Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

who insulted Mr. Watson on the car at Thomson and got a bay windov placed under his lett eye for his temerity.— Reporter.] .Mr. Watson. Listen to this, la dies. “I have been called a dreamer and expelled to Arcadia.” Who called him a dreamer ? Why, Mr. Patrick Walsh, of Richmond county. “But I would like before I go to get—” What? “A little Ar cadian atmosphere into Georgia poli tics. Do rfbt lower your standard of morals.” In other words, Mr. Black said at that time that Georgia politics needed purifying, but now he says that it is all serene and lovely, and all you have to do is just to beat Watson and put him in Coegress. (Derisive lauguter.) What else did he say ? “There is no denying but among the people there is a feeling of distrust, and there is,” what ? “just cause for it.” Nov/ he says that it is largely exaggerated. (Re newed laughter of the derisive sort.) “There is just cause for it,” why? “Because there must be a charmed circle into which if a man does noi enter he need never aspire to any honor.” What is the charmed .cir cle? The political ring. Voices. That’s so Tom, we know it, God bless you. And great cheer ing. Mr. Watson. Until he did get into that ring the Augusta and At lanta politicians had not the slightest use for Mr. Black. Cries of. That is right, Tom, old boy. Hurrah for our Tom. Mr. Watson. What else does he say? “There is one head, and when it takes snuff there is a universal sneeze.” (Laughter.) “When it pipes all dance.” (Renewed laugh ter.) Listen. “I call upon you to and smite this power.” What power? The corrupt ring. Ring rule in Georgia politics. Aint that what I am asking you to do now? Voices. That is right, and that is what we are going to do. (Loud cheering, and feeble attempts to turn the tide by hurrahs ior Black, but enthusiasm and numbers were both against it.) Mr. Watson. Now listen, hear what he says further. [To the la dies.] 1 want you to hear this. “For twenty days Goliath defied the armies of Israel.” (Great laughter from the ladies, and howls from a coterie of claquers in the front and left of the stage.) Oh, yes, you Richmond county fellows have got enough steam to last you a little while yet, but the sickest looking crowd I ever saw are you Hancock county democrats. [Uproarous laughter.] Now listen, ladies; I want you to hear the conc'us on. “For twenty days Goliath defied the Israel, but there came an Arcadian youth and sle w him. [Great laugh ter.] Slew (Goliath! Feinting his thumb behind.) That is the Arca dian youth! [Uncontrolable laugh ter. Listen. No power can frighten me, no honor can bribe me. “I hope for the fate of Goliath to all who ob tain and hold office by corrupt prac tices.” That was what he said when he was figh.ing the ring ; that the peo ple of Georgia were beset as the Philistines beset the people of Israel, by a Goliah, but that they had a David—and he was David. (Laugh ter.) And the Democratic newspa pers all made fun of the David of that day. (Laughter.) But where is David now ? Does he know •‘where he’s at ?” A voice. We know where he’s at. (Laughter.) Mr. Watson. Yes, my friends, there is one instance of where a Dem ocrat knows where he is at. (Laugh ter.) He has passed over the river of Sulong and joined forces with Goliath. A voice. That’s right. Another voice. That is wrong; and cheering from both sides. Mr. Watson. Goliath takes snuff and, io! David sneezes. (Laughter) Goliath pipes and, lo ! David dances, (Side-splitting laughter.) Being somewhat fat he is not a very grace ful dancer, but he does it the very best ho can, Cries of Good ! good! good! and uproarious laughter. Mr. Watson. Now, do you not think that Major Black is the last man in the world to abuse you and me for not sneezing and dancing when the Goliath newspapers take snuff and pipe ? (Renewed laughter.) 1 do not say it byway of putting us in opposition that Major Black is the very worst man in the Tenth district to represent you, but really, do you not think that he would be one of the most improperest selections ? (Laughter suppressed and laughter insuppressed, laughter mischievous Ind laughter known as the dry laugh.) (To Major Black.) Now, don’t you really wish that you were In Kentucky ? I’ll bet you a big apple that you would like to be in Kentucky right now to get a little Arcadian repose ! (To the people.) • Do you not think that Mr. Black ought to be silent about the farmers cf Georgia rousing themselves to fight the rings which he so vehemently denounced? Don’t you think that we ought to have a little of his noble character, a little of bis powerful physique, a little of the majestic sweep of his arm, and the flow from his eloquent tongue in this great fight against Goliath. (Ap plause.) That is always where he used to be. Now are you rot really sorry that he goes forth to-day as the chosen champion of the Augusta ’ and the Atlanta rings; as the chosen of the Goliath he denounced with PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1892. such a facile pen and eloquent tongue in endeavoring to put