. (Without heeding the inter uptions.) “I move that it be indefinitely postponed,” said another. The motion to indefinitely post poned was put and carried. And so the resolution that would have instructed sleeps the last sleep. That resolution of the Georgia Al liance instructing the Congressmen not to go into caucuses and not to vote for a caucus man for speaker, the Alliance voted down. (Cheers.) Your other Alliancemen did not get on it. There were other Alliance Congressmen there—there were Moses and Everett. Who says Charlie Moses is not an honorable man? A voice. “ No; Moses is with you.” Mr. Black. Whoever says that Charley Moses is not an honorable man—— Cheering and confusion which drowned the closing words. Mr. Black. Oh, he is in my ranks! That is the highest evidence of his honesty. If he was in your ranks, and in your company, there would be some suspicion. He is an alliance man and he is a farmer. He has spent all his life a farmer and he is entirely in touch and knows the needs of the agricultural interest. What excuse did my friend give for tramp ling under foot not only his democra tic commission, but this resolution from the Georgia alliance? If I understand him correctly, there was a meeting held in Indianapolis, Ind., and that Indianapolis meeting passed resolutions that an alliance congress man should not go into any caucus. I say that no alliance, no political or religious association has a right to override the authority of the demo cratic party that put him in power. He did not go there as an alliance man, he was not eligible as an alli ance man at that time. He was at that time a membe. of that poor and despised class known as lawyers. Now I say that no Indianapolis con vention, I do not care who composed it, has a right to override the demo cratic party. What did a convention in Indianapolis have to do with in structing a representative from the Tenth congressional district in Geor gia? What did any convention —I do not care if it had been a demo cratic convention*; I do not care what convention it was in Indiana polis—what right did it have to in struct the representative from the Tenth congressional district of Geor gia ? He went there as a democrat, holding a democratic commission, and if his conscience told him that the democratic party was not right, his duty was to come back -and say to the people of the ’district: “I must sever my connection with the democratic party. Here is the com mission I received at your hands.” [Cheers.] My friend says that I represent nothing but party, that he represents principle. His idea seems to be that I want a party and he represents principle. I say to him, no; I would leave a party as soon as the party forsakes principle. But if I had the banner of the party I wouid die be fore I wouid disgrace it. I say that if a party was wrong in principle I would abondon it and I would affili ate with that party that I thought was correct in principle, but not while I held the banner of the party in my bauds and its laurel on my brow. I would die and sink into oblivion. [Both of the contestants’ admirers at this juncture vied with each other in seeing which could make the most noise; and no man yet born could tell, with certainty of correct ness, which had the best of it, and a voice, “Hurrah for Watson.”] Mr. Black. Some of our good friends amuse me very much. You hit them right between the eyes with a great big chunk of truth and they holler “ Hurrah for Watson.” That seems to be their alphabet, except that some of them down in the wiregrass country who are hol lering about “pewtercrats and Wal nut street.” Do you catch on? (Laughter.) Mr. Watson said that he acted on the Indianapolis resolution. How did that resolution come to pass ? Mark you, the Georgia Alliance voted the resolution down by indefinitely post poning it. Listen! The Atlanta Con stitution had given somebody credit for that Indianapolis resolution, and my good friend, the treasurer, did net propose to be robbed of his laurels, and so he gives his account of it. He denies the statement that it had been put through by other parties. Now, mark you, this is not the evi dence of the Atlanta Constitution. It is the evidence of Mr. Branch, who was appointed a delegate from Geor gia, by the Georgia State Alliance, to Indianapolis. Voices. Right! right! right you are. It sets up the proof that Mr. Wat son, Mr. Branch and Jerry Simpson formulated that resolution. Hear! listen. [Reads.] Berzelia, Ga., March 14. Editor Constitution: In the Constitu tion ol thp 13th, you give quite a reada ble account of how the Industrial Con ference at St. Louis was managed, in which there are some inaccuracies. You have Messrs. Washburn and Taube neck as having staled : “ To weaken the strength of the opposition, we secured ihe adoption of a resolution at Indianapolis whereby no congressmen elected by the Farmers’ Alliance principles were to en ter info any caucus in the fight for the speakership in congress, nor vote for any man for speaker unless he avowedly sup ported the Ocala platferm.” The above is all wrong, as neither Mr. Washburn nor Mr. Taubeneck ever saw or heard of the above resolution until in troduced by ma on the floor of the Na tional Alliance at Indianapolis. The facts as to the above resolution are given below : I was appointed a delegate at large by the Georgia State Alliasce to Indianapolis. I formulated the resolution at home be fore leaving for Indianapolis. On my way I was joined by Mr. Watson and handed him the resolution to read, which he highly approved of. On the arrival of Mr. Watson