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6 THE JOINT DEBATE. [continued from third page.] do and could not do because they did not have a chance. In the House in 1880 Weaver moved to suspend the rules to enable him to offer a resolu tion that the committee on banking and currency be instructed to report at an early day providing for a bill to withdraw national banking cur rency and to issue instead treasury notes known as greenbacks, and Mr. Black denounced the Republicans for voting it down. In other words, be said that the Democrats tried to give you what he is now denouncing us for offering you, and he denounc ed the Republicans then for not fet ing the Democrats do the very same thing. Now did not the Democrats want a chance? (Laughter.) We want to give you that now, and the Democrats and Republicans both alike say that we shall not do it. [Great applause.] Up at Crawfordsville he chal lenged me to show where the Democrats were responsible for the national banks. I accepted that challenge. He may consider it con tinuously accepted, and if I do not have a chance to show it here to-day because of my time expiring, possi bly before I can do it, I propose to show it in the other debates. It is sufficient for me to show to-day that the national banks were chartered by the Republican, mainly in 1862 and 1868, and that the Democrats voted against the measure, just as they*op posed the issuing of greenbacks when the Republicans first issued them. Now, I say that for twenty years the Democrats have made no determined effort to repeal the national bank law; they have not denounced it in their platform as Jefferson used to denounce it, or as Jackson used to denounce it. If they are against it why do not they denounce it? Why not put the de nunciation of the national banks in their platform? Whtpo do you ex pect the rallying cry of the party except in the platform ? When we do not find denunciation of an evil like that in the platform, it is fair to presume that the party is not willing to go before the people upon it. But that is not all. As late as 1876 the Democratic party passed a bill adding to the privileges of the national banks; adding to the amount of capital stock circulation of the national banks, that the banks might thereby increase their power, privileges and profits. The Demo crats overwhelmingly, and among them, two of the leading Democrats from Georgia, voted for that meas ure ; these two were L. D. Candler and Charles F. Crisp. Does that look like favoritism? That looks like curing the disease by piling on the contagion. (Laughter.) Then at different times bills have been passed by Democrats in the House, adding ten per cent to the national banks—measures friendly to that monopoly. And one of the reasons ] am fought so bitterly from the city of Augusta is because the bankers of Augusta tried to get me to sup port that measure and I told them that I would not do it. A voice. Tom, don’t hurt them any more; they are dead now. (Loud laughter.) Mr. Watson. Now, fellow-citi zens, they talk about me being a traitor and deserving condemnation because I followed my principles in stead of my party when I had to make a choice between the princi ples and the party. Now, right there I wartt some little time to talk. Mr. Black says that he will do me the justice to say that I was elected on the Ocala platform, but that these principles are distinctively different from the Omaha principles. Now, what does that show? Simply that, he does not read the things he talks about. (Laughter.) The Ocala convention was not held for two months after my election; we call them the Ocala principles simply be cause they come to be a favorite name; but to come down to the literal fact, I was elected on the St. Louis platform. (Laughter and ap plause.) Now, who made that plat form? G. W. Nortben, W. L. Peek and that pure and un defiled Demo crat Leonidas F. Livingston. A voice. Oh, Lord! Lord! Lord! and loud laughter. Mr. Watson. And there never was a man so vituperatively assailed six months ago as Lon Livingston, and he never was supported by you Democrats until he betrayed these people. A voice. He would like to dis cuss with you. Mr. Watson. You bet I will meet every one of them. Not only that, 1 am going to meet them on their own heaths. Now, your candidate can do his own talking much better than you can, and you had better quit making a fool of yourself. Now (to Mr. Black), the most ob jectionable features are found in the St. Louis platform. In that plat form is found the plank declaring for the ownership of railroads, the eub-treasury scheme and the land plank. Not only that, but in that platform there is the Indianapolis resolution, which you say is not binding because I helped to get it up. [Laughter.] In that platform, made before I was elected by a fed eratio* between the Knights of La bor and the Alliance farmers, there