Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

People’s Party Paper VOLUME 1. THE JOINT DEBATE. THE MEETING AT SPARTA RE PORTED IN FULL. A Large Audience, Much Better Order, and a Field Day for the People’s Candidate. [Reported expressly for the People’s Party Paper by* J. L. Driscol.] In presenting this, the second in the series of joint discussions between Messrs. Watson and Black, I wish to reiterate in substance what I said in my introduction to the first joint de bate : That the reporter, proper, is simply an instrument to register the words of others, and never the satel lite of this or the apostle of that candi date. The man who would, at the be hest of another, be guilty of misrep resenting either of the disputants would be guilty of the crime of moral forgery and libel; the man who would allow himself to be so warped by partisan prejudice as to see majorities where minorities exist, to see an unanswerable argument where course brutality or silly soph istry is apparent to the intelligent mind, has a soul so small that it could dance a hornpipe on the point of a cambric needle and have ample room to cut pigeon wings. These reflections were suggested by the re ports which I have read from time to time in the papers of the State of this same contest. Let me not bo misunderatood. I have my own views and give vent to them freely, fearlessly, in these mtro ductories and upon all other occa sions, but when I sit down to take the words of the two distinguished disputants, then I belong neither to “the House of York, nor to the House of Lancaster.” If any reader should desire to know the merits of the arguments let him read the re port and judge for himself. Aly per sonal regard for Major Black is as high as my admiration for Air. Wat* son; but neither personal regard, admiration, nor my own views on economic questions has a feather’s weight in these reports. 1 give the speakers’ words. 1 arrived in Sparta at 4 o’clock on the morning of the debate, and snatched a couple of hours’ sleep at that “celebrated hotel,” made famous by being made the medium of con spiracy and scurrillity without a parallel to besmirch the good name of Thomas E. Watson. The reader remembers the diffi culty I experienced in reaching the stand at Crawfordsville; on this oc casion I was among the first upon the ground. SCENE OF THE CONTEST. The stand upon which I seated myself was substantially built, about fourteen by thirty feet in area, and covered overhead; this was very ac ceptable, because it insured the speakers, reporters and the imme diate friends of the contestants against the rays of the burning sun or broken bones. Looking to my‘rear I beheld about fifty feet off a cotton factory, the fence inclosing the same about twelve feet from the stand; a rope fastened to two trees at either side of the platform in the rear almost against the fence ex tended around about four feet in front of the stage, and outside of this rope another rope fenced off a space about forty by sixty feet where seats were provided for the ladies. Facing to the front from the platform, and casting your eyes to the right and left, you behold an unbrageous grove of stately trees; and to the front a grass-covered avenue with rows of cottages on either side, for the operatives I pre sume, while a row of stately wild locusts line either side, suggesting an arch in tho future when years give greater reach to their project ing boughs. Looking up this avenue about an eighth of a mile is seen where the main street crosses and this thoroughfare ends. As I already stated, I was among the first on the ground and had ample opportunity to take mental notes. At 9:80 o’clock there were some twenty-five ladies seated in the roped area, probably as many men “JECcqvieil to All Special Privileges to None*.” scattered around the grounds, ana your correspondent on the stand “a takin’ notes.” The people began to arrive, and by 10 o’clock probably one thousand were on the ground, three-fourths of whom were Black’s followers. Air. W. C. D. Lundy made is way to the stand and handed your correspondent a beautiful box of cut flowers for Air. Watson, with the following note attached: Hon. Thomas E. Watson—Please ac cept this very small token in honor of the noble cause you are so gallantly de fending ; and may God lead and guide you safely. “I know that the Lord will maintain the cause of the afflicted and the right of the poor.” “Then hear Thou in Heaven their prayer anc their supplication, and main tain their cause.” Ladies of Greene. Sept. 6, 1892. At 10 : 02 a brass band came down the avenue to the tap of the drum, with followers enough to swell the crowd to probably twelve hundred, Air. Black’s majority of three to one still being maintained. At 10:13 a long, loud shout rent the air to my right and front, in the dn-ection of the depot, which sug gested the thought from Scott— “ Dinna ye hear the slogan? ’Tis Douglas (Watson) and his men!” At 10 : 20, looking down the ave nue to the main cross street, I beheld the street begin to fill from curb to curb, and the shouts that rent the air as the head of the column ap proached suggested another thought from Ireland’s noble poet: “ Leave pomps to those that need ’em; Adorn but man with freedom; And proud he braves The gaudiest slaves, Who crawl