Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

[Roars for Black and cries of traitor I traitor I bit ’im.] Cheers and counter cheers for both gentlemen caused another delay of three or four minutes. Mr. Black. In this speech to ■which I called your attention, he said: “I am not a foreigner from Kentucky, like Mr. Black, who was never heard of until after the war.” [Great cheering.J He further says: “Not only that, I am not one of the attorneys of the Central Railroad, like Mr. Black.” I am the local attorney, in the city of Augusta, for the Central Railroad, for which I have no apology. Voices. Right! Right! They could not get a better one! Another voice. The people can get a better one to go to Washing ton. [Cheering and more con fusion.] Mr. Black. If the time ever comes that the Tenth congressional district of Georgia is to measure its repre sentative in Congress by such a stan dard, I would not only not seek, but I would scorn its highest honors. Wild calls of Watson! Black! Hurrah! Ding-dong, from the gong, and a voice, “VVh<re is Jimmie ?” Mr. Black. Now I ask your atten tion, if you will favor me with it, on account of that has been suggested by the voice just heard and the fact that 1 am the attorney of the Cen tral Railroad. I am willing for a fair and discriminating public to judge with what grace such a criti cism as that comes from a gentleman who has been declared the nominee of the Democratic party at the Har lem convention upon a resolution offered by the most distinguished railroad attorney in the country. [Applause.] I call your attention now to the proceedings of that con vention. A little over two years ago the Democratic party w r as convened in regular convention called in the usual w ay, by the usual party ma chinery, represented by delegates chosen in the usual way, to nominate a candidate of that party to repre sent the Tenth congressional district in the Congress of the United States. 1 ask your attention now to this resolution—a resolution offered by the Honorable Joseph B. Cumming, of Augusta, the same distinguished jailroad attorney to whom I called your attention. Criei of Oh, Oh, and Black, Black, Black, Black; ding-dong on the gong; squawk, squawk on the un known instrument. (Five minutes consumed.) / The chairman (in a Sunday-school tone). Gentlemen, please let us have order. If we have any interruptions, we have police, and the police will please do their duty. The policemen looked hurt (those within my vision), because they were performing their duty by industri ou ly claquing for Black.—Reporter. K Mr. Black. I do not know why our friends ever there should greet that name by any expression of dis respect, because Major Cumming was the gentleman who offered in this convention the name of the gentle man who is now their candidate, Mr. Watson. Cries of Oh! Oh! Bah! Bah! Stamping cn the. stage where the Hancock banner waved, and cries from other parts of the hall of ’ish, *ish, ’ish ; from other parts, hush, hush, hush; shoo, shoo, shoo. The ishes, and the hushers, and the shooers succeed in keeping up a tur moil for about tour minutes. Major Black. This was the reso lution, offered not only by a lawyer, but a railroad lawyer—and the most distinguished and eminent railroad lawyer in this section of country. Resolved— A voice. Three cheers for the distinguished gentleman, Major Black. Many other voices. Hush, hush, hush, hush. (Cheering for both gentlemen.) Mr. BiAck. It appearing that there is no other candidate but the Honorable Thomas E. Watson. Re solved that he be declared the nomi nee of the Democratic party of the Tenth Congressional District for the Fifty-second Congress. A voice. Where are you at, Tommie? Major Black. Hush, hush, my friend. This is ungenerous to Mr. Watson, and disrespectful to me. A blare from the trumpeter of one of the bands, and general con fusion. The chair, in a motherly tone. The speaking will now stop until there is order in the hall. A voice from the midst of the Hancock hoodlums, where most of the disorder existed. It was Wat sonT gang. Boys, Major Black can’t be heaid, and we won’t let Mr. Watson be heard—you bet. The chairman. [Seriously.] I hope you will let Mr. Black pro ceed. [Solemnly.] I hope I will not be called upon to call on the police. You had better let the speaker proceed, for the time will not be counted against Mr. Black. Five minutes consumed. Mr. Black. I called your atten tion to the fact that by this resolu tion he was made the nominee of the Democratic party of the Tenth Congressional District. He was not nominated as a Jeffersonian Demo crat, of which we hear so much, leaving him to interpret that a Jef fersonian Democrat wag, but nomi nated in a Democratic convention, by Democratic methods, as the nomi nee of the Democratic party of the Tenth Congressional District. A voice. Hurrah for Watson—a solitary voice. voice on the stage. They are PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23. 