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WEAVER IN CONGRESS. AN ELOQUENT SPEECH IN THE FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. In 1879 He Fought on the Same Lines He Occupies in 1892. Now that ghouls have unearthed and garbled extracts from speeches made by General Weaver during his earlier campaigns, the following from the record of the Forty-sixth Con gress is reprinted. Because of this and such honest utterances, Mr. Hen derson, of lowa, a Republican, made in Congress a bitter attack on Gen. Weaver. That attack is printed in full in the Atlanta Journal, to show how Weaver had hated the democ racy, and therefore, by the Journal’s scheme of reasoning, the South: Mr. Weaver—Mr. Chairman, I as sure you that the people of this coun try have witnessed for many years with painful impatience the continu ation of this sectional strife. It has become distasteful to them in every part of the I nion where they have the control of their right reason. It will be remembered that during the Forty-fourth Congress the sectional difficulties growing out of the war •were discussed in a partisan spirit from the beginning of that Congress until its closing hour. The “plumed knight ’ from Maine [Mr. Blaine], the distinguished parliamentary gladia tor from Georgia [Mr. Hill], were the central figures in the discussion in that Congress. It ought to be within the memory of all gentlemen on this floor how perfectly flat that controversy fell upon the public mind. And I risk nothing in saying that a similar fate awaits this at tempt to revive fratricidal strife. All through the Forty-fifth Congress the same eternal broil was kept up. And now in this the first and extra ordinary session of the Forty-sixth Congress, when the people are confi dently looking for substantial relief, the same old difficulty is again intro duced and weeks of precious time are being wasted in the discussion. Sir, I have changed my mind en tirely as to the remedy necessary to drive away from the politics in this country the disturber of the peace. I, sir, was a Republican for twenty one years. As soon as I obtained my majority almost I joined that party and fought in an humble way, both at home and in the field, to in gfartiApon the laws of the country the measures which I believe were rightfully advanced by that organi zation. But, in my opinion, no remedy applied merely to the sur face of this wound will give the peo ple permanent peace. We must have constitutional treatment that will reprove even the cause of the disease, and this makes it necessary to have a change of physician. [Laughter.] I was amazed yester day at the distinguished gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Blackburn] when he alluded to the hereditary right of Democracy to rule this country and compared that party to the children of Israel in their wan dering from Egypt to the promised land; but upon reflection I thought there might be some similarity, but I did not know but he had mistaken the army of Pharoah for that of Is rael. [Laughter.] Let us, however, notice the similarity between the children of Israel and the Demo cratic party. The democracy have succeeded in getting their Joshua into the Senate and their Caleb into the House, but thousands of their carcasses have fallen in the wilder ness on their way to the Canaan of their hopes. And I say to him and to the gentlemen on that side of the House that their Moses in 1880 will die on Mount Nebo, especially if he should be a hard-money Moses. [Laughter.] The ancient leader in Israel died on that celebrated moun tain in sight of the promised land because he had presumed in his own name to strike the rock that was to give forth the water to refresh the famishing caravans of his people, and their new Moses, if he represent sectional strife and the financial views which are now starving the people of this country, will perish also without realizing his exalted hope; but not because he struck the rock from which the water w’as to issue, but because he and his friends have joined bands across this aisle with the hard-money men on the republican side of the House to dry up the fountains of the prosperity of the people. I* have not been unmindful, Mr. Chairman, of the fact that these gen tlemen on the right and left can fight over sectional issues like mad dened gladiators bent on mortal com bat, and then in two minutes on Saturday evening stand up like lov ing brothers and vote to carry us over Monday, which is bill day, and thus prevent the “Greenbackers” from introducing measures of relief for the people. [Laughter and ap plause on the Republican side.] And I say to the gentlemen on the Demo cratic side of the House that unless they give the people at this session of Congress relief they will have forfeited their opportunity for vic tory in 1880 by a great and delib erate parliamentary blunder. Sir, gentlemen talk about revolu tion—the eloquent gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Garfield] did so on last Saturday in the most adroit and forcible manner. 