where monarchs lead ’em.” Ere the preceding thoughts found a lodgment in my mind, Air. Watson appeared upon the stand, shook hands with Afajor Black and your reporter, bowed right and left to the audience and took his seat amid a storm of applause. ESTIMATE OF THE CROWD. There were probably from twelve to fifteen hundred on the grounds before the arrival of Air. Watson and his supporters, who awaited him at the depot and on the streets. Os these, twelve to fifteen hundred, probably three - fourths, were Air. Black's adherents. From twenty ve to twenty-eight hundred fol lowed Air. Watson to the rendesvous, and immediately in the rear came the Black contingent (no pun intended, I mean Air. Black’s contingent) from Augusta and other points. Some of the mouth-pieces of mo nopoly claimed a large majority for Air. Black; some more modest acknowledged that Air. Watson had a numerical majority; and others, with becoming decency, made no estimate whatever. I make the esti mate at 4,500 present, all told, of which 3,000 were for Air. Watson and 1,500 for Alajor Black, or two to one in Air. Watson’s favor. A BRIEF RETROSPECT I found the followers of Air. Black mad to the point of brutality; the ’ support of Air. Watson enthusiastic to the verge of lunacy; the keeper of a public bostlery, forgetting the re lation 4 between landlord and guest, bearing himself in a manner that would disgrace a Hotentot; neither gray heirs nor gentlemanly de meanor, in three other instances, a protection from insult. It is to be hoped that the landlord, when the heat of political excitement wears oif, will remember that the relation of guest is a sacred one; that the man who stands at least as high in the social scale as he, behaves himself like a gentleman, and pays his way, -is entitled to courteous treatment. It is to be hoped, also, that the men who grossly insulted your correspondent, and the corres pondent whom I venture to say even Alajor Black will acknowledge sent fuller and fairer reports of these de bates than any on the ground, will be ashamed of their conduct. I do not mean to apply these re marks to the people of Sparta, in general; I know in the words of an other, that you cannot indict an en tire coinunity, but I do say that the bearing of a portion of the people of Sparta would disgrace a community of barbarians. JUST BEFORE THE BATTLE. As Air. Watson and his men were comming down the avenue, Mr. S. W. D. Roberts approached your cor respondent and inquired how many personal friends Air. Watson desired on the stand; it was arranged, he said, that each should have an equal number. I could not give him the desired information, but hazarded the opinion that Alessrs. Branch, AlcGregor and Ellington would be ‘ TLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER. 16, 1892. on hand. This prediction was veri fied. The committees in charge of the arrangements, it must be said to their credit, used their best endea vors, and with tolerable success, to preserve order and insure both gen tlemen fair play.' THE BATTLE. “He practiced every pass and ward To cut, to feint, to thrust, to guard: While less expert, though stronger far, The Gael maintained unequal war.” The foregoing description of a physical combat accurately portrays the wordy war on this occasion, by substituting repartee and rhetoric for sword and shield, placing Air. Wat son in Fitz janes’ shoes —ivlr. Black in those of Roderick Dhu. The physiques of the contestants, too, would suggest the comparison, Air. Watson being lithe, keen, and in cisive; Air. Black, heavy, overconfi dent, and boastful. Air. Watson finding the weak spots in his anta gonist’s armour and pinking them unmercifully; Air. Black, dealing sledge-hammer blows thatjwere neat ly parried or fell short of the mark. PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE. Air. Baxter, Chairman of the Young Aden’s Democratic Club, ad vanced and said; “Fellow citizens: The speaking is about to commence, and I want to say a few words. I ask you to give me your attention, and I wish to say that I know I voice the wishes and sentiments of both speakers in all that I shall say to you. By an agreement entered into be tween Mr. Fleming, in behalf of Air. Black and Mr. Gross, in behalf of Air. Watson, it was made the duty of the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Democratic party and the Chairman of the People’s party of Hancock county, to select some person to preside on this oc casion. lam the one they have se lected. Aly duties are, first, to in troduce the speaker without com ment, and, second, to keep the time, and the time lost by interruptions, not to be counted against the speak ers; and third, to preserve order. “Now, fellow citizens, this last duty, you know I cannot perform without your cordial support, and I ask you to give it. Let us have a quiet debate. We are not here for noise. We are here to listen to a good intelligent discussion of the day. A voice. That is right. Mr. Baxter. Major Black is to open the discussioni in a speech of one hour, to be followed by Mr. Watson in a speech of one hour and thirty minutes, Alajor Black then to conclude in fifteen minutes. Now, fellow citizens, listen to them attentively; avoid all unseemly noise that will disturb the speakers, and give to each that respectful