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A GREAT PROBLEM. the negro question in the SOUTH. The Solution Proposed by the Party of the People—Equal Rights to All, Special Favors to None. [From advance sheets of an article in the Arena for October, from the pen of Hon. Thomas E. Watson.] The Negro Question in the South has been for nearly thirty years a source of danger, discord and blood shed. It is an ever-present irritant and menace. Several millions of slaves were told that they were the prime cause of the civil war. That their eman cipation was the result of the triumph of the North over the South. That the ballot was placed in their hands as a weapon of defence against their former masters. That the war-won political equality of the black man with the white, must be asserted promptly and aggressively, under the leadership of adventurers who had swooped down upon the conquered section in the wake of the Union armies. No one, who wishes to be fair, can fail to see that, in such a condition of things, strife between the freedman and his former owner was inevitable. In the clashing of interests and of feelings, bitterness was born. The black man was kept in a continual fever of suspicion that we meant to put him back into slavery. In the assertion of his recently acquired privileges, he was led to believe that the best proof of his being on the right side of any issue was that his old master was on the other. When this was the case, he felt easy in his mind. But if by chance, he found that he was voting the same ticket with his former owner, he at once became reflective and suspicious, In the irritable temper of the times, a whispered warning from a Northern “carpet-bagger,” having no justifica tion in rhyme or reason, outweighed with him a carload of sound argument and earnest expostulation from the man whom he had known all his life; who had hunted with him through every swamp and wooded up land for miles around; who had wres tled and run foot-races with him in the “negro quarters” on many a Sat urday afternoon ; who had fished with him at every “hole” in the creek ; and who had played a thousand games of “marbles” with him under the cool shade of the giant oaks which, in those days, sheltered a home they had both loved. In brief, the end of the war brought changed relations and changed feel ings. Heated antagonisms produced mutual distrust and dislike—ready at any accident of unusual provoca lion on either side, to break out into passionate and bloody conflict. Quick to take advantage of this deplorable situation, the politicans have based the fortunes of the old parties upon it. Northern leaders have felt that the cry of “Southern outrage” they could not only “fire the Northern heart,” but also win a unanimous vote from the colored people. Southern politicians have felt that at the cry of “Negro domin ation” they could drive into solid phalanx every white man in all the Southern states. Both the old parties have done this thing until they have constructed as perfect a “slot machine” as the world ever saw. Drop the old, worn nickle of the “party slogan” into the slot, and the machine does the rest. You might beseech a Southern white tenant to listen to you upon questions of finance, taxation and transporta tion ; you might demonstrate with mathematical precision that herein lay his way out of poverty into com fort; you might have him “almost persuaded” to the truth, but if the merchant who furnished his farm supplies (at tremendous usury) or the town politician (whonever spoke to him excepting at elction times), came along and cried “Negro rule” the entire fabric of reason and com mon sense which you had patiently constituted would fall, and the poor tenant would joyously hug the chains of an actual wretchedness rather than do any experimenting on’a ques t: n <4 iite;e sentv.nent. I hthe Northern Democrats • ave ruled the South with a rod of i «.,i i r twenty years. We have had ru-qiiicbce when the time-honored ih i.iciples we loved were sent to the re;,.- and new doctrines and policies dos-pised wore engrafted on our platform. All this we have had to do io obtain the assistance of North ern Democrats to prevent what was called “Negro Supremacy.” In other words, the Negro has been as valu able a portion of the stock in trade of a Democrat as he was of a Re publican. Let the South ask relief from Wall street; 16t it plead for PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1892. equal and just laws on £ nance; let it beg for mercy against crushing taxation, and Northern Democracy, with all the coldness, cruelty and subtlety of Mephistopheles would hint “Negro rule”: and the white farmer and laborer of the South had to choke down his grievance and march under Tammany’s orders. Reverse the statement, and we have the method by which the black man was managed by the Republicans. Reminded constantly that the North had emancipated him; that the North had given him the ballot; that the North had upheld him in citizenship ; that the South was his enemy, and meant to deprive him of his suffrage and put him “back into slavery,” it is no wonder he has played as nicely into the hands of the Republicans as his former owner has played into the hands of the North ern Democrats. Now consider: here were two dis tinct races dwelling together, with political equality established between them by law* They lived in the same, section ; won their livelihood by the same pursuits ; enjoyed to gether the bounties of a generous climate ; suffered together the rigors of cruelly unjust laws; spoke the same language; bought and sold in the same markets; classified them selves into churches under the same denominational