is the distinct instruction, namely, that this land plank, the sub-treasury, the railroad ownership, of land, and all these ether demands shsll be held inviolate of caucus dictation of any one of the parties. [Great cheering.] Now, my friends, how PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1892. could I expect your votes if after having to stand by these principles, to fight for these principles and, if necessary, to die for these principles, I had turned around and basely be trayed them? [Prolonged cheer ing-] Now, who do they want you to elect as Vice-President on the Demo cratic ticket? Adlai Stevenson. Adlai Stevenson was elected as a member of Congress in the year 1876. How? As a Democrat. He was a member of Congress in 1878. How ? As a Democrat. He was a member of Congress in 1880. How? As a democrat. Yet he refused to go into the Democratic caucus; he refused to vote for the Democratic candidate for speaker, and he had himself put upon record every time. How ? Not as a Democrat, but as a greenbacker, following that “old wretch, John B. Weaver.” [Great applause.] Now, boys, have not they boxed their party up in great order. Their Vice-Presidential can dibate said in 1880 that Weaver was so great a man that he would break away from the Democratic party to follow him, and they say that I have done the same thing. How do they propose to treat both? They say that for the same course precisely, Watson shall be branded as a traitor, and Stevenson shall be elevated to the second highest office in the gift of the people. Why should they make fish of one and flesh of an other ? Why should they measure out to me insult and condemnation and pile rewards upon him? The Democrats are so drunk that they can swallow a yard of Stevenson’s record and turn around in helpless sobriety and inquire, “Mis’r Speaker, where was lat ?” [Great laughter.] Why, up here at Crawfordsville Mr. Black actually forgot where he was at in his speech and had to stop and fumble to find it. Not because he is not able to argue it, but it is because there is not a man on earth that can argue the Democratic side and avoid getting lost. [Great laughter.] Now, one or two corrections. Major Black [facing him], you said at Crawfordsville that I de nounced Mr. Tilden as not having sense enough to write his own will. My friend, you are mistaken. In my book I said that Mr. Tilden, in accordance with the decisions of the court, did not have sense enough to write his own will. I put it off 7 on the court. In your speech at Craw fordsville you said that I denounced Mr. Cleveland. Mr. Black. Tilden you mean. Mr. Watson. No; lam on Cleve land now. In my book 1 said that Mr. Cleveland was a man of truth, of honor and of courage, but that unfortunately he imbibed the Wail street idea of finance. You stated at Crawfordsville that I denounced his personal record. Major Black. I said you criticis ed it. That referred to your Thom son speech. Mr. Watson. There you are mis taken. I said that down South the democrats were denouncing the pen sion laws, while up north the Demo crats were taking credit with the soldiers for these very pensions, and that the New York World had claimed, and showed by figures, that Mr. Cleveland paid out such and such amounts of money. Not only that, I showed that in the Demo cratic national platform the Demo crats claimed that Cleveland had paid out more money to the soldiers and sailors than had been paid out in a similar period. I said that in 1879, Democrats and Republicans passed the Harris Pension act, and it passed the House without a divi sion, but when it reached the Senate there was a division, and one of the men that voted for it in the Senate was John B. Gordon. [Great ap plause.] Now, fellow citizens, the point I make is that it was not fair to tell you down here that they were against the pension, and when up North claiming to be in favor of them. That was the point I made. I will not take up much of your time to show you that Mr. Black was always opposed to the Alliance. He denounced it as calculated to break up the Democratic party. Two years ago he wrote the Austin letter which he bravely avows to-day, and in that letter he denounces the Alliance as undemocratic. He de nied your right to measure anybody with your yardstick, and opposed your organizing to redress your grievances, and to-day he denounces your platform. How Mr. Black can ask an Allianceman to support him I do not understand. He quotes from Mr. AlcKeighan. He said that McKeighan was op posed to the sub-treasury, and also what Mr. McKeighan said was the remedy. Why, my friend, he did not even take the trouble to take the cover off the book; I want to show you what is in the book. Here is what he said: “The real remedy will be found in the proper regulation and control of railroad corporations.” You. u ee that the Democratic mule took the studs and reared