down God’s Israel in its fight to throw off" the chains and be a free people? (Long continued applause.) When we were over at Crawfords ville I asked him three questions. He shall never get away from these questions during this campaign. (Applause.) Let me go on. I asked him: “Do you believe that the people are suffering from vicious legislation?” He says, “Yes, but standing here before these thousands of people, I dare to say that this suffering is exaggerated.” And in his letter to Mr. J. B. Austin, No vember, 1890, he further amplifies that by saying that one of the troubles of this country is that the politicians have been too anxious to obey the demands of the farmers of this country. My God!! exagger ated !!! when there are $30,000,- 000,000 of indebtedness on the farms of this land; when there is an in debtedness of $127 per capita in some of our Western States; when there are millions of homes shadowed by mortgages; when the army of tramps becomes greater and greater year by year; when those who lose their homes become larger year by year; when the tenant class that lose their homes and have to rent in crease year by year, he talks about exaggeration!! Why, as a matter of fact, just after the war we had over $2,000,000,000 indebtedness; we have paid upon that about one billion and a quarter dollars, accord ing to some, but I think that it is up wards of two thousand millions; yet it will take more of your cotton, more of your corn, more of your wheat, more of your muscular exer tion to pay off that debt than it would have taken at the beginning if the volume of currency had not been contracted. (Wild shonts of approval.) And yet he says that he dares to tell this people that the situ a Jon has been exaggerated. Fellow citizens, it cannot be exaggerated. Voices. We see it; we have been seeing it all along. Mr. Watson. You can read the situation in every worn out and de cayed farm; you can read it in the humble homesteads of Georgia; you can tell it in the thousands of unem ployed laborers in every State of this Union; you can see it in the in creased pauperism; it is photographed in the increase of drunkenness and crime in this land; and yet when I ask Major Black the question, “Do you believe that there is suffering re sulting from vicious legislation ? ” he says he does, but he dares to stand before you, the honest farmers of Georgia, and say that he believes it is exaggerated. (Loud cheering.) Yes, he utters that with a true class pride—with the true indifference of a man who has no interest in com mon with you—that he dares to maintain that it is exagerated. A voice. Tell us about Mrs. Lease. Hurrah for the Kentucky gentleman. Mr* Watson. Buddie, you keep quiet and let your man do his own talking. If he is not able to do it, why, trot out some other one, and do not make a fool of yourself. Why, even your candidate is ashamed of you. (Laughter.) Yes, I say, with the true indifference of a gentleman who does not know your wants; with the true indifference of a gen tleman who does not feel your wants; with the true indifference of a gen tleman who does not care for your wants; with the true indifference of a gentleman who has not the impedi ment of your necessities; with the charming sang froid of a man who is not in your shoes, and does not know how or where they pinch, he says that your distress is exaggerated. (Prolonged applause.) FIRST ANECDOTE OF THE DISCUSSION. It is just like the little boy who went home after getting a whipping, and, through pride, did not tell about it. A few days afterwards, his father having heard of it, said, “Johnnie, I am sorry to hear that you got whipped the other day; I did not know it, or I would have sympa thized with you. “Well,” said John nie (boo-hoo), “if you had been in my pants you would have known it.” Cries of Bah! Bah! Bah! and hissing from the sheriff’s gang. Mr. Watson (smiling). I am sor ry for you, boys. Stand it the best you can. I am going to roast you directly. Think of the position of your candidate—of David. (Laughter, almost enough to shake a half dozen picaninnies out of the trees, w r ho had taken refuge in the branches.) Voices (from the dude black guards). Weaver, Weaver, Weaver; tell us something about Weaver and Mrs. Lease. Mr. Watson. Yes, little boys; I know that you want to get me off my line of argument, but you had better take your medicine like little men. 1 know it is unpalatable, but if Mr. Black must stand it, you should. (Great laughter.) I asked him if he believed that there was unusual suffering, and be answered like a true Democrat that it is not the financial question . (At this point there was an un usual effort made to ’drown the speaker’s voice, with partial success. Your reporter failed to hear the con clusion of the sentence, and malig nant hatred glea ued from the eyes of the Sparta contingent. Rake the infernal regions with a fine-tooth comb and you could not find more malignant imps.) Mr. Watson (addressing a group of his adherents). Cast your eyes on these Hancock county Democrats if you want to see unutterable de spair. A