1892. just trying to break him up, and we ain’t going to let traitor Watson speak. [Storm of approval from the gang immediately in front of the ladies,] The chair. If there is not order, and respect shown to the speaker, I will be compelled to call upon the police. [Virtuous looks from the police.] Mr. Black. We must have this thing understood, because I cannot go on without order. My friends, you be quiet, please. [The gong sounds.] A voice. Where am I at? At this point Mr. Watson and Mr. Black had a coloquy in a low tone, and Mr. Watson said: “This is the reason that I objected to a joint dis cussion in our home counties. I knew how it would be, but Mr. Fleming insisted upon it. To this Mr. Black nodded his head sorrow fully, and your reporter heard no attention more, his being attracted to the gang in front, who were indulg ing in every conceivable form of idiocy. Mr. Black. If order is not restor ed and maintained, Mr. Watson and myself will adjouin the meeting. Now-let me tell you—you may as well understand it once and for all. (Turning to Mr. Watson.) We have agreed upon it, have we not? (To the audience.) If order is not re stored and preserved, the meeting will be adjourned by mutual consent. You are not afraid to have me meet Mr. Watson, are you ? Voices. No! No! Other voices. It looks like it. (Laughter, and the first during the night.) Mr. Black. I was proceeding to make some comments upon this Harlem convention which nominated Mr. Watson for Congress some two years ago. I was calling attention to the fact that he was nominated by a Democratic convention, in the usual way, by the usual methods pursued by that party, and as the nominee of that party he went be fore the people soliciting their suf frages as such nominee; that he was elected and went into Congress of the United States with the now des pised and hated name of Democrat written across his frontlet. (Great cheering.) In that convention, after he was nominated, under the resolu tion to which 1 have already made reference, he made an address accept ing that Domination, and I wish to eall your attention to one passage in that address. He said: “Mr. Chairman and gentlemen. I know that many a man entering public life makes pledges which are like names written in sand, but if I could to-day take you into the holy of holies of my heart, you would find that the fires of my ambition are watched by the festal virgins of honorable purposes, who minister to it day by day, and keep the flame trimmed forever. “But if I could take you into the holy of holies of my heart, and lift the curttin thereto, you would find that the fires of my ambition were watched by the festal virgins of hon orable party ambition ministering to it day by day, fend keep its flame trimmed forever.” (The above was intended for a repetition of w hat the speaker read. It is not a literal repetition, but whether he made a mistake in read ing or repeating, I cannot say .—Re porter.) Mr. Black. What was the hon orable party ambition that kept its flame foiever burning except that party ambition that belonged to him as the nominee of the party that selected him as its standard bearer of the Democratic party of the Tenth Congressional District? [Great disorder, led by Mr. Black’s friends.] Mr. Black. You do not know how yon hurt me. As I -was saying, you have selected me as your speaker, arid anything you say may be con strued as a confession that I am not able to meet my distinguished com petitor ; that I am not able to cham pion your cause. Cries of no, no, no. Counter cries of yes, yes, yes; any fool would see that. Mr. Black. Not only that, he wrote a book, and in that book he has held up the Democratic party and its leader, Mr. Cleveland, not alone to the contempt but to the scorn, not only to this people but to the American people and the whole world. Voices. Hurrah for Black; down with the traitor. (The speaker is arranging his papers.) Another voice, lie does not know he is at. (Yelling of every variety.) Mr. Black. Perhaps that I am not going to read what you thought I was going to. I, perhaps, am going to call your attention to another chapter. A voice. Tell us what you will do if you get there ? Mr. Black. What am I going to do? lam going to do all that any honest man can do? [Applause which endangers the kids and coons on the rafters.] I am going on a Democratic platform as a Democrat. [Applause.] I am not going as a representative of a class, but; of all the Voices. Down with the traitor; down with the traitor; he sold out. Another voice. You are a liar ; he would not sell out is the reason you are mad. [The Hancock contingent, with the aid of the baggage car ally, made a great uproar at this point.] Mr. Black. Hush, hush, my friends; let me make this speech. A voice. You’d better "let them help you; you are not doing much good. [Laughter.] [A noticeable feature of this meet ing, so far, was the total absence of laughter, usually induced by such a contest. Brutality seemed to mark the course marked out by the or ganized blackguards; grim determi nation, that of the people.] Mr. Black (continuing). lam go ing as the representative of the farmer and the merchant, of the me chanic and the laborer, of the pro