right back when it comes to anything that hurts. [Laughter.] Why does he not tell you all that McKeighan said? Why did he not tell you that he said: “By the issue of money in sufficient volume to prevent the money changers from extorting from the people.” Now that is exactly what you people want. [Facing Mr. Black.] Why did not you read that to them, Major Black? What else did he say? “By the repeal of the so-call ed protective tariff.” Not trimming its nails, not by amputating the first joint of the little finger, but by wip* ing out tb’e whole thing root and branch. What else? Laws to pre vent gambling, to prevent trusts, to prevent the creation of trusts to rob the tobacco and cotton raisers of the South; to extort from the corn and wheat raisers of the west, etc. That is all there is of Mr. McKeighan’s position, and we will not quarrel with him about it. Why? The essence of the sub-treasury is practically in the abolishment of the national banks and the issuing of money directly to the people. Now the question is how to get money out to the people? Mr. Mc- Keighan does not propose a method. We say, however, not out through the national banks, but on cotton, on corn, on wheat, on any other sound collateral, so that every man through the State shall have a chance equal with the banker. [Great applause.] He says that our warehouse plan will not do. "When did we say that the warehouse feature was an essen part of our plans? That is only one of the details. That is a question to be discussed in Congress. If you meet us in the spirit of concession; if you concede the great idea of Mc- Keighan that money shall be issued directly to the people in proportion to the business wants of the people, so that the laborer can pay his debts, the farmer may lift his mortgage —if you will but come to the great idea, I say, we will not halt and quibble over details. Meet us in that spirit, and we will arrive at some fair busi ness method of getting it into the hands of the people instead of through the national bank mono poly. The people are suffering from enor mous indebtedness; it continually takes more of their labor to pay these debts; the face of the poor has been ground more sharply every year. The essence of the eternal principles I teach is that we shall have a money system that will have regard for the poor man as well as the rich ; that will help the white laborer as well as the black; the humble as well as the proud man, and the favor of God Almighty is as strongly in it as it ever was in any God-given truth since the world was made. [Time was called and Mr. Watson took his seat amid tremendous cheer ing, which lasted fully eight minutes. Major Black was about to commence, when Air. Watson asked the privi lege of making a personal explana tion.] MR. WATSON’S EXPLANATION. Under the provocation of having that Corbin bank matter thrown at me, I made a reference to Phinizy & Co., Augusta, which possibly might h.ave been misunderstood. 1 regret that matter came up at all, be cause it is a private matter, and I call you to witness : that I had to say something—it was so offensively and falsely thrown at me. All I have to say is that I did not mean to inti mate that there was anything what ever wrong in the Phinizy & Com pany mortgage. It was a fair debt. I procured Lands dale that loan my self. The mortgage is on the land yet. I bought the land at private sale, and Air. Landsdale is one of the strongest friends I have to-day. and so far as I know, makes no com plaint against the Phinizy Company, and we would never have heard of it if it had not been drawn cut. I will say further in justice to Phinizy & Co., I believe them to be fair, honest men. A voice. Too late, Tommy. A gentleman in Air. Black’s cor ner. Hush up, I’d be ashamed. Cheering was renewed and the friends of both gentlemen vied with each other in shouting Hurrah for Watson ! Hurrah for Black ! MAJOR BLACK IN CONCLUSION. Fellow - Citizens I must ask your indulgence. It is impossible for me to speak to you at all unless you preserve the most absolute quiet. It is difficult in fifteen minutes to answer a speech of an hour and a half. I shall call your attention to some thing in my own public; record which Air. Watson, saw fit to’ allude to, and that is about these Bullock bonds. He seemed to think that it was with some temerity that I voted to pay certain bonds while a member of the Legislature after Bullock and his leg islature had been wiped out of power; bonds upon the face of which honest men had expended their money. Now, I have the record here before me, and it is open to the inspection of any of his friends. The fact of the matter is that the Legislature, after the true people came into power, said that such and such were valid, and such and such bonds were not valid; bonds bought by honest men who went into the market and purchased them,- and all I have to say