and myself at Cincinnati, we met Jerry Simpson on the cars, on the way to Indianapolis. Upon consultation with Mr Watson I showed the resolution, to Simpson and requested that he intro duce it, to which he agreed. After the convention assembled Mr Simpson came to me and said he could not introduce it, as he was disappointed in not being a delegate and had no right on the floor. I then said as the resolution emanated from me I would introduce it and take the re sponsibility of it. This I did, and of which I am glad of From the above you will see that no one but Watson and I ever saw or heard of the resolution until it was introduced on the floor of the convention, and when it was introduced it appeared like a clap of thunder in a clear sky. Yours truly, M, I. Branch. There is Mr. Branch’s own testi mony of the fact that he and my distinguished competitor concocted that Indianapolis resolution in the face of the instructions—the resolu tion of your own Georgia State Al liance. A voice. Sockless Jerry. Another voice. Demagogue. Still other voices. Hurrah for Jerry! Hurrah for Watson ! (Long continued cheering.) And so it appears from this, from Mr. Branch, that Branch, Watson and Simpson concocted the resolu tion that kept them out of the Demo cratic party. It appears from this history. Now, mark you, he says that he was kept out of the caucus and put out of the Democratic ranks by the Indianapolis resolution. Mr. Branch, Watson and Simpson con cocted that resolution. Concocted it, sir, in the face of your Georgia State Alliance resolution. I say that no convention of bishops or prelates, or anybody else in church or State, would have any right that I would recognize from Indianapolis to in struct me for the tenth congressional district of Georgia. I say if you choose to elect me I get my authority from you and I hold myself amena ble to you, and no power of alliance or ncn-alliance, agricultural, mechan ical, political or social on earth or in hell could swerve me from doing that. Now listen. I love the farmers of this State and this country if I am not one myself. I cannot tell you that I am a farmer, but if you far mers, and if you merchants, and you lawyers, and you laborers honor me with this high commission, there is no power that could ever induce me to surrender it to anybody but vou. Now do you recollect this. That Harlem convention voted down a resolution to condemn the sub-treas ury, and passed resolutions commend ing Mr. Barnes, Mr. Watson’s pre decessor. What is the next chapter in this strange history—a history that, so far as I know, has no paral lel in American politics. What is the closing chapter in this history ? Listen, all you good men and honest men who want the truth, who want to do what is right and who warn the truth, all the sacred memories of your past, all that is valuable in the present and that gives hope in the future, listen to this continued chap ter in the history. Here is a letter addressed to Julian West. Julian West was the president of the Alli ance of Hancock county and the Democratic party nominated him the other day for the legislature. I say xiei’e that Mr. Watson had no occa sion to go outside of the Democratic party. If he had held his loyal alle giance to the party I would not be here and you would not be here, but' he would be on his way to the Con gress of the United States. The Democratic party never had ostra cised the Alliance. I could show you, sir, Mr. Watson’s own language here to prove that. The Alliance had everything its own way. They had nothing to do but to make tha;, demand of them. and they would have adopted it. MEN WANTED WITH COURAGE TO TELL THE FARMERS THE TRUTH. There has not been a man in Georgia in years who had the moral courage to stand up and oppose what the farmers wanted, and I dare say here to-day that that has been one great trouble with our State. We have not had the men always to stand up and oppose unwise meas ures and tell the peo.ple they are unconstitutional and whould not be come law*. My friend says that I wrote a letter in which ITiad some thing to'say about the /alliance. ' Voices. Now he’s telling the truth. (Cheering, long and loud.) I am ready to stand on the record. If you will pardon the personal allu sion I will say this. I was urged to become a candidate for the United States Senate. I said your sub treasury bill was unconstitutional. 1 said if you carry on your Alliance it will break up the Democracy. They told me I had nothing to do but keep my mouth shut and my pen still, but I said the power is given me to speak and, so help me God, I will speak. Let me tell, you, my farmer friends, that you have not any honor large enough to plaster over my mouth to keep me from speaking when it is for the truth, I say you are in a distressed condition. I say that the legislation of the country should be so shaped as not to continue this. But I say that no man who arrays class against class can. ever get a permanent foothold on this free American soil, thank God. (Cheers.) It is not only not democratic but it is un-American and unchristian, arraying one class against another, one race against an other, one interest against another. It is not only undemocratic and unre pubiican, but no true friend of the people would do it. Listen! The man who does it is a worse enemy to the poor man than he is to the rich. In every contest arising in this conn tty between the poor and the rich, we know that, the poor man unfor tunately goes to the wall. The man who would do this, would, if he could, and it suited his purpose, ar ray the rich