fessional man and the banker, of the rich man and the poor man. Cries of Rats! Rats ! Oh, how he will represent the pdor man! Coun ter cries of Traitor; hit the traitor again ; tell us about the Corbin bank, Major. (This interrogatory came from a young dude on w r hom the tailor, the shoemaker, the furnisher, the laundress, the barber and the bootblack lavished their choicest blessings.) Mr. Black (in a tone of disgust). You just leave this matter in my hands, friend. He says that the present chairman of the national Democratic com mittee is Calvin Brice. He then proceeds to speak of him in the severest terms. He procreds to speak of him in terms that one man ought to hesitate to use toward another; but concede, if you please, that every word he used against Calvin Brice is true; yet Calvin Brice was chairman of the Demo cratic executive committee at the time that he received his nomination from the Democratic party. [Tre mendous applause.] I will not speak of or enumerate all the gen tlemen he singled out, but I will mention one more, and here is an ex ample. [Reads.] Another great Democratic influence is the Belmont family of New York. They are millionaires and national bankers. They are Jews and connected with many business transactions for the Roth childs. Well, were they not just as much Jews when he was nominated and elected as they ever were before or ever will be afterwards? (Great cheering.) Were they not just as much connected with national bank ers before as they were afterwards ? A voice. Oh, don’t tell him that. : Mr. Black. Mr. Cleveland is the only Democratic leader of whom he speaks with any favor at all; but while he does that with one breath he retracts it in the next. Listen : Mr. Cleveland, of course, is well known. He is honest, Courageous, and lives up to his professions. He deserves the highest credit for the impulse he gave to the tariff reform. But, roost un icrtunately, he imbibed the financial views of Wall street; repudiated the free silver platform on which ho was elected ; allowed the national banks the use of the funds without interest, and threw his whole influence against tariff reform. Voices. That’s so! That’s so! Give us more of that; and, ’rah for Black ; ’rah, ’rah, ’rah—Traitor, Traitor. Mr. Black [deprecatingly.] Boys, boys, no more of that, if you have respect for me, no more of that. [ln spite of the protests of the speaker, bedlam broke loose again and lasted for a minute and a half.] Mr. Black. Listen ! Listen.— [Reads.] These are only a few of the Democratic managers, If the entire gang were cata logued there would be found a miscel laneous mixtere of railroad kings, na tional bank presidents, Standard Oil magnates, coal and iron barons, million aire manufacturers, rich convict lessees, stock gamblers, whiskey nngsters, trust pirates, monopoly robbers, Tammany boodlers and lottery swindlers. And this indictment which he makes is not made m the heat of debate, not under the impulse of ex citement, but in cold blood and in cold type he drew up and stamped that indictment against the very party that conferred upon him the highest honors—against a party whose honors and emoluments he is this very day weaving. [lf the speaker is not supplying his hearers with plans of relief he is succeeding, at least, in lashing them into fury. A thousand throats howl traitor, traitor, and the tones are fast assuming the snarl of the vicious lice. Liar is defiantly hurled in their teeth, and the mass of seething humanity seems to be over a maga zine which may explode at any mo ment.] Mr. Black. When a man makes an arraignment an indictment against the Democratic party as hav ing been guilty of all these crimes— of all the crimes in the decalogue— is it not a pertinent question for any good citizen to ask, “Well, how long since you were a member of the gang?”' [Tongues wagged, fists flourished in the air and the most offensive and determined attitudes were main tained.] It was not owing to the effort of the speaker to arouse the baser passions, for he could be heard by only a very small circle. Whis key and falsehood had done the work in advance. Five minutes more were consumed.] Mr. Black. Now listen. I have another matter to which I -wish to call your attention, if you please. When I made my Crawfordsville speech I was under the impression that he justified his course by the Indianapolis resolution. I drew my evidence from a published communi cation of one of his warm supporters and himself the author of the reso lution. I since learned that he has fallen back upon the St. Louis agree ment or resolution. It was by the boys there assembled agreed that they would not support any man for Congress who could not be relied upon to do their best to put their demands in the statutes, if possible, without regard to caucus. That is to say, that a man whom they elected must insist upon their demands al though a party caucus pronounced against it. But that convention was called long before he was nominated, and I say that I know no reason why a representative of the Tenth Con gressional district should get