teachings; neither race antagonizing the other in any branch of industry; each absolutely dependent on the other in all the avenues of labor and employment; and yet, instead of being allies, as every dictate of reason, and prudence, and self-interest, and justice, said they should be, they were kept apart, in dangerous hostility, that the sordid aims of partisan politics might be served! So completely has this scheme succeeded that the Southern black man almost instinctively supports any measure the Southern white man condemns, while the latter almost universally antagonizes any proposi tion suggested by a Northern Repub lican. We have, then, a solid South as opposed to a solid North ; and in the South itself, a solid black vote against the solid white. That such a condition is most ominous to both sectigns and both races is apparent to all. If we were dealing with a few tribes of red men, or a few sporadic Chinese, the question would be easily disposed of. The Anglo-Saxon wonld probably ffo just as he pleased, whether right or wrong; and the weaker man would go under. But the Negroes number 8,000,000. They are interwoven with our busi ness, political and labor systems. They assimilate with our customs, our religion, our civilization. They meet us at every turn, —in the fields, the shops, the mines. They are a part of our system, and they are here to stay. Thoie writers who tediously wade through census reports to prove that the Negro is disappearing, are the most absured mortals extant. The Negro is not disappearing. A South ern man who looks about him and who sees how rapidly the colored people increaase, how cheaply they can live and how readily they learn, has no patience whatever with those statisti cal lunatics who figure out the final disappears nee of the Negro one hun dred years hence. The truth is, that the “black belts” in the South are getting blacker. The race is mixing less than it ever did. Mulattoes are less common (in proportion) than during the times of slavery. Mis cegenation is further off (thank God) than ever. Neither the blacks nor the whites have any relish for it. Both have a pride of race which is commendable, and which, properly directed, will lead to the best results for both. The home of the colored man is chiefly with us in the South, and there he will remain. It is there he is founding churches,* opening schools, maintaining newspapers, entering the professions, serving on juries, deciding doubtful elections, drilling as a volunteer soldier, and piling up a cotton crop which amazes the world. 11. This preliminary statement is made at length that the gravity of the sit uation may be seen. Such a problem never confronted any people before. Never before did two distinct races dwell together under such conditions. And the problem is, can these two races distinct in color, distinct in so cial life, and distinct as political powers, dvell together in peace and prosperity ? Upon a question so difficult and delicate no man should dogmatize— nor dodge. The issue is here : grows more urgent every day, and must be met. It is safe to say that the present status of hostility between the races can only be sustained at the most imminent risk to both. It is leading by logical necessity to results which the imagination shrinks from contem plating. And the horrors of such a future can only be averted by honest attempts at a solution of the question, which will be just to both races, and beneficial to both. Having given this subject much anxious thought, my opinion is that the future happiness of the two races will never be assured until the politi cal motives which drive them asun der, into two distinct and hostile fac tions, can be removed. There must be a new policy inaugurated, whose purpose is to allay the passions and prejudices of race conflict, and which makes its appeal to the sober sense and honest judgment of the citizen regardless of his color. To the success of his policy two things are indispensible—a common necessity acting upon both races, and a common benefit assured to both— without injury or humiliation to either. Then, again, outsiders must let us alone. We must work out our own salvation. In no other way can it be done. Suggestions of Federal interference with our elections, post pone the settlement and render our task more difficult. Like all free people, we love home rule, and re sent foreign compulsion of any sort. The Northern leader who really de sires to see a better state of things in the South, puts his fingers on the hands of the clock and forces them backward, every time he intermeddles with the question. This is the literal truth, and the sooner it is well under stood, the sooner we can accomplish our purpose. What is that purpose? To out line a policy which compels the sup port of a great body of both races, from those motives which imperiously control human action, and -which will thus obliterate forever the sharp and unreasoning political divisions of to day. The white people of the South will never support the Republican Party. This much is certain. The black people of the South will never sup port the Democratic Party. This is equally certain. Hence, at the very beginning, we are met by the necessity of new poli tical alliances. As long as the whites remain solidly Democratic, the blacks will remain solidly Republican. As long as there was no choice, except as between the Democrats and Republicans, the situation cf the two races was bound to be one of antagonism. The Republican Party represented everything which was hateful to the whites; the Democratic Party everything that was hateful to the blacks. Therefore a new party was absol utely necessary. It