is that if I had it all to go over again, even if it cost me this race, I would vote as I did then. [Cheers.] I think that every pri vate individual ought to pay every honest debt; I think that every State ought to pay every honest debt; I think that every nation ought to do likewise. And I cannot be in timidated or embarrassed in this way by these Bullock bonds. There is not power enough in Bullock’s name or infamy enough in Bullock’s record to prevent me from doing what I be lieve to be right now, and here and every time. A voice. Hurrah for Black. [Cheering.] Whose company was I in ? In the company of Joseph B. Cumming and Charles J. Jenkins. Do you know him ? Here is the statement of Charles J. Jenkins that it was an honest, valid obligation. Here is the statement of Ross Howell, of War ran Williams; here is the statement of Robert Toombs. Now listen ! I have only fifteen minutes. [Reads.] The pamphlet you referred to in a for mer letter nas been received. I read it carefully, and in reference to the state ment — [At this point there was some con fusion and unnecessary ebbulitions of of enthusiasm among the audience which prevented the hearing of all the words but the conclusion was, “Not to pay them would be nothing less than a public swindle,” signed “Alexander H. Stephens.” [Deaf ening shouting and cheering.] Do you know Alex. Stephens? [Re newal of the applause.] A voice. How did the people de cide it! Mr. Black, He did not care, sir, what the people decided; he decided what was right; and I dare to stand here in the face of the people and tell them when they are wtong. Air. Watson. Will you permit me to ask you a question ? Air. Black. Yes, sir. Air. AVatson. The constitution of the State of Georgia, adopted by the people, denounces those bonds as fraudulent and void. Would you still pay them in defiance of that condemnation by the people en grafted in the law ? Air. Black. I would not pay them because the constitution has put its prohibition upon it, but I dare to stand here in the face of this people and tell them that it is a moral obli gation. Now mark you. Ido now say that while I am not so consti tuted as not to be influenced m my opinion of other good men, and asso ciation with good men, yet I say that against the opposition of all these people I would have said that the State of Georgia was bound to pay these bonds by every obligation of honor and honesty. A voice [in derision.] “The peo ple be d—d.” Air. Black [without noticing the remark, if he heard it]. He quotes from my Atlanta speech about the concentration of power in Atlanta. I made that speech and I stand by every word of it to-day, and I would go as far as he would go and as far as any other man would go to break down ring rule; but, my God! I never would have gone out of the Democratic party into the People’s party to do it. [Cheering and coun ter-cheering.] 1 say this; that the history of the political parties—all of the political parties—does not show such an absolute mastery by the leaders over the people as is shown by the leaders of the People’s party. A voice. Go, traitor, go ! followed by hissing and sneering. Air. Black. You talk about taking snuff, and anybody sneezing; you talk about piping, and anybody dancing. [The excitement at this juncture was red-hot. Every conceivable kind of ebbulition was indulged in by both sides. There was the laugh in sulting and the counter laugh; the loud guffaw and the delicate giggle; the coarse insult and the indignant retort; howls of “traitor, traitor” and roars of “liars, liars;” the over bearing insolence of the well dressed dude and the calm determination of the robbed sons of toil.] Air. Black. You talk about signs, and grips, and pass-words. Why they could summon every People’s Party man within twenty miles to be to-morrow, and every one would here respond to it. A voice. You bet we will respond to it in November. Air. Black. You talk about the mastery over the people. Why, there never was anything like it in the history of the country. Don’t you know that ? Voices. Yes, yes, yes, yes, and, we know how to settle your hash, you bet. (A slight repetition of the scene above.) Air. Black. I said that I was op posed to concentration, and to central ization; I say the same now; I reiterate every word of that. I raised my feeble arm when it was worth a man’s political fortunes to do it, in the senatorial race against Sen ator Colquitt. I never have lowered that standard; I never have changed the flag; whatever wrongs exist I will remove, as best I can, within your ranks. There was another contest for the mastery in a noisy war. Air. Black’s friends, having gotten possession of seats around the platform before the arrival of Air. Watson, and on ac count of assistance given them by a cordon of special police, who worked with might Ind main, had the vantage ground; but the people showed more enthusiastic earnestness than the overbearing insolence of the others could overcome. Air. Black. Now, he is disposed to set me up before this people, to many of whom I am a personal strang er, as the representative of a class of ringsters. 