his in structions from anybody in St. Louis or anywhere else. Now, let us see. My distinguished friend said down here at Sparta the other day that my misery was that I forgot some recent utterances of my own. [At this point some well-dressed goslings, from fifteen to eighteen, whom it is safe to say never earned a meal’s victuals in their lives, began guying a plainly clad working man who stood “’twixt the wind and their nobility.” In trying .to catch both, I missed all but the concluding words of the speaker’s sentence, namely]: In giving an account of this meet ing at Senator Peffer’s he called it a conference; but it was an abomina ble, a damnable caucus when the Democrats met. [The speaking was interrupted at this point by the continued interrup tions, and the chairman said, “ The police will take those boys from the rear end of the hall.” They were on the wi ong side to be taken; the peo ple saw the point of tne joke, and more confusion resulted.] Mr. Black. Os a conference at the house of Senator Peffer he says this: “ The gentlemen present unanimous ly agreed with the resolution passed.” Where? By the Alliance at St. Louis? No. By the resolution passed by the great Alliance conven tion at Indianapolis! ‘[Unlimited confusion on the stage where the Hancock banner ;waved.] I have here tofore traced the history of that In dianapolis resolution, and shown it was prepared at the home of one of his friends and supporters, and was introduced and submitted to him and met his approval And I repeat, be cause I think it is important to be re membered m this connection, that no convention at Indianapolis, of farm ers or any other body, had any au thority to instruct or limit the action of the representative of the Tenth Congressional District of Georgia. Nominated as a Democrat,elected as a Democrat, and holding his obligation to that party that put him in power, he transcends his authority when he recognizes any other master. Now then, so much for the record of my competitor, which is a subject of fair and j v>t criticism. I have dealt only witfe. the facts, and the facts as * upon the public record of f and most of them furL dmself and his party. Goi as a Democrat, yet, froi >e he reached Washing ton I the last day of the sessio it here, Saul of Tarsus, on his -p ge from Jerusalem to Damascu i ot more intense in hispwp* estroy the church of God, .-as Jtr. Watson to destroy party that put him in power. Voices. raitor! Traitor! and how d< tand that. Mr--._ Hush! Hush! Hush ! Now ' s she platform upon whi\ .umpetitor comes before the people of the \country soliciting their support? I have not time to go into an analysis., I will take up the plank which \is known as the financial plank. They want to abol ish all banks—State national—all kinds. No banks at ali, money to be issued by the government to the people. Listen to me. Let me say to laboring men, you may not hear me here, but the tiifie is coming when you will recall all I have said about this platform to-night, and you thank me for it. but I could stand here now and receive your censure with a proud consciousness that lam doing this in the interest of the people, and the day will come when you will thank me for it. A voice. Oh, Major, what fools we are. Ha, ha, ha I (Others join in laughter and derision.) Mr. Black. Listen, listen. Con temptiuous laughter, but not boister ous.) Listen to this, my third party friends over there. Hear what I have io say. You are willing to listen ain’t you? A voice. Go ahead, Major. We can stand it. You can’t fool us a bit. Mr. Black. The financial plank in that platform was conceived in the interest of the agricultural class. It was conceived by an organization of which you are not members, and to which you are not eligible. It was not conceived in the interest of the city laborers, and one of the rea sons why the sub-treasury bill was reported against by the present Con gress or its committee was that it was class legislation and against the interest of the laborer and others toilers. Cries of. No, no, no. That’s too thin. Counter cries of. Traitor! traitor! Hit ’em Major. Mr. Black. What is that scheme? It is for the Government to issue money and give it to the people of th£ agricultural districts on agricul tual products. Cries of contemptous dissent, con tinued, and roars of approval from the speaker’s friends and interming led with rats, rats! Mr. Black. What is that scheme? That scheme is for the Government to issue money and give it out to the people upon the agricultural products of tne country. 1 say that this bank scheme of the People’s party was not conceived in the interest of the la borer, and there is nothing in it to show that it was. It affords no re lief to the day laborer or city work man. I wish I had time to go fur ther in the discussion of this plat form, but my time is almost expired, and you know under what difficul ties I have spoken. It is utterly impossible to go into a detailed argument of these great matters now, but I say that there is no promise of financial relief to the day laborer in the platform of the party. 