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4 PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. PUBLISHKD WEEKLY BY THE PEOPLE'S PAPER PUBLISING COMPANY. 117 1-2 Whitehall St. TIIOS. E. WATSON, - - President. D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas. R. F. GRAY, - Business Manager. FRIDAY. SEPTEMBER 23, 1892. This Paper Is now and will ever be a fearless advocate of the Jeffersonian Theory of Popu lar Government, and will oppose to the bitter end the Hamiltonian Doctrines of Class Rule. Moneyed Aristocracy. National Banks. High Tariffs, Standing Armies and Formidable Na- Jves: -all of which go together as a system of oppressing the People. TRMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. TERMS—SI.OO PER YEAR. 50 “ SIX MONTHS. 25 “ THREE MONTHS. * Bend Money by Postal Note or Money Order. DO NOT SEND STAMPS. CLUBS : In clubs of 10 we will send the Paper at 75c. OUR OFFICE up stairs in the elegant new McDonald bnilding 117 1-2 Whitehall street, where our friends will always find the latch string on the outside. Get Up” Clubs. We want the Industrial Classes; to feel that this Paper is THEIR FRIEND. It is conduct ed by men who are intensely interested in the. Reform Movement, and have been battling for it many years. The price shows that the Paper is not being run for money. If the People support it 11b srally it will pay expenses. It cannot do more. < As long as I axn President of the Company, the Paper will never be found on any other line of policy than that which I sincerely be lieve is b<Bt for Georgia, best for the South, and best for the country at large. TROS. E. WATSON, President People’s Paper Publishing Co’. THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. Friends, we ask you to do all you can for us in the way of new sub scribers. Wc have given you a first class weekly paper for nearly a year at a dead loss of over $3,000. All this burden has fallen on Mr. Wat son. He has not only lost $3,000 on the paper, but has given it eight months’ work free of charge. Won’t you do your share in the reform work by aiding us? We have had to contend with very many difficulties, and have done the very best we could. BH n the future we hop© there will be less complaint about the mail, for we are exerting every energy to rec tify every mistake. The joint debates outlined by Mr. Watson will appear regularly in this paper, stenographically reported by Mr. Driscol. No other paper in the State has them. Help us friends. Each ought to do his part in this noble work. People’s Paper Co. INITIATIVE AND REFEREND.IB In view of the apparent ignorance on the part of the Democratic stump ers, it is here proposed to devote a short sketch to the subject of the seventh supplemental resolution of the People’s platform, which is as follows: That we commend to the favora ble consideration of the people and of the reform press the legislative sys tem known as the initiative and re ferendum. The initiative and referendum origi nated in the Swiss cantons, and can be traced back for over six hundred years in the statutes and tradition,of that oldest of republics, and of gov ernments. Until the dissolutions of Napoleon’s Helvetic Republic, how ever, it was a cantonal and not a national provision. When the pres ent republic was organized, this con stitution provided for its process in law-making,and to-day it has attract ed the attention of reformers every where. By it the power is vested in the people to instruct the legislature, and the veto power is wrested from the executive. The initiative and referendum are complementary provisions, by which all power lodges directly in the peo ple. To fully bring their operations to the comprehension, a short descrip tion of the Swiss political autonomy is necessary. The unit of political power in Switzerland is called the commune, corresponding very nearly to the militia districts of Georgia. These communes are represented in the legislatures of the Cantons. The Cantons correspond to States in this country, and are in turn represented in the Federal Legislative Council, or Congress. The Legislative Coun cil elects an Executive Council* which is a responsible cabinet, with authority to name one of its mem bers as chief, who thus becomes President of the republic. All laws passed by the Legislative are pro mulgated and executed by the Executive Council. Laws of ordi nary routine, carrying appropriations and meeting conditions contingent upon the administration, become operative at once, as there is no veto PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA/ GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1892. power lodged in the president. Laws of a general nature are held in abeyance for sixty days after publi cation to allow public criticism and objection to