1 ask you where did the demand for my nomination come from. • Voices. Hancock, Hancock, Han cock. Air. Black. I ask any fair man if I did not restrain the inspiring of any preference for me by Richmond county friends until the country had spoken. I told them to look in the country and find a farmer if such an one could be found. A voice in my ear (sotto voce) — “A little while she strove, and then relented, And whispering, ‘l’ll ne’er consent’ — consented.” Air. Black. Now, he wants to know how I can go before the Alli ancemen of the Tenth district and ask their support. I go before any Alliance democrat just like I go be fore a lawyer democrat. A voice. Was not he a lawyer ? Mr. Black. Who? The voice. Watson. Mr. Black. Why, yes he was, and I do not mean to throw any reflection on the legal profession. But I will say, he lives in the town while I live in the city. I did not want to bring in this issue. That has noth ing to do with these great issues now before us; but I want to say that the idea that I should not be supported by the people because I live in the city and am supported by the bankers and ringsters, I repudiate. I assert here that I have as much following amongst the honest, intelligent farm ers as he has. Where is your Presi dent of your Hancock County Alli ance ? He is supporting me, is he not? Voices. Yes, yes, yes. Mr. Black. Is not he from Han cock county ? Does he not belong in the Tenth Congressional District ? I do not intend to let him put before the people any such idea as that he is the representative— the exclusive representative—of the farmers.(Great applause, followed by jeering.) He says that I have nothing in common with the farmers. Ido not care to go into my own personal affairs, but I say that I have everything in com mon with every citizen. It is a common interest; that I not only re present the farmer, but the merchant; not only the banker, but the laborer. I do not envy the man who goes be fore the people claiming to represent only one interest. (Turning to Mr. W.) I say, sir, that to array class against class is wrong, is unchristian, is cruel. I repeat here, sir, all that I said at Crawfordsville. I say that we are in a distressed condition. I say that the legislation of the country ought to be so shaped as not to continue this. I say also that no man who does this can get a foothold, permanently, upon the American soil. It is undmocratic, more, it is unchristian, to array one class against another, one race against another, one interest against another. If I understand the first element of Jeffersonian democracy, it is at war with all class legislation, and class privileges. A voice. Where is our flag? Mr. Black [Evidently disgusted with that yawper who called for ex postulations from his friends before]. Oh, hush, my friend; let me go on. He says, if I understand him correctly that there is no dissension in his party on the protective system. That the protective system is denounced as a failure. Ido not find it in the platform. Now, listen! I find some equivocal dealing with the tariff question. He talks subsidies; he says we do not denounce subsidies. Where are they denounced in his? It is not in the platform, but in the resolutions, and you know how they tried to wriggle out of the twelth plank on the plea that that resolution was not a part of the platform. [Laughter.] Now here is a string of resolutions referring to all sorts of phases of the legislative question. [Addressing a People’s Party man] Do you know what these mean? Ans. “No; Ido not.” He says he does not. [Great laugh ter among the dudes.] -A voice. Ask one of your party friends to tell what is in your plat form; I’ll bet there ain’t one on the stand can tell a single line. [The laughter hilarious and the dry laugh followed this sally.] Mr. Black. [Misunderstanding the point.] Well, they are not expected to know, because they are not in our platform. My distinguished friend refers to to the Austin letttr, and says that I have denounced the Alliance. I did not denounce the Alliance. I said that you had as much right to organ ize as the lawyer, in his professional associations; as the merchant in his chamber of commerce; as the me chanic, in the interest of his craft; but I say in the face of every man and woman and child in Georgia, that you have no right to organize in your private circles and midnight caucuses to control the Democratic party. I say that you have a perfect right to meet in the blaze of day, or the clear skies at night, or with open doors, but you have no more right than the lawyer, the merchant, the laborer, the mechanic, or any other class to shape the policy of the