1 A voice. Your party will not promise to help any one but the bondholder and manufacturer. [Great confusion. People’s party men determined not to let these statements pass, and others rage at the thrusts. Said one of the stage occupants : “By G—d, we will not let Watson speak at all.” A roar of assent in the neighborhood of the reporters’ tables.] The chair [in a Sunday-school superintendent tone]. Gentlemen— gentlemen, I hope that you will keep order. [Laughter.] I will say so you will understand that these in terruptions will not be counted against him. Be quiet, please. [Re newed laughter.] A voice. Major, don’t talk any more, and we will see that Watson does not. Another voice. Rats; and your man nearly done. [Great confusion.] Mr. Black. Listen, listen to these* words. I wish I Lad time to go farther into a discusssion and analysis of this platform, but my time is almost expired, and you know under what difficulties and em barrassments I have spoken. It is perfectly impossible to go into a detailed argumeut of these great questions. But I say this, that there is no promise of finanaoial relief to the day laborer and city workman. [Cheers and jeers.] I say, further, that the further this movement goes the more its general temper and spirit are unfriendly to all classes and interests. I say that I am op posed to the movement because it raises class against class. Cries of right, right, right. Coun ter cries of rats, rats, rats ; prove it, prove it, prove it. Mr. Black. I am no especial friend to the rich man, but I would scorn to purchase a seat in the Con gress of. the United States by ex citing turbulence and antipathy against the rich. The first offering that was ever brought and laid at the feet of the Infant Savior was gold and frankinscense and myrrh, and the women who came with an alabaster box and broke it made a costly gift. And in the evening of the day of the crucifixion Joseph of Aramatha, a rich man, came and got Him and laid Him away in his tomb. I say that no man can lay just claims to more sympathy with, and friendship for the poor than my self. I do not care to lug in or pa rade my own virtues, if I have any, but I am willing to stand with peo ple on the life for twenty-five years spent among them, and if I should go to the Congress of the United States as the friend of the rich and poor alike. (Cheers.) Voices. Right! Right! Another voice. Well, I should snicker. (Laughter.) Mr. Black. Who is that over there ? Voices. Nobody, nobody; go ahead. Mr. Black. Listen to these words of one of the greatest statesmen this country ever produced—the words of Daniel Webster, the natural hater of anything calculated to array the poor against the rich and the danger ous moneyed aristocracy, so power ful at that period represented by thq, revolution. (The confusion was so great by a bable of voices to my rear that I cannot vouch for the absolute cor rectness of the preceding and follow ing paragraphs.) Mr. Black (reading): Sir, I admonish the people against a curse like this. I admonish every indus tricus laborer to be on his guard. I tell him that the attempt is made to appeal to his passions in the name of patriotism —to injure and afflict his country in the name independence, is to destroy Lis independence and make him a slave. I would say to every farmer who follows the plow, to everp artisan who works at the bench, to every laborer in the fields ; to every man everywhere, that whoever attempts to shake the stability of the currency of the country, and flood the country with paper money, stabs your interest to the heart. (Prolonged cheering.) What about the candidates of the respective parties? I have spoken very briefly about platforms; but who are the candidates who are to represent the ideas set forth in these platforms ? The People’s party has presented for your suffrages a candi date in the person of General James B. Weavar. I have not time to night to make an analysis of his pub lic record. The Democratic party has presented a candidate in the per son of Grover Cleveland, a man who is recognized, even by his political enemies, as the most eminent illustra tion of incorrupted and incorruptible political honesty. A man of convic tions ; a man who has the courage of his convictions; the highest type of American citizenship; the most illustrious representative of Ameri can Democracy—Grover Cleveland. (Prolonged cheering, and consider able chaffing.) They tell you that the Democrats have been ruled by Tammany. Did Tammany support Cleveland? No. The politicians and the press generally were against Cleveland. Tammany opposed Cleve land ; the politicians of the country opposed Cleveland ; the press of the country opposed Cleveland; but the people—the democratic masses of the country rose in their might and put their standard in the Lands of this great, big, true-hearted Demo crat—this superb type of American citizenship. (Great applause.) Not only that. Let me advert for the few remaining moments to another important duty that lies before us. A voice. We have a State elec tion pending. Mr. Black. Now, I