against the poor, -would use the power and the wealth of the rich to oppress the poor. (Great cheering.) When it comes to men and classes, I am a friend of all men —of all conditions. I am opposed to class legislation and class distinc tion ; of proscribing any man because he lives in town. A voice. That is right. Mr. Black. Can you imagine any thing narrower than that ? Voices. No! No! No! Give it to him Major. Right I Right! (Great applause.) Mr. Black. lam opposed to class legislation and class distinction. Why, the very idea of proscribing a man because he lives in the city I Can you show anything that is nar rower than that? (Cries of no! no!) Can you show anything that has a more damnable essence of class dis tinction than that ? (Cries of, Hit him ! hit him!”) I am glad that I live in a country where there is no class, no nobility except the nobility that is conferred upon honest and virtuous manhood. That is true democracy. Here I call on you to witness that since I commenced this speech 1 have not touched a drop of anything, have I? Cries of No! no! Mr. Black. Well, I don’t know “where I was at.” [Laughter.] Here is where I was at—“eureka, eureka,” I have found it—l believe that I started to read Julian West’s letter awhile ago when I was lost. A voice. Tom can tell you where you are at. Mr. Black. (Without noticing.) Here is where I was at —I have found it—l was reading a letter to Julian West. The mask begins to be lifted and all this nakedness is ex posed to the people. “Lithla. Springs, Ga., Dec. 15. 1892. “Julian West, Carr s Station, Ga.: “Dear Sir Enclosed find sample blanks, which will explain the method of organization adopted by the com mittee of the People's party of Georgia “It is the wish of the committee, as also of Col. Tom Watson, that you ac cept the position of chairman in your county. “Please write me at once and say how many blanks you will need for your dis trict committeemen. ‘•We can carry Georgia in every coun ty and congressional district in it if we work, and there is no time now for de lay. Other States are at work, and Georgia must not be behind, but rather she must be kept in the lead. Please be diligent, active and prompt, keeping close communication with me, and through me with the national committee in other States.” Signed, who you reckon? Voices, Post I Post 1 Well, I am glad you saved me from calling his infamous name. Now, here, listen, you men, you good and true men, of any party and every party. A few days ago on the court-house steps of Hancock county, the home of that lion-hearted Linton Stephens and Geo. F. Pierce, he made a speech and one of the things he used against me was that I was born on the soil of Kentucky. Yes, I was born on the soil of Ken tucky. [Loud cheers.] Voice. We will take another Ken tuckian. Another voice. We like the stamp. I have got no apologies to make— no explanations to make. (Cheers.) 1 am proud of the State that gave me birth. I love every foot of her soil and every fact in her glorious liistory; every horse and oow in her blue grass region. (Loud cheers.) I was born on the soil of a State that nurtured a man who said he had -ather be right than president. (Cheers.) I was born on the soil chat gave to this country a soldier in the Mexican war—a man who, when he was captured and condemned to kneel to be shot, repllied that a Ken tuckian kneeled to none but his God. (Loud and long continued applause.) 1 was born on the soil of Kentucky where Jefferson Davis first saw the light of heaven. (Thunders of ap plause and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.) How did I come to Georgia? I came here through prison walls; I came around via Camp Morton and JoiTusoii s Island, when Federal bayonets lined every foot ©f the way, and I have been here ever since. This pitiful plea is brought against me by a man who hugs to his heait that infamous wretch who came here to lay bis hands not only upon our political, but upon our re ligious and. social fabric. Now, “you pays your money and takes your choice.” A voice. We want free silver. Mr. Black. Yes, and we want you to have it. Let me tell you, you ha v e got a great deal better chance of getting your demands through the Democratic than the People’s party. I do not say the Democratic party did not divide on free silver, but I say that your Georgia con gressman voted for it, and if you want more currency you had better remain in the Democrrtic party and hope to get it through that party than through or in any other party. You have got men in Congress who oppose your sub-treasury bill. Mr. Watson knows that there is a di vision in the People’s party. He knows that—and he is an able man—l say that he is an able man, a courageous man, and I honor him for it. He knows that he is a free trader. Yours is not a free trade party. A voice. It is, yes, yes, yes. Mr. Black. You do not know what your own party is. I doubt if you have read your own platform. Mr. Watson is a free trader. You are divided where we are. And let me Pell you that I question no man’s sincerity, but don’t you believe any man who tells you that this govern ment is going to lend you money at 2 per cent, on farm products, be cause you will be dead and in your graves before any such thing as that is done.. The government will not do it. And they ought not to do it. One of the members of the People’s party in Georgia has said that the farmers have been out of control of in Georgia for ten or fifteen years. They say that we are dictated to by Tammaty Hall. I say Tammany Hall has nothing to do with politics in Georgia. (Turning