voice (from a well - dressed blackguard). Look at your men and tell us what you think of them. Mr. Watson. They have no pic tures on the lapels of their coats; but on the heart of every man there is a picture of honesty, of integrity, of patriotism that you fellows do not possess. He said in answer to my second question, “Do you believe that there is unusual distress,” etc., that it was chiefly attributable to tariff legisla tion, but, according to him, there was not much of any kind. Now, I have never underestimated the evils resulting from tariff legislation, but, fellow-citizens, if you will make the calculation you will say at once that the evils of the tariff, as stated by his party or himself, are as a drop in the bucket compared with the im mensely greater evil of the con traction of the currency and the monopolies and other evils resulting therefrom. Why do I say that ? This nation now has an expense of between four hundred and five hun dred million dollars per annum. That much has to be raised by taxa tion, and the Democrats must always mean to raise it by that method un til they devise some other means. Do they tell you how they propose to raise the money saved by the so called pop-gun tariff schemes by which they would reduce the reve nue at least about $158,000,000? The government must have at least that much money in order to replace what they will lose. I asked Mr. Black the other day at Crawfordsville how he proposed to raise that $158,000,- 000. It was a fair question, a busi nesslike and practical question, but he never has answered that question to this day. A voice. No, and he never will; he cannot. Mr. Watson. I know it is claim ed, and I have claimed it on the best figures I could get, basing my argu ment upon figures that that was not the entire evil of the tariff—that the tariff tax was not the entire evil con nected with it; for, in addition to the tax that it took out of your pockets to put into the treasury of the Fed eral Government, which increased the prices of every article over double, but that the people had to pay four times as much to the manu facturer as the article was worth. So true is this that I would like to cut the entire system out root and branch and bury it from the face of the earth. I do not take back one word that I said when I was Presidential Elec tor. I reiterate every word I utter ed against the tariff, and lam in favor of removing it, at least to a very material extent; but I realize that it cannot be done until we sub stitute some other way in which the money must be raised for the needs of the Government. Does not evgry business man see the pertinency of that proposition? Now, they tell you that our plat form does not touch the tariff. They do not read our platform—they do not read their own. (Laughter.) Let us get at the truth [of'this. What does our platform say? Listen! It says that “the protective system of the United States is a failure.” Where does the Democratic plat form say that? Not only that, it says that the income of the Govern ment must be restricted to the economical needs of the Government. The Democratic platform does say that, but where do we differ? The Democratic par?y says that all of the four or five hundred millions, neces sary for the needs of the Govern ment, shall be raised by this iniqui tous tariff, which carries four dollars into the pockets of the private in dividual to every one which the Government receives;, while we say to levy an income tai on the enorm ous fortunes made by the profit aris ing from the tariff—fortunes which, not only do not pay a cent toward the expenses of the Government but make fortunes at the same time. That is (Great cheer ing-) ( , THEY HAVE NOT A CHANCE! Why do they net say they are in favor of an income tax? Because the millionaires who have control of the party machinery, will not let them. They have not a chance be cause they will not let them. (Laugh ter.)- Not only that, they will not give you genuine tariff reform; they will simply trim its hair. Instead of a 55 per cent, tariff they are going to give you a 47 per cent, tariff. They are going to cut off the first joint of Goliath’s finger, and leave all the rest to press upon the people. A voice. Let us go, I have had enough of that. Mr. Watson. Do not go, boys, there will be some fun directly. You will see lots of those badges put in the boys’ pockets befere night. (Laughter.) Now, the third question I asked Major Black was, “What do you propose?” or rather, -what remedies do you propose? Here is one evil embraced in' the question. The sugar trust takes $72,000,000 a year as it is estimated, belonging to the people—takes it from every family in the land, white and black alike, whether residing in town or country. Whether they are rich or poor. A voice. How come sugar to be so cheap? Mr. M atson: How comes it that the people have not got the money to buy it with? Now you just keep your lace in line and I will change the color of it in two seconds. If sugar is cheaper now than formerly, would it not be two cents cheaper if that bounty was not