consider ation they have a right to expect at your hands. I now introduce Hon. J. C. C. Black, of Richmond County* MAJOR BLACK’S OPENING. “Ladies and fellow citizens: No one who has never had the experi ence knows what a trial it is to under take to address a large assembly like this. It will be utterly impossible for me to proceed with what I have to say, with satisfaction to myself, or profit to you, unless the most perfect quiet is preserved. I wish to join most heartily, in the suggestion that has been made by the chairman who has been chosen by the respec tive friends of the parties, that you will give your respectful attention. I wish particularly to ask my friends, to give Air. Watson respect ful attention. A voice. That is right. (Cheers, and clapping of hands.) Major Black. I wish not only to ask, but to urge, that he be not inter rupted in bis speech. If you have any applause for mo, make it while I am speaking; do not reserve it until he speaks; if you have any questions to ask, ask them of me. (Applause.) Whether wise or unwise, I have been selected as the standard bearer of the Democratic party; I must do the talking on this occasion, and if all these friends were turned loose, there would be a perfect bedlam. Voices. That is so; be orderly. Air. Black. I know it is impos sible to suppress all enthusiasm, but Ido say this, that you good people of Hancock County do owe it to Mr. Watson, owe it to me, owe it to your selves, that he should have a fair, attentive hearing. Voices. Yes! Yes! That is right; and, hurrah for Black! hurrah for the Kentucky gentleman,—hurrah for our Tom, etc. (Great cheering.) Air. Black. No man ought to be condemned unheard he comes before you as a public officer; he comes before you soliciting your suffrages; discard prejudices, therefore, and give him the same respectful attention that you give to me. I trust that no friend of mine, during his hour and a half’s speech,|will give|him one moment’s interruption. (Great ap plause.) Before proceeding with the dis cussion, I shall answer a question which he propounded to me at Craw fordsville, and which in the confusion and excitement of the hour I over looked. I hold in my hand a com munication. which he presented me there, asking me if I would agree with him that the People’s Party should have a representative on the board of managers at the approach ing State Election, in every polling place in this district, and if I would co-operate with him in carrying it into effect. I have this to say in re sponse to that request: that he does not more desire the right of every legal qualified voter, to deposit his ballot in the ballot-box and have it fairly counted, than I. (Great cheering.) And I say here now, in this presence,—in this public pre sence—and not only to my demo cratic party friends in the county of Hancock, but to my democratic party friends in the Tenth Congress ional District, that I think it right, and just, and fair, and proper, that bis party should be represented on the board of managers in the coming elections. A voice. Hurrah for Black. [Great cheering.] Air. Black. So far as the State election is concerned, that is includ ed in this answer; it does not occur to me that we are in a position to take any active concern; but I say this, that in every state election—in every election of any sort—l believe in the right of every American citizen to deposit his ballot, and believe it is the sworn duty of every manager of election to fairly count that ballot. Alany voices. That is right. (Great cheering.) A voice to the right of the stand; Do you see the dodge, boys? Air Black. (Ignoring the last voice, if he heard it.) Now, having said that much, I ask your patient atten tion while I proceed to discuss some of the public issues that are so in tensely engaging the attention of our people. You will at once realize that in the space of an hour, it is im possible for me to cover these issues, or to cover every phase of half of the issues; yet, I come to address myself to your calm, intelligent reason, and I will, in the short time allotted to me, give you what I conceive to u* an intelligent reason why this people should not abandon a party that has lived since this governnent was founded, and will live as long as the government itself exists. (Great applause.) Aly friends, in my Crawfordsville speech—l thought I had the paper, but I cannot at this moment lay my hand upon it— A voice. Watson can lay his hand on it. (Cheering, evidently, for both speakers.) Air. Black. Aly' friends, in his Crawfordsville speech, he gave certain reasons why he cannot support Air. Cleveland. These are his reasons: Because he represents the policy of contraction; because he represents the policy of bounties to favored industries ; because he represents friendship to na tional banks; because he represents favoritism to monopoly ; because he rep resents opposition to the income tax, and because he represents opposition to free silver. That Islhe reason why we can not stand by Mr. Cleveland. There you have the reason, in his own words, why he cannot stand by him; yet, in 1888, my friends, with a distinction that has rarely been enjoyed by one so young, he went before the people of Georgia as a Democratic elector on the Demo cratic ticket, and not only