1 say to this House that if, by the continuation of sec tional strife and the withholding of PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1892. substantial relief you force the peo ple to much longer “eat the bread of idleness,” it will not be long before they will thirst for the “wine of vio lence.” There is where the danger of revolution is to be looked for. It does not come from the defeated Confederacy, it does not come from the gentlemen on my right, princi pally ; but it comes from the uneasy masses who are out of employment to-day, and out of food and desti tute of raiment. It comes from those through whose enforced idle ness the country is now losing more per diem than it cost to put down the rebellion at its most expensive period. Sir, I want it distinctly understood that cotton is no longer king in this country, nor is gold, but that the la boring-man, the industrial classes, are sovereign, and their behests must be obeyed, and be obeyed speedily. It is unquestionably the duty of the industrial classes, by means of the ballot, to speedily take the government into their own hands, but in doing so to do justice to all. But, to return to this unpardonable sectional strife. We used to hear, sir, during the war that it was “all quiet on the Potomac.” Now we have the reverse order of things, and it is all quiet except on the Potomac. For the only controversy that I know of on this sectional matter emanates from this hall and from the Con gress of the United States, which to day I am led to declare is sadly mis representing public sentiment. We have had in this controversy every thing that was nauseating to the public taste, brought in and harrowed up by the discussion; the invasion of bleeding Kansas; John Brown and the capture of Harper’s Ferry; the entry of Boston by Federal troops to capture or kidnap Burns; the riots in New York; the destruction of the orphan asylum, and Governor Seymour’s speech to his “friends;” and some gentlemen spoke, I be lieve, in a serio-comic way of the invasions of the sacred soil of Pennsylvania by George Washing ton to suppress the whisky riot. I would suggest to my venerable friend from Pennsylvania [Mr. Wright] that when an appropriation is asked for the Washington Monu ment, he should not let that pass until he has George Washington’s conduct in that matter fully investi gated. [Laughter.] When I heard, Mr. Chairman, the bugle-call of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Garfield] to his “skir mishers,” and when I saw him gracefully bow his shoulder that that “chip” might fall off, if per chance some Democratic champion did not knock it off, and vhen I heard the gentleman from Missis sippi [Mr. Chalmers] in a re gretful manner complain that the confederacy had been shot to death, and saw him gallantly fire a parting shot at John Brown, and the soul of that patriot went marching on; and then when I looked to my right and saw the gallant commander of that grand march to the sea sitting on this floor, and on hastily looking around saw sitting in my rear the greatest living commander of the late forces of the confederacy—it was the first time he was ever in my rear [laugher]—l must confess to you I felt the martial spirit again in my breast. I could almost hear the shout of the victor and the roar of the musketry. I “Felt that stern joy that warriors feel In foemen worthy of their steel.” But I controlled my feelings, Mr. Chairman, and reflected that of late years the distinguished commander who led the Union forces to the sea and the distinguished gen tleman from Virginia [Mr. Johnston] have both taken anew the oath of allegiance to the Constitution and are both drawing handsome salaries under the same government, payable in greenbacks. Then that blessed quotation came into my mind, “How good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.” [Applause.] But seriously, Mr. Chairman, when I look at the course taken here by the leaders on both sides of the House, I consider it unpardonable as keeping alive in the breasts of the American people sectional animosi ties. It is greatly to be regretted. It proves to my mind that the old parties are powerless to give relief to this country. It is a fact, sir, that it takes ten or fifteen years to de velop the leaders of a great party and fully as long to shake them loose again; and it is never done, and history will bear me out in that statement, except by movement from without that crushes the organization over which they dominate. This is the only method through which the people can gather the fruitage of ad vanced civilization. There is great force and truth in the remark among the people that the leaders of the old parties feed almost exclusively on sectional strife and hatred. It is apparent also that the leaders are determined to fight and refight the issues of 1876 in the coming campaign of 1880. It is per fectly apparent and beyond dispute that they intend to do this. The gentleman fromTennesse [Mr. Houk] spoke of the President of the United States and his laudable effort to in augurate an era of peace and of his having met the opposition of the South in that effort. Now I want to state the exact history as to this. The indisputable truth of the matter is that the President has been op posed by almost a solid North and solid South in his laudable effort. The partisan press and the partisan leadership of this country have op- posed every effort on the part of the Executive to restore peace. There is no mistake about that. History will bear me out in what I say, and it is current history with which we are all familiar. Sir, I repeat again, the old parties, because of sectional animosities that have been engendered between them, are powerless to give peace to this distracted country. It was said of David, after he had collected the material to build the temple that should be dedicated to peace and typify the man of peace, that “David should not build the temple, for David is a man of blood.” And so it has been said from on high, as I doubt not that these old parties shall not build anew the tem ple of liberty in our beloved country, for they are parties of blood. A new organization must do it and the Lord is raising up that party now. The workmen are all at work in the quarries, and every block in the tem ple shall be peace. As an humble representative of the national Green back party, I feel great solicitude that it shall commence to build on solid foundations; and I say here to the gentlemen on the right and on the left that the national Greenback party wants neither soldiers nor bulldozers at the polls. [Applause on both sides.] Nor do we want them near where elections were being held; and I shall offer at the proper time, if recognized for the purpose under the five minute rule, the following amendment, which I now read as a part of my remarks : “At the close of section 6 of the bill insert the following : “And under like penalties it shall be unlawful for any person, unless he be a police or other civil officer acting in the discharge of his official duties, to have in his possession, either openly or concealed, fire-arms or other deadly weapons, at or near any place -where any general or spe cial election is being held in any State, when there is to be voted for at said election either candidates for Representatives in Congress or elec tors for President and Vice-Presi dent of the United States.” I cannot see how this can be ob jected to by any member upon this floor. I say, further, we want no test of oath for juries. We believe there is great force in the remark that if they who served in the Con federate army are worthy to come on this floor and make laws for the peo ple, and are worthy to occupy places in the cabinet of the executive of this country, they are worthy to sit on juries and try offenders against the law. Nor does the national Greenback party want United States marshals at elections, unless the history of the country, after we have tried the ex periment, shall prove that we cannot get along without them. I want to say here, however, that I believe as a lawyer, indeed I have not the least doubt about the constitutional right of the government to protect its citi zens at the polls while voting for United States officers. It is only a question of policy as to whether it is needed at this juncture of our his tory. As to the supervisors, I think that provision ought to be retained in the law with this modification, that the supervisors shall be chosen not from two parties, as I believe thd law now provides, but from the par ties having congressional or electoral tickets in the field, and that will give the Greenback party a chance. [Laughter/] Mr. Carlisle. My friend from lowa is mistaken when he states that the law now requires that the super visors shall be selected from the two old parties. AU the law requires is that that they shall belong to dif ferent political parties; and if my friend belongs to a healthy political Organization he can have supervisors appointed for his party. Mr. Weaver. It is decidedly healthy; • and the only one that is growing in the country. Mr. Updegraff, of Ohio. Growing small by degrees and beautifully less. Mr. Weaver. It is not growing smaller by any means. We will measure strength with your party on any field that you may choose. But, Mr. Chairman, in the method of the repeal of these laws the national Greenback party wishes to respect the constitutional inde pendence of the executive. We would be glad to see adopted a con stitutional amendment that would allow the executive, if he have not that power now, to approve a part of a biU and veto the rest of it. It is a very nice constitutional question, however, whether he has not that power already. Again, sir, we oppose the concen tration of so much power in the hands of the committee on appro priations and favor its distribution to the various committees. And now, Mr. Chairman, I want to say to both the old factions here to-day that