paid to the sugar planters? Oh, the softest snap in this world, is handling the moss back Democrat. (Laughter.) My friend says, “how come sugar so cheap” They take nearly $11,000,- 000 in round numbers out of your cotton tax, out of your corn tax," out of your wheat tax, out cf the tax on the toil of the day laborer, to pay that $11,000,000 and then my friend asks how comes it so cheap? (Laugh ter.) They pay it to the sugar plutocrats in Louisiana, in Florida, and in Tex as, who raise that sugar. Do you, as a candid man, justify that robbery of the cotton raisers, of the wheat raisers, of the corn raisers, of the toiling day laborer? Voices from Mr. Black’s adher ants. No, we do not. The Repub lincans put on that tax. . Mr. Watson. Where does your democratic platform say a word against it? It does not say one word. Ours is the only one that says one word against subsides and bounties. The platform of the par ty that is marching on to victory as no political party ever did. (Great applause.) Now look out Democrats, for I am coming again at you. What is his answer to the third question? I asked him how he was going to remedy these evils. He did not say he was going to remedy the sugar trust scheme; he said nothing about the Reading coal trust or the Standard oil trust. Are not these robbing the people? He said noth ing against National Banks; he says nothing against that sub-treasury, as to the whisky product; he say a not one word against that sub-treasury as to the silver product. But he says that we will reduce expendi tures and have State banks, and then all will be serene right away. (Cheers.) A voice. Oh, Lord! Oh, Lord! Hurrah for Watson! Mr. Watson. Now let the Demo crats get ready for something nice. As to the reduction of expenditures, I have only this to say: that Mr. Cleveland, during his administration, found it utterly impossible to reduce expenditures, owing to the growth of the country and the increased de mands of the public service, and so we are actually compelled to pay more and more year by year; and Senator Gorman, of Maryland, a great Democratic leader, said in the Senate cf the United States that you will never be able to administer this government for less than $500,000,- 000 a year. Ido not know whether I agree with him or not; I rather think it can be reduced, but not much less than from $450,000,000 to $500; 000,000. But, my God! how does chat comps re with losing one out of every two bales of cotton, one out of every two bushels of corn, one out of every two bushels of wheat, one out of every two days’ labor, by these infamous money laws? I tell you, gentlemen, you ought to take these thoughts home to your hearts and re flect upon them like honest men; if you do you will come to the conclu sion that while the tariff ought to be destroyed—torn up root and branch— it is innnitessimaljcompared with hav ing the moneyed monopoly control the prices of ail products of all the people of the land. To the second he offered State banks, and pointed to the Democratic platform, saying that the farmers of Georgia put it in that platform. Fel low-citizens, he forgot that during this very session of Congress that ten per cent bill came up for action be fore a Democratic House, and it was defeated in the house of its pretend ed friends by an overwhelming ma jority, just as free silver was de feated. A voice. Go it Tommy; give him the record. (Applause and sneering m front.) Mr. Watson. You just hold your lip, and you will know what you are laughing at directly. I notice that Major Black is not doing any laugh ing. (Laughter.) He knows where he is going, if he does not knowjwhere he is at. (Renewed laughter.) I know they did right. Why ? Be cause I believe that to be one of the boldest schemes for swindling ever invented. It is commissioning a lot of State bank swindlers 'to help the National bank swindlers to swindle. A voice. Tell us about the Cor bin bank, Tommy. Mr. Watson (to the voica). What do you mean by the Corbin bank ? Face tne music and tell what you mean by the Corbin bank, you con temptible skulker ! Tell what you mean you cowardly skulker ! I say again (shaking his finger at the of fender), what do you mean by using that phrase, Corbin bunk ? [The gentlemen of the opposing side looked crestfallen and the black guards through the audience com menced hissing and crying “ traitor! traitor! traitor!”] Mr. Watson (to his friends). Boys, have not they got to a pretty pass, when they find their argument de stroyed, that they come to the old goose argument of hissing. (Shaking his finger at the sneak). Since you have mentioned the Cor bin bank (facing the audience); since they have meationed that, my friends, let me say to you that every foot of land I own was bought at private sale, and, so far as I can remember, at fair and square prices—at private sale and from the men that owned it. I own not one foot of land that the Corbin land company sold at fore closed sale. Ido own a few lots that I bought before the failure,and any man here, whether from Atlanta or Augusta, can have those lots at what they