to Mr. Eiling ten.) Did they have anything to do with putting you in the Senate? Did Tammany Hall put Peek in the Senate? Did Tammany Hall put Watson in Congress? Tammany Hall had nothing to do with it. If the people have not con trol of their own affaire it is their own fault. Ido not claim the Democratic party to be a perfect party —that it does not make mistakes, and I tell you that you need never hope to have a perfect party —a party that will not make mistakes. But I say by this record that the Democratic party is nearer perfect to-day than any 4 other party, and it is conduct ed in the interest of the people. If you choose 'to honor me wit^ 1 your standard and send me to th® Congress of the United States I pledge you here and now that if I ever come back I will bring back my commission to you. Men of Georgia, of all political parties, will you put your approval on a public record such as Mr. Wat son’s? I said lam a Democrat, that I stand on the Democratic platform. If Igo through,it will be as a Demo crat. If in the course of events that flag goes down, my lifeless body will go down with it. I would rather, here and now, renounce every politi cal hope of the future, and if the day ever comes when I prove recre ant to the trust, I hope a lash will be put into the hands of every honest man and whip me out of the State. Mr. Black sat down amid deafen ing shouts of approval from his ad herents, and loud and numerous calls for “Watsun! Watson!” from that gentleman’s followers. Mr. Watson having quieted his admirers, consid erable confusion was kept up by such cries as “Jag Watson, -where is he at,” and so on. ’ mr. watson’s conclusion When I was over in Sparta the other day a crowd of men that came in there from Atlanta, Milledgeville, Athens and other points, attempted to disturb the meeting, and keep mo from being heard. That same thing has been repeated here to-day. (Voices —“Yes! Yes! Yes!” Oth er voices—“Oh! Oh! v Oh!—No! No! No.”) I repeat here, and I repeat it with emphasis, that whenever this occurs it is a piece of ungentlemauly con duct; it is a piece of contemptible conduct, and say that the man who will interrupt a gentleman when he is speaking like this, discussing grave public issues of momentous conse quence to every American citizen; when he is refuting calumnies with out a parallel in the history of men dacity; he is not only not a gentle man, but he is an infernal coward. (Voices. “That is right; that is right, Tom, hit him again,” and counter ciies of derision from his opponents.) Mr. Watson. I know you don’t want to hear me in this conclusion, but I am going to have fifteen minutes of talk, interruptions not counted against me, and there are not men enough from Atlanta, from Athens from Milledgeville, to keep me from it, either. (Long, continu ed applause.) The speech of which Mr. Black complained, alluding to his being from Kentucky, was made in that very connection. 1 felt outraged that a native-born Georgian, speak ing for his honor, for Lis wife, for his dear children, for the people of the State whom he loved so well,could •-> ‘ heal'd" hisswnauve State, when his opponent w'lAsk. . er State. That is the connection in which I said it, without meaning any offence to Kentuckians or any slur upon Kentucky. (Cheering.) Now let me say to all this im mense crowd that Mr. Black’s speech from beginning to end was not a dis cussion of the great issues before us to-day. [Cries of. “No! No! s No!” Great cheering.] Mr. Watson. Where did he meet 3 single point that I made in the ar gument? He stood here for an hour and a half abusing Tom Watson, and nothing else. (Cries of, “That’s so. Right you are.”) Mr. Watson. Hydrophobia is a bad disease, but Watsophobia seems to be much worse. (Applause.) I asked Mr. Black how be was go ing to relieve the poor people of this country, when he lessened their tax es, what other taxes would he put in the place of the tariff tax, which he proposes to reduce. Has he told you? [Cries of “No! No! No!”] Mr. Watson. No; and he never will tell you. When I asked him if he believed the people were suffering from vicious legislation— [Cries of “Black! Black! Hurrah for Black!” Great confusion and gesticulating in the audience.] A voice. Tom, give me the word and I will whip the whole crowd! Mr. Watson. Hush, my friend; you are disturbing as well as they. Leave them to me and I will skin them as sure as you are alive. (To the audience.) I will control my friends with one hand and my ene mies with the other. I do not have to stop* and inquire “"Where am I at?” A voice. You never did,' Toro, and you never will; we always know where you are at.” Mr. Watson. I know that drunken Democrats sometimes Lave to stop and ask where they are at. (Loud laughter.) Let me go right td the point where I left off. I asked him if he believed our people were suf fering from distress. He said yes he did; but he thought that distress was greatly exaggerated. He has never read the p ] atform of the Democratic party. Why do I say that? Because the Democratic na tional platform says that the railroad mortgages alone amount to two bil lion five hundred million dollars, and that the indebtedness of the Western States in one hundred and dxtv seven dollars per capita for every city and town, and yet he stands be fore you and says that he believes the distress is exaggerated. If so, then the Democrats exaggerated it in their own platform as well as we. They do not read their own plat forms. (Loud laughter and long continued applause.) Now listen; Mr. Black has for gotten that he fought the Alli. 3