ask you, what is there in the demands of Lgood gov ernment, what is there in the interest of any class that would call for the deposition of William J. Northen and the exaltation of Mr. Peek in his stead ? . Voices. No, no, no, and yes, yes $ yes. Mr. Black. I ask you what reason is there why you should put out old General Cook, now in old age, and at the close of a life well spent in the service of his country, in both peace and war, and bearing upon his body wounds—the enduring pledges of honor won on battlefields of his country? What reason is there for putting out that other noble Rich mond county man, Billy Wright, one of whose legs, I believe, is buried on the battle field of Gettysburg ? (Ap plause and cheering.) And yet, and yet, and yet, you are asked turn them all out; to turn Gov. Northen out, to turn Gen. Cook out to die in his old age with the brand of infi delity put upon his public record; to turn Billy Wright out to tramp with his one limb down to the grave, de prived of all the emoluments of an office where he has served the people so faitlfully; and for what ? To put another party in power, without a history; without at least, any superiority on the part of the candi dates they present. Another party that is a class party; that lives and breathes upon the antipathies of class against class, and locality against locality. My God! will you do it? Voices. Yes, yes, yes. No, no, no. Mr. Black. Ido not believe you will do it. Ido not believe that this people will drop everything that is worthy in the past, venerable in the present, and honorable in the future to follow this ignis fatuus. Ido not believe that you will put the seal of your conde amation upon those honest, faithful officers to put in their stead men selected by this new party; will not jeopardize the interests of the State by putting these men in power who are not born among us, who are not born of us, and who are not friendly to all our inteiests. I be lieve that the interests of all these people—white and black, farmer and merchant, laborer and mechanic, rich and poor, professional man and cap italist—have a common destiny, and that destiny depends upon the tri umph or defeat of that political party that has lived since this government was founded, and will survive until the very foundations are shaken and overthrown in eternal ruin. (Long continued applause.) Listen! I have one minute and a half more, and I wish to say this: that if this people honor me with their suffrages, and I enjoy the distinction of a seat in the Congress of the United States, I shall go there as a Democrat; I shall go there remembering that I represent all the interests of all classes; and I have no more sure, I have no more solemn earnest of fidelity to the pledges that I here and now make, than a life of thirty years spent among thia people, who have honored me far beyond my merits, and who, what ever may be the political outcome of this contest, will hold the dearest place in the warmest affections of my heart. Time was called at 9:45, and the speaker took his seat amid thunder ing applause. mb. watson’s time. Mr. Watson advanced and com menced arranging his papers, while his friends made the rafters ring. He faced the audience, and it seemed that every Black man in the house, with very few honorable exceptions, raised on his hind logs and howl eel. The most strenuous efforts of three thousand demons, reinforced by three thousand stomaohefull of whisky, doing their level best to prevent the speaker from being heard, gives the best conception of the situation, I am not afraid of misrepresenting this scene. I cannot come any ways near showing it in its hideous de formity. One, two, three, five, seven, nine minutes passed, Mr. Wat son facing the howling mob. At length Major Black advanced and tried to get a hearing, with the fol lowing result: Mr. Black. Fellow - citizens. (Howh.) Fellow - citizens. (In creased howls.) Fellow - citizens— My friends, my friends, have you no respect for me ? (Demoniacal howls.) Have you no respect for me, my friends? (Yes, yes; give it to the traitor, Major; rah. for Black; more howls, and a hurling back of deter mined defiance by the People.) Mr. Watson has a right to be heard; I am in conclusion, and cannot speak until he is done. I appeal to every man here who has any respect for me to try and restore order. I will take it as personal disrespect to me if you do not allow him to proceed. Scores of voices from the Han cock contingent. Major, they rupted you. / Major Black [between howls]. I have a quarter of an hour in con clusion, and I appeal in the name of these good ladies, in the name of these gray-haired men, in the name of common decency, in the name of the good name of Augusta that we all love so well, that Mr. Watson may be allowed to proceed, and that you will give him a patient hearing. A voice. His friends did not let you speak. [The candid reader, of whatever political faith, can judge of the truth or falsity contained in the excuse by reading the speech above.] Mr. Black.' I do not care. This [CONTINUED ON FIETH PAGE.] 3