cost. A voice to the right. It hurts. Mr. Watson (indignantly). It does not hurt. The same voice. I mean that you hurt. Mr. Watson. Oh, you are my friend ; that is all right. Now, one of the men whose places was sold, and bought by me, was Mr. Edward Landsdale. It was bought through Mr. Phinizy—he is here on the stand—and after the sale I went and paid the sheriff some three or four hundred dollars more than the price at which he knocked it down, and one of the strongest friends I have in this race is Mr. Landsdale, because he knows that after I bought it I paid his wife (it was his wife’s land) some three or four hundred dollars more than she had any reason to expect, and gave her three years to redeem it. (Thun dering applause.) (Shaking his hand menacingly at the fellow who cast the slur). You rake up everything in the way of sewage and garbage, and you deal in charges that your champion dare not touch on (The speaker’s voice drowned during the conclu sion .) If I had voted for the Bullock bonds, as Mr. Black did, I would have to go on my knees and beg par don from you people for that vote. Understand me, Mr. Black has made no charge of dishonesty against me, and I make none against him. I believe that in voting with the mi nority, as he did, and spreading his protest, as he and Mr. Walsh did, that he and Mr. Walsh thought they did right. (Turning to Mr. Black.) And I say here to-day that I voted for you for Congress when witnesses were raised up against you on that vote; and I supported you for the United States Senate against Mr. Colquitt, knowing of that vote, and believing that you cast it honestly. I honored an honest vote honestly cast, even if it was cast as I would not have cast it. I did not mention that vote on any other occasion, but if I had voted on a question upon which the people were so unani mous—if I had been one of twenty seven voting for it when over one hundred were against it, in paying bonds which the people in adopting the constitution in 1877 said were fraudulent and void, I never would have heard the last of it. Now I just put these two thing before you to show the difference between the two campaigns—between your meth ods and mine. If I had chosen I could have put Mr. Black on the ex planatory like you did me, but I pre fer to act the gentleman. I have taken my banner without prejudice or passion, while you have hurled at me infamous falsehoods with a malice that I cannot account for; you have howled in my teeth, “Cor bin Banking Company.” Mr. Phini zy is on the stand, and heard my explanation; Mr. Landsdale is ono'of my warmest supporters, a man who knows more about this thing than any one here possibly can; and now in the face of this irrefutable expla nation, when you cry out Corbin bank again, cry out, also, Bullock bonds. One is just as true as the other. There is no dishonesty in either. (At this point something was said by the same creature, inaudible to your reporter.) Mr. Watson. Oh, you have dodged, have you ? No w you have done your cause lots of good, haven’t you? A voice on Mr. Black’s corner of the platform. Who is that fool? Can’t somebody stop him ? Mr. Watson (ironically). Now see how proud of you your friends back here are. Now to return to the point where I was interrupted. Ido not have to inquire where I was at. I was on the point of showing that no man ever denounced State banks like old Thomas Jefferson. I, with Thomas Jefferson, denounce the State banks as anti Democratic. My friend, Mr. Black, says that State banks are the thing, in the face of Jefferson, al though he claims to be a Democrat. He says that this thing of stamping paper and calling it money is a vicious heresy. Now I want to show you that Thomas Jefferson advo cated this very idea of stamping money without the intervention of national banks, and that he especially denounced the system of State banks. Now, if I show that to the Democrats, won’t they be sick? [There was a great deal of confu sion at this point. Jeering and howl ing in the audience, mingled with efforts on the stage to suppress the young upstart element. Mr. Wat son read from a volume, but as the noise prevented your reporter from catching the exact words ; therefore prefer giving it as best I can in the third person. He quoted from vol. >7, page 189, of an edition of Jeffer son’s writings, gotten out by James Johnson Randall, 1837, in which he (Jefferson) says that a nation may continue to issue its bills as far as its wants require and the limits of circulation will admit.] Mr. Watson. Hence you will see by this, according to Jefferson, that the government just gets paper and pen and stamp and put the sovereign stamp upon it, and tells it to go forth as a legal tender to pay the debts of the people without going to national banks and paying a high rate of interest upon them. And then the government says, “I will take that back in payment for all taxes and ail public ‘debts.” Jeffer son then goes on to show that they issued these bills, bearing no interest, and that they circulated freely to the extent of $200,0u0,000. At that