has come, and it is doing its work with marvellous rapidity. Why does a Southern Democrat leave his party and come to ours ? Because his industrial condition is pitiably bad; because he struggles against a system of laws which have almost filled him with despair ; be cause he is told he is without clothing because he produces too much cotton, and without food because corn is too plentiful; because he sees everybody growing .rich off the products of labor except the laborer; because the millionaires who manage the Demo cratic Party have contemptuously ignored his plea for a redress of grievances and have nothing to say to him beyond the cheerful advice to “work harder and live closer.” Why has this man joined the Peo ple’s Party ? Because the same grievances have been presented to the Republicans by the farmer of the West, and the millionaires who con trol that party have replied to the petition with the soothing council that the Republican farmer of the W est should “work more and talk less!” if he were confined to a choice between the old parties, the question would merely be (on the issues) whether the pot were larger than the kettle—the color of both being precisely the same. 111. The key to the new political move ment called the People’s, Party has been that the Democratic farmer was as ready to leave the Democratic ranks as the Republican farmer was to leave the Republican ranks. In exact proportion as the West received the assurance that the South was ready for a new party, it has moved. In exact proportion to the proof we could bring that the West had broken Republican ties, the South has moved. Without a decided break in both sec tions, neither would move. With that decided break, both moved. The very same principle governs the race question in the South. The two races can never act together permanently, harmiously, beneficially, till each race demonstrates to the other a readiness to leave old party affiliation and to form newones, based upon the profound conviction that, in acting together, both races are seeking new laws which will benefit both. On no other basis under heaven can the “Negro Question” be solved. IV. Now, suppose that the colored man were educated upon these ques tions just as the whites have been; suppose he were shown that his pov erty and distress came from the same sources as ours; suppose we should convince him that our platform prin ciples assure him an escape from the ills he now suffers, and guarantee him the fair measure of prosperity his labor entitles him to receive— would he not act just as the white democrats who joined us did ? Would he not abandon a party which ignores him as a farmer and laborex-; which offers him no benefits of an equal and just financial system; which promises him no relief from oppressive taxation; which assures him of no legislation which -will en able him to obtain a fair price for his produce ? Granting to him the same selfish ness common to us all; granting him the intelligence to know what is best for him and the desire to attain at, why would he not act from that mo tive just as the white farmer has done ? That he would do so is as certain as any future event can be made. Gratitude may fail; so may sympa thy, and friendship, and generosity, and patriotism; but, in the long run, self-interest always controls. Let it once appear plainly that it is to the interest of a colored man to vote with the white man and he will do it. Let it plainly appear that it is to the interest of the white man that the vote of the negro should supple ment his own, and the question of having that ballot freely cast and fairly counted, becomes vital to the white man. He will see that it is done. Now let us illustrate: Suppose two tenants on my farm; one of them white, the other black. They cultivate their crops under precisely the same conditions. Their labors, discouragements, burdens, grievan ces, are the same. The white tenant is driven by cruel necessity to examine into the cause of his continued destitution. He reaches certain conclusions which are not complimentary to either of the old parties. He leaves the de mocracy in angry disgust. He joins the People’s party. Why ? Simply because its platform recognizes that he is badly treated and proposes to fight his battle. Necessity drives him from the old party, and hope leads him into the new. In plain English, he joins the organization whose declaration of principles is in accord with his conception of wffiat he needs and justly deserves. Now go back to the. colored tenant. His surroundings being the same and his interests the same, why is it im possible for him to reach the same conclusions? Why is it unnatural for him to go into the new party at the same time and -with the same motives ? Cannot these two men act together in peace when the ballot of the one is a vital benefit to the other ? Will not political friendship be born of the necessity and the hope which is common to both? Will not race bitterness disappear before this com mon suffering and this mutual de sire* to escape it? Will not each of these citizens feel more kindly for the other, when the vote of each de fends the home of both? If the white man becomes convinced that the Democratic party has played upon his prejudices, and has used his quiescence to the benefit of interests adverse to his own, will he not de spise the leaders Who seek to perpet uate the system ? V. The People’s party will settle the race question. First, by enacting the Australian ballot system. Sec ond, by offering to white and black a rallying point which is free from the odium of former discords and strifes. Third, by presenting a plat form immensely beneficial to both