invited but urged the people of Georgia to support this same Grover Cleveland; yet he says he cannot support Air. Cleveland now for the reasons enumerated. Where is a national bank that was not in existence in 1888 ? Was not the country, to a greater or less extent, cursed with monopolies in 1888 ? Did not every one of the reasons exist in 1888 that exist to-day why we should cut loose from our political moorings, why we should throw aside the political senti ments of our fathers ? Why should we be reckless enough to vote with him in following this will ’o the wisp which promises everything and as sures nothing? In 1888, as an elec tor at large, he went before the peo ple of Georgia with this Democratic banner in his hand and told them that Air. Cleveland was a grand man, an eloquent man who had vetoed pensions, and at the conclusion of his address in the city of Savannah he declared that his work was a la bor of love. (Great applause.) Now, friends, please keep quiet; you will help me if you do, and I know that you desire that. I shall not consume any great length of time in going over the facts in detail that have made up the political history of the State of Georgia and the country since then. The very man that offered the reso lution to make his (Air. Watson’s) nomination was a city man, not only a city man but a city lawyer, my distinguished friend, the Hon. Jo seph B. Cumming of the city of Richmond. He told the people publicly and privately that he was a Democrat. He stated that it was not necessary for him to leave the Democratia party in order to hold fast to the principles of the Ocala platform. Voices. That’s so; and, “hurrah for Alajor Black.” Mr. Black. I admit here, as I did at Crawfordsville, that he was elected on a platform in favor of the prevailing sentiments of the Demo cratic party. I could read from his record, in his own language, that it was not at all necessary for him to leave the Democratic party in order to insist upon these demands; and there are hundreds and thousands of Alliancemen ail over the State of Georgia to-day who are loyal to the Ocala demands and loyal to the Democratic party. Now, I do not censure him for his fealty to the Ocala demands; but what Ido charge upon him, and challenge, is his right to go into Congress with the Democratic banner in his hands and come back with that banner trampled under his feet and the sword of an enemy in his hand. (Long continued cheering.) Now, friends, just be quiet; if you cannot be quiet, be as quiet as you can. (Laughter.) Aly friends, if I understood his po sition, he says in 1888 it was “Hob son’s choice;” he said that he had to take Cleveland because he could not do any better, and now he can do better. No, how can he do better than to take Grover Cleveland ? Grover Cleveland, who stands to day as the finest type of American citizenship. (Great cheering, and cries of “Hurrah for Watson?’) Yes, the highest type of American citizen ship; and so acknowledged by his enemies in the Republican party. Why cannot he support Grover Cleveland, the man who furnished a record as President of the United Statea that for sterling honesty, clearheadedness and fidelity to the people of the Republic. Yes, an administration that was not sur passed by the administration of Washington. (Great cheering.) Yet, he says that he cannot give Cleve land support, and where does he look to find a man to take the place of Grover Cleveland ? Why, he has selected General John B. Weaver. A voice. James 8., Major. Air. Black. I beg pardon; James B. Weaver. He says we are not in a position to criticise him for supporting Wea ver because we supported Horace Greeley in 1872. (Cheering from both sides.) A voice. He ought never to have been born. (Whether he meant Greeley or Weaver, your reporter knoweth not.) Let us see. You know that in 1872 we had scarcely gotten out of the shadow of the war; but Horace Greeley, although he had been noted as a hater of the South; although he had dipped his pen in gall in scoring the people of the South; yet, the day he dipped his pen in ink and went on the security bond of Jefferson Davis, he wiped all that out. (Great cheering.) Voices. Hurrah for Alajor Black! Hurrah for General Weaver! Hur rah for Watson! Hurrah for Horace Greeley ! (Followed by considerable confusion, but nothing to equal Craw fordsville.) Air. Black. He not only did that, but he went before the country on a platform that demanded amnesty for all acts growing out of the war; that demanded the restoration to their rights under the constitution, enemy to the South, as he had been. He acted the part of a manly man—of a true man—for no brave man will strike a man when he is down. Now, my friends, as we see Horace Greeley going before the country, putting himself before the country with a spirit of true magnanimity, offering amnesty, what was General Weaver doing? We have it in his own language, from his own pen, written in cold blood, that they ought to be a thousand miles in hell! A voice. A million. Air. Black. Yes, a million ; thank you. Then, again—l want you Third party people to listen now—l never have abused your leader; I never have abused you; but he said in his Crawfordsville speech that I did not disclaim certain things. Now, I never have abused either him or you; but let