time we had only eight millions of inhabitants, a very small cotton crop and a very small dairy crop. Now we have 64,000,000 peoples, 8,000,- 000 bales of cotton, 640,000,000 bushels of wheat, 2,000,000,000 bushels of corn, 346,000,000 bushels of oats and $747,000,000 vrorth of dairy products. Now, if they could float $200,000,000 then with 8,000,- 000 of inhabitants, why cannot we float fifty dollars per capita now ? Now, what does Thomas Jefferson claim? He claimed that when the government let the States ha ve these State bank issues that the power of power of issuing money was cor ruptly alienated to swindlers and shavers under the cover of State banks. Sharpers to feed on the pro duce of the country; masters to bind the laborers in every field; tribute levyers to come and take part of your corn, cotton and wheat by the mere power of contracting and expanding the currency at will, thus forcing up or down the prices of the produce you raise or the labor you may have to offer in the market. He says that the government ought to issue money in sufficient volume to do the business of the country, and that State banks should not be allowed. That is Jeffersonian Dem ocracy, but the Democratic party has so far forgotten the teachings of old Tom Jefferson that it wants to foist off on the country a rascally piece of thievery which would enslave tho people. And if Jimmie Black should meet Tom Jefferson in the road and say, “Howdy, massa Tom,” cld Tom would glance at him, as the Tenth Congressional district is going. to look at him m November, and say, “Good-bye, Jimmie, I never knew you.” (Great cheering and. ap plause.) Some gentleman over there asked more than once about Weaver. Mr. Biack, at Crawfordsville, denounced him as a miserable old wretch, and he called him John B. Weaver. Why, he did not even know his name! (Laughter.) He has for gotten his own speeches, just like he has forgotten his Democratic record. At Berzelia he made a speech de fending the Democratic record— . A voice. Oh, that ain’t worth a cent. Mr. Watson. Young man, don’t you see that you are making your friends ashamed. Let us see whether it is worth a cent. A voice. Shoot it to him, Tom; hit ’em again. Mr. Watson. Here is one good thing the Democrats did. Listen to it. Mr. Black said, “Mr. Weaver moved that the rules be suspended so as to enable him to submit a reso lution, and the House agreed to tile resolution that all currency issued for the uses and convenience of the people should be issued and the vol ume controlled by the government.” That is the very thing he denounced at Crawfordsville, and yet ho claimed this as a Democratic measure enti tling him to the honor and respect of the voters. Not only that its vol ume should be controlled by the government, but that it should not be controlled through the banks. Mr. Black said that seventy-three Democrats deserve the credit of voting for it; that it was a noble act, this attempt of the Democrats to pass into a law the very plank in our platform which ho now condemns. Where is the man that can get away from that ? A voice. Nobody. Another voice. Anybody. Mr. Watson. It is like a tar-baby, the mere you kick it the worse you are stuck. (Laughter and applause.) He not only forgets his own platforni, but, my heavens! He forgets his own speeches. (Renewed laughter and applause.) A voice. Oh, Tommy, Tommy, give us a rest. Mr. Watson. I know ' that you look sad and tired—you need a rest; you and your candidate both will have a rest after November. (Great laughter.) Mr. Weaver was one who voted with the Democrats for that measure, and he condemned the Republicans for voting against it. If he will look back he will find that this mis erable wretch, John. B. Weaver, as far back as 1880 said that there ought to be money issued directly to the people, and that the people should have that money without pay ing bankers’ profits for it. And not only that, he said they ought to have free coinage of silver. That is where VVeaver stood twelve years ago, and that is where he stands now, and just two months ago Mr. Black instanced that as a good vote. Yet the leaves do not begin to turn before the autumnal blasts, or the hills begin to whiten under wintry snows before Mr. Black denounces the very same vote he said was so good a thing in 1880, and for which ho saved the seventy-three Demo crats who voted in the affirmative. It is just like Anthony Wilson. As long as Boykin Wright expected to get Anthony to speak against Wat son, why, he was a noble speciman of the colored man, but, lo! when Anthony Wilson came into e the dis trict and like an honest man, as he is, and spoke the truth then he sud denly becomes an ignorant negro as black as the ace of spades. (Great applause.) There is no plank in the platforni which he denounces more bitterly than this one of stamping of money. He not only forgets that Jefferson advocated that very thing; that it was practiced during that time; but he forgets another part of his speech where he was holding up the beau ties of what the Democrats tried to [continued on sixth page.] 3