races and injurious to neither. Fourth, by making it to the interest of the both races to act together for the success of the platform. Fifth, by making it to the interest of the colored man to have the same patri otic zeal for the welfare of the South that the whites possess. Now to illustrate. Take two planks of the People’s party plat form :—that pledging a free ballot under the Australian system and that which demands a distribution of currency 1o the people upon pledges of land, cotton, etc. The guaranty as to the vote will suit the back man better than the Republican platform because the lat ter contemplates Federal interfer ence, which will lead to collisions and bloodshed. The Democratic platform contains no comfort to the negro, because, while it denounces the Republican programme, as usual, it promises nothing which can be specified. It is a generality which does not even possess the virtue of being “glittering.” The .People’s party, however, not only condemns Federal interference with elections, but also distinctly commits itself to the method by which evnry citizen shall have his constitutional right to the free exer cise of his electoral choice. We pledge ourselves to isolate the voter from all coercive influences and give him the free and fair exercise of his franchise under State laws. Now couple this with the financial plank which promises equality in the distribution of national currency, at low rates of interest. The white tenant lives adjoining the colored tenant. Their houses are almost equally destitute of comfort. Their living is confined to bare necessities. They are equally burdened with heavy taxes. They pay the same high rent for gullied and impoverish ed land. They pay the same enormous prices for farm supplies. Christmas finds them both without any satis factory return for a year’s toil. Dull, and heavy, and unhappy, they both start the plows again when “New Year’s” passes. Now the People’s party says to these two men, “You are kept apart that you may be separately fleeced of your earnings. You are made to hate each other because upon that hatred is rested the keystone of the arch of financial despotism which en slaves you both. You are deceived and blinded that you may not see how this race antagonism perpetu ates a monetary system which beg gars both.” This is so obviously true it is no wonder both these unhappy laborers stop to listen. No wonder they be gin to realize that no change of law can benefit the white tenant which does not benefit the black one like wise; that no system which now does injustice to one of them can fail to injure both. Their every interest is identical. The moment this becomes a conviction, mere selfishness, —the mere desire to better their condi tions* escape onerous taxes, avoid usurious charges, lighten their rents, or change their precarious tenements into smiling homes, will drive these two men together, just as their mu tually inflamed prejudices now drive them apart. Suppose these two men now to have become fully imbued with the idea that their material welfare de pends upon the reforms we demand. Then they act together to secure them. Every white reformer finds it to the vital interest of his home, his family, his fortune, to see to it that the vote of the colored reform er is feely cast and fairly counted. Then what? Every colored voter will be thereafter a subject of in dustrial education and political teach ing- Concede that in the final event, a colored man will vote where his ma terial interests dictate that he should vete; concede that in the South the accident of color can make no possi ble difference in the interest of farmers, croppers, and laborers; con cede that under full and fair discus sion the people can be depended upon to ascertain where their inter ests lie—and we reach the conclu sion that the Southern race question can be solved by the People’s party on the simple proposition that each race will be led by self-interest to support that which benefits it, when so presented that neither is hindered by the bitter party antagonisms of the past. Let the colored laborer realize that our platform gives him a bet ter guaranty for political independ ence; for a fair return for his work; a better chance to buy a home and keep it; a better chance to educate his children and see them profitably employed; a better chance to have public life freed from race collisions; a better chance for every citizen to be considered as a citizen regardless of color in the making and enforcing of the <flaws, —let all this be fully realized and the race question at the South will have set tled itself through the evolution of a political movement in which both whites and blacks recognize their surest way out of wretchedness into comfort and independence. The illustration could be made quite as clearly from other planks in the People’s party platform. On questions of land, transportation and finance, especially, the welfare of the two races so clearly depends upon that which benefits either, that intelligent discussion would neces sarily lead to |just conclusions. Why should the colored man al ways be taught that the white man of his neighborhood hates him, while a northern man, who taxes every rag on his back, loves him? Why should not my tenant come to re gard me as his friend, rather than the manufacturer who plunders us both? Why should we perpetuate a policy which drives the black man into the arms of northern politi cians. Why should we always allow Northern and Eastern Democrats to enslave us forever by threats of the Force Bill? Let us draw the supposed teeth of this fabled dragon by founding our new policy upon justice—upon the simple but