the national Greenback party will see to it that you do not make this sectional issue the issue for 1880; neither shall you make it the issue for 1879. There is another Richmond in the field, I would have you understand. The distinguished gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Townsend] speaks of the Chicago election.. Sir, the issue of that election was decidedly a national Greenback triumph, for Hon. Carter Harrison was nominated by the Greenback party first, and then by the Democracy. Only one year ago, when the Democratic party nominated a candidate for mayor, Mr. Perry H. Smith, a popular but straight Democrat, he was buried beneath a majority of 10,000. In this instance, I am infoormed, Mr. Harrison was nominated on the Toledo platform without the dotting of an i or the crossing of a t. Mr. Townsend, of Illinois. I would ask the gentleman if Mr. Harrison was not a Democratic member of the last Congress ? Mr. Weaver. Yes; and as soon as he went home and learned the temper of the people, he joined the national party. [Laughter.] Mr. Townsend, of Illinois. Was not Mr. Harrison the regular nominee of the Democratic party in Chcago for mayor. Mr. Weaver. Yes, after the na tional party had told them whom to nominate. (Laughter and applause.) Mr. Townsend, of Illinois. I de sire to ask the gentleman another question. Mr. Carter Harrison, be ing a Greenback Democrat, as you might call him, was the representa tive of both parties. What lesson does that teach us ? It is that when ever the Democratic and Greenback parties unite, then the Republican parties will be defeated; and when you keep the nationals in a separate organization it always is likely to re suit in the success of the Republican party of Illinois. Mr. Weaver. The result proves that and more. It proves that the combination is always successful in Illinois when the Democratic party rides behind. [Great laughter and applause.] But this is mere pleas antry. I say to gentlemen on this floor that it is our recruiting offices that are daily crowded with volunteers ready and eager to be mustered into the new organization that is to lib erate this country. jWe have a mission to fulfill. We know no North, no South, no East, no West, and any gentlemen whether he lives in the North or in the South is per fectly eligible in our party for the office of Speaker of the House of Representatives. And this cannot be said of either of the old parties. We have no desire to raise this sectional strife in our new organiza tion nor will we permit it to be rais ed. Nor do we go before the peo ple with pledges of financial reform, and then come into this body and unite in a caucus to bind ourselves hand and foot and thus deny relief to the people. We do not do that. Mr. Chairman, we are here to keep our pledges to the people. We are the avant courier of the army of progress that cannot be frightened back by waving the bloody shirt iu our faces. That cannot be done, I say to you again, this old quarrel growing out of the war has become distasteful and disgusting to the American people. They want and intend to have less of it. I should think the old parties, would see that they stand sadly in need of an ad dition of their wardrobe. Their only garment is that sanguinary article of underwear of which we have heard so much. It reminds me of an Indian I once saw out in the far West, whose entire toilet con sisted of a red bandana around his neck and a plug hat; and, like these old parties, he was perfectly uncon scious of the ridiculous figure he presented. [Laughter.] It is mar velous to my mind that gentlemen on both sides of the House do not understand the wishes and temper of the people. In conclusion, I will say that, un less you pass at this session, first, a law, for the unrestricted coinage of silver; second, a law for the substi tution of greenbacks for national bank notes; third, a law stopping the further increase of the bonded debt, and providing for the speedy pay ment of the debt now outstanding; fourth, a law liberating the five hundred or more millions now lying idle in the Treasury; t fifth, to give the people an opportunity to escape from the impending loss of their homes; unless these things be done at this session, very few of the gentlemen who occupy seats upon this floor will ever see them again. Gentlemen talk about starving the government to death. The eloquent gentleman from Ohio,[Mr. Garfield,] did so the other day. Who consti tute the Government of this country? The people. And I say to the gen tleman that the financial policy which he and his followers have foisted upon this country with the aid of ghe hard money Democrats on my left, is now starving to death the laboring classes of this country, and they will not stand it much longer. [Applause on the Democratic side.] If you do not want them to “drink the wine of violence,” I say again no not feed them on the “bread of idleness.” Mr. Chairman, I am credibly in formed that there are three thous and families in this city