democratic party, or to wreck the party. I am not so anxious to go to Con gress that I am read to endorse any thing that is not right, or to retract anything that is right in my past record. And, on the other hand, I am ready to retract anything when I am convinced that lam wrong. I think that one of the greatest curses to this people is that they have been al lowed to go forward in wrong courses and men have not had the cour age of their conventions to call a halt, seeing them going in the -wrong direction. In politics as well as re ligion, I believe that an honest con fession is good for the soul, and I tell you that if any man will show me that I am wrong m my past course I am willing to stand up and retract, but, on the other hand, there is not power enough in the State of Georgia, to make me retract when I am conscious of being right. Time keeper. Time is up, Mr. Black. Mr. Black. [Not hearing him.] Another thing, he made a facetious remark about my dancing, and to my size. I plead guilty that I am not as active as he, but— Mr. Watson. Major, your time is up. You should not go into an other argument under the circum stances. The Subsidized Press. National Watchman. The greatest obstacle that the reform movement has to contend with is the daily press. In these times of push and hurry the people, especially in cities and along the railroads, demand the current news daily. As a rule daily papers are published at a loss, and are kept alive through outside sources of income, Sometimes such papers are started to boom a town, a railroad enterprise, or some other financial scheme, but the greater portion begin as the champion of some political party, and under such cover sell their influence to aid any enterprise that will put up sufficient bribe money. Again, these same papers will espouse the cause of any politician whose success means a suf ficient amount of boodle or apolitical pull that will bring the necessary tribute. In fact, there is hardly a daily in this country that is not sup ported by levying tribute or receiving boodle. Under such conditions the news of the day is used as a vehicle to convey to the people the senemes and plots of the politician or financial plunderer. In order to obtain the information desired, the people are compelled to glean it from a mass of political or financial corruption. For this reason there are no People’s Party dailies, as they could not be made remunerative. A daily paper is now constituted in the most un conscionable, cold blooded organiza tion in this land of combines, trusts, and syndicates. Banks will conspire to rob the people of their money, but the subsidized press will deliber ately’’ plan to rob men of their good character, uphold theives, plunderers, and cutthroats in their methods, and attempt to debauch an entire nation. The daily press to-day. is the greatest curse the American people are com pelled to endure. It has become the most powerful agent of corruption in the land and a standing menace to the future of this nation. Every re former should understand this in order to counteract the infamous lies and purposely garbled reports that from now until after election espec ially will be found in the columns of these paid emissaries of plutocracy. A man with SIO,OOO on interes at ten per cent in 1868, could buy with his income 400 day’s work, 400 bushels of wheat, 1,000 bushels of corn, 2,500 pounds of cotton. To day, the same interest will buy from 1,000 to 1,500 days work, 1,400 bushels of wheat, 2,500 bushels of corn or 20,000 pounds of cotton. The day’s work have not grown shorter, the measures smaller or the weight lighter. It is the dollar that has grown more costly. It takes more work, more grain and more cotton to get it, while the interest on the mortgage remains the game. Who has brought about these condi tions, the money-lender or the wealth producer? Whose interests are best served, the money-lender or the wealth-producer? Whois “working’* congress to continue this system, the money-aristocracy or the wealth-pro ducer? Who owns the great city dailies who howl for a continuation of these conditions, the rich or the working-men? Who is it that con tributes from ss,ooo|to SIOO,OOO to the republican and democratic cam paign funds, tne men who get the benefit of the system or the “under dog” whose labor alone is the only source of wealth? Who is the biggest fool God ever let live, the man who makes “politics pay” or the man who votes to continue this robbery of of himself and .family?—The Sentry, Lansing, Mich. THE PEOPLE’S ADVOCATE. The leading Journal of Georgia owned and edited by colore 1 people. It advocates the Reform movement in State politics, and gives its people sound advice. Send 25 cents for three months—during the campaign. Address with, money order, Hagler & Ingraham. 204 Wheat street, Atlanta, Ga. 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