profound truth that, if the voice of passion can be hushed, the self-interest of both races will drive them to act in concert. There never was a day during the last twenty years when the South could not have flung the money power into the dust by patiently teaching the Negro that we could not be wretched under any system which would not effect him likewise ; that we could not prosper under any law which would not also bring its bless ings to him. To the emasculated individual who cries Negro supremacy, there is little to be said. His cowardice shows him to be a degeneration from the race which has never yet feared any other race. Existing under such conditions as they now do in this country, there is no earthly chance forNegro dom ination, unless we are ready to ad mit that the colored man is our supe rior in will power, courage and in tellect. Not being prepared to make any such admission, in favor of any race the sun ever shone on, I have no words which can portray my con tempt for the white men, Anglo- Saxons, who knock their knees to gether, and through their chattering teeth and pale lips, admit that they are afraid the Negroes will “domin ate us.” The question of social equality does not enter into the calculation at all. That is a thing each citizen decides for himself. No statute ever drew the latch of the humblest home—or .ever will. Each citizen regulates his own visiting list—and always will. The conclusion, then, seems to me to be this: the crushing burdens which now oppress both races in the South will cause each to make an effort to cast them off. They will see a similarity of cause and similarity of remedy. They will recognize that each should help the other in the work of repealing bad laws and enacting good ones. They will be come political allies, and neither can injure the other without weakening both. It will be to the interest of both that each should have justice. And on these broad lines of mutual interest, mutual forbearance and mutual support, the present will be made the stepping-stone to future peace and prosperity. All persons "wishing to correspond ■with the State organizer, Knights of Labor, will communicate with J. F. Foster, State organizer K. of L., Rox ana, Ga. HON. TOM TOSOIFS BOOL CONTAINS 890 PAGES. ITS TITLE—- “NOT A REVOLT: IT IS A REVOLDTIOH.” :oc Contains a Digest of Political Platfornß since the days of Jefferson. Contains a History of all Political Partial Os the National Bank Act* Os the Income Tax Law. Os the Legal Tender Jtotes. Os the Demonetization of Silver* Os the Contraction of the Os the Way Tariffs are Made. Os the Squandering of Publio Landa, Os the Pinkerton Militia, Os Tammany Hall. Os the Alliance Platforms, Besides Arguments, Facts, on aS the Leading Topics of the Paophto Party movement. —ALSOfi— Speeches of the “Nine* at this Sesvloot Also a Synopsis of the Work of thfii Session, The Book should bo in Ike hands every Lecturer, Speaker, Editor ao4 Voter. PRICE 11.00, Send orders at onoa. Address THE NATIONAL WATCHMAN, 18 0. SL, N. E* Washington, (L THE CORN BELT r.-TXk' Offers the greatest opportunities to actual mers and homeseekers of any section tn (aft United States. The soil <s unexcelled for fee* tility. Water rood. Climate temperate and very healthful; settled by intelligent and progressive people, with the beat of social, w ligiousand educational advantages. band is now rapidly apprecis.tlng in vakHa but the beat improved land can be bcus-nr at from 88 to $lO per acre and good improved farms from $lO to sls per acre. Fifteen years residence in thfci section, five of them spent in locating settlors, has givefi Sea thorough acquaintance With the lana in iis section. • Full information as to the country with E rices, terma and descrivtlcn of a large list of ind which can be bought yfcry cheap, Kill m given by addressing- . _ E. 1 JOHNSTOfJ* C'M A A CENTS Isl 1 UFOR THE CAMPAIGN 1U YOU CAW GET - THE KANSAS AGITATOK, A Rattling People’s Party Paper, till after the election for 10 cents. Get up a (Jlnb of 10 and we WiU pend you a reforxq. book. Address, THE AGITATOR, Garnett, Kansas. FRICK COMPANY. i —. g.— ECLIPSE ENGINES ERIE CITY IRON WORKS ENGINES ARB (BOILERS, AUTOMATIC STATIONERY ENGINES. * Z’ -'A g ft 1 * JI J® Wf -- If L GINS FROM $2 TO $2.50 PER SAW, Boilers, Saw Mills, Moore Ce. Cotta Pratt Qins, Seed Cotton Elevaixns, Ctate Cotton Presses, Wagon and Platform Scales, PMft Scientific Grinding Mills, Heer’S U'ifole-Tffirth Saws, Shingk Machinery, Wood-Working MatMa* cry, Shafting, etc. MAL6BY & AV EBY, Southern M South Forsyth Street, ATLANTA, £&• OAXALOgve by mentioning this paper. ■ -e>- ■■■■ I II t Tie National Witcfnta. A PEOPLE’S PABTY PAHfflfe An FbntaolsN WefflyT puHLismsn at WASHINGTON, D. C. uLder the Direction of the Congxesgftaatt Committee of the People’s Party* IST. A.. dun ninto- Has been selected as Managing Editor. It will be impersonal, impartial and aggres sive. and at all times seek to place before ita readers carefully prepared matter such as ft residence at the seat of government is calcu lated to furnish. The high character of thg men interested fin the papei, the ability of Mr. and the advantage of being at the Cahitffl are sufficient guarantees for the kind of gftnee that will be issued. Among the contributors wilL bp— Senators W. A. Peffer and J. IL Kyle i Cbn grestmen T. E. Watson. John Davis, Jdmr Simpson, W. A. McKeighan, B. F. Clover, J. G. Otis. 6. M. Kem. K. Haltorsen. T. E W'ffin W. Baker, pr. M. G. Ellzy, and many other well known Writers. TERMS, - - - FIFTY CENTS PER YE AB. Twenty-five cents until Nov. 9, 1892, Address all communications to THE NATIONAL WATCHMAN CO., No. 13 C Street N. H. . % WASHWGUJQN. U 7