alone sus tained by soup houses and by chan ty. So in every city and manu facturing district in this country the people areabsolutely perishing, starv ing, for lack of labor and of bread; and that,too,when as was said on one occasion by Henry Clay to Martin Van Buren, “this Congress could give relief in twenty-four hours.” But members prefer to fight here like madmen over the ashes where the camp fires of civil war once blazed, and allow their constituents to starve and go naked. Our people out West do not like the combat to which you summon them, nor the feast you set before them, nor yet the contest that exists between the inflation mortgage upon their farms and the resumption hogs they are forced to sell. There is too great a contest between them. There is a screw’ loose in Federal legislation, and the people have found where it is. They have learn- ed that these parties are recreant to their trust and are not legislating for their interests. About nineteen years ago the Democratic party at the bidding of the people of this country ceased to control the administration of affairs, and the Republican party came into power. Now, by what seems to many a tardy and to others a too rapid revolution of the wheel of for tune, the party displaced in 1860 by the public verdict has again obtain ed the control of both branches of National Legislature. It will be recorded as the fatal error of that party that its restoration to power was not signalized [by speedy legis lation for the relief of the people. Is not allow, I pray you, an unneces sary sectional controversy to take precedence of the real controversy between the people and the money power. The Republican party has passed under popular disfavor, and is re tiring rightfully and rapidly from supremacy in the country. The good deeds and the badjdeeds of both parties are alike recorded. lam aware that precedents can be found in their history to justify almost any thing that is wicked and impolitic. Let us not be controlled by their precedents, but let us act for the living present and do what we know is right and for the interest of the people.^'Let us act as represen tatives of the -whole people, and not as politicians nor for the rings and cliques of the country. Notice To Subscribers and Club Raisers. In all instances the cash must ac company the names sent in. No paper can be run on credit. In another column it will be seen that the 10 cent offer has been withdrawn, and no subscriptions for less than 25 cents will be received. Long term subscriptions are better all around. people’SpartFpapersTh'georgia Farmers’ Light, Harlem, Columbia county. Farmers’ Friend, Waynesboro, Burke county. News and Allianceman, Jackson, Butts county. Banks County Gazette, Homer, Banks county. Hinesville Gazette, Hinesville, Liberty county. The Allianceman, Atlanta, Fulton county. Southern Alliance Farmer, Atlanta, Fulton county. The Enterprise, Carnesville, Frank lin county. . The News, Ball Ground, Cherokee county. People’s Party Paper, Atlanta. Farmers’ Herald, Wrightsville, Johnson county. Alliance Plow Boy, Buford, Gwin nett county. People’s Advocate, Greensboro, Green county. Signal, Dahlonega, Lumpkin coun ty. Bullock Banner, Statesboro, Bul lock county. News, Jonesboro, Clayton county. The Wool Hat, Grace wood, Rich mond county. 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Catalqgue by mentioning this paper. HON. TOM WATSOFS BOOL CONTAINS 890 PAGES. ITS TITLE .* “NOT A REVOLT: IT IS A REVOLUTIOS." to: Contains a Digest of Political Platform since the days of Jefferson. Contains a History of all Political Partte*. Os the National Bank Act. Os the Income Tax Law, Os the Legal Tender Notes. Os the Demonetization of Silver. Os the Contraction of the Currency. Os the Way Tariffs are Made. Os the Squandering of Public Landa, Os the Pinkerton MiLtia, Os Tammany Hall. Os the Alliance Platforms. Besides Arguments, Facts, ’figures on &H the Leading Topics of the People’s Pariy movement, —•ALSO J Speeches of Also a Synopsis of ths Work of this Session, The Book should ba in the hands of every Lecturer, Speaker, Editor a&4 Voter. PRICE ?i.oe. Send orders at once. Address THE NATIONAL WATCHMAN. 13 C. St., N. E. Washington, D. C. THE CORR BELT Offers the greatest opportunities to actual far mers and homeseekers of any section in the United States. 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The high character of the men interested in the papei. the ability of Mr. Dunning, and the advantage of being at the Capital * are sufficient guarantees for the kind of paper that will be issued. Among the contributors will be— Senators W. A. Peffer and J. H. Kyle; Coar gressmen T. E. Wauon, John Davis, Jerry Simpson. W. A. McKeighan, B. F Clover. J. G. Otis, O. M. Kem. R. Halvorsen. T. E- Winn* W. Baker, Dr. M. G. Eiizy, and many other well known writers. TERMS, - - - FIFTY CENTS PER YEAR. Twenty-five cents until Nov. 9, 1892, Address all communications to THE NATIONAL WATCHMAN CO., No. 13 C Street N. E. WASHINGTON, D. a 7