me tell you that with this record in my hand, sustaining what I am about to say, I say here that he has abused that trust re posed in him, and held out hopes to you that are a snare and a delusion. He tells you that it is a new party. I say that it is not a new party; it is an old party. And I say, further more, that Mr. Weaver and his col leagues from the West have suc ceeded at last in doing what the Republican party could not succeed in doing, that is, in coming here and taking our Southern farmers by the nose and leading them, if they fol low, to their own destruction. A voice. You must think we are fools, (followed by derisive laughter from Air. Watson’s friends and cheer ing by Alajor Black’s.) Air. Black. I did not say that you were fools! I have never said that I NUMBER 51 I have never intimated that! I have treated you with perfect respect! was addressing myself to your intel ligence and reason, and A voice. Go ahead, Mr. Black; never mind him. Air. Black. Now, here is that record. If I understand the distin guished gentleman, the claim is now made that in 1888 there was no choice between Air. Cleveland and Air. Harrison, and that it was Hob son’s choice. A voice.. Well, ain’t that the way it was ? Air. Black. There was another choice; there was another candi date; there was another political party; and you take the platform of that party and the platform of this and put them side by side, and you will find thorn in substance and essence, identical. The platform of that party is the platform of the party he is trying to lead yon into to-day. (Great cheering and counter cheer ing.) Going back of 1888, you had a Greenback party with a financial plank in that party almost the same as this plank in your party: My dis tinguished competitor has pro nounced a glowing encomium on that plank in yours. Again, in 1876, you had a party, and that par ty, in its platform, said that labor was deprived of its just reward by the ruinous policy of the govern ment. In 1880, you had the same party platform, and that platform not only adopted these other finan cial schemes, but, so far as I am able to gather, there appears what seems to be a favorite idea with that party, and that is, that every citizen of sound mind and not a felon should have the right of the ballot. In other words, it was a plank in fa vor of women’s suffrage. Now, that platform you not only Lad with ail these demands now put forth, but also you had General Chambers, of Texas, for vice-president. You s have been told that your party was the first that had the courage to nomi nate a Northern general for presi dent and a Southern general for vice-president. Not so does the record speak. As far back as 1880 you had the same platform and the I same doctrine, essentially, and so your party is not a new party. And so the choice was not “Hobson’s choice.” You had the same candi date and the same platform. Why did you not follow it then, if it is worthy of your support now ? Alany voices. Hurrah for Wat son! Hurrah for Black! Hurrah for our Tommy and hurra® for our- Kentucky gentleman. Air. Black. You had the same platform, substantially, in 1884. It dodged the question of the tariff it favored an amendment to the Con stitution in favor of suffrage regard less of sex. In that convention, the resolution in favor of gold and silver was discarded too. Who was nomi nated for presidend. A voice. Weaver. Air. Black. Who was nominated for vice-president? A voice. Butler. (The speaker evidently overlooked the mistake made by the gentlemen who responded to the questions. Butler was the presidential candi date in 1884. Weaver did not run that year. Reporter.) Air. Black. What was the plat form of the Labor Union party in 1888? It denounced both the old parties, it declares opposition to land monopoly by alien enemies; it de mands forfeiture of unearned grants; a graduated income tax; that money should be issued directly to the people; the establishment of postal savings banks; declared that the right to vote is inherent in citizen ship irrespective of sex; the abolition of usury, monopoly and trusts; and denounced the Democratic and Re publican parties alike for creating and perpetuating these immense evils. Here you had a party aa late as 1888 that denounced th© Democratic party equally with the Republican party. Now, in the face of these facts, my distinguished friend, and his followers, followed the old venerable time honored party with Mr. Cleveland at its head until you sent him to Confess. Un til he carried your flag to victoqr two years ago; and lak you, is it asking him too much to require of him an account of his stewardship? To ask what has he done with that flag? _ Voices. Yes, what have you done with it? Other voices. We sent him with that flag to fight for us. Air. Black. You cannot say that you have just found out these things. They are a part of the records of the country. Can any intelligent man with these facts before him as sume that the people have just found out the Democratic party is as criml nal as the Republican? Why, these same leaders have been telling you the same thing for the past fifteen years, and telling you mere distinct ly in 1888 than in 1892, and yet here my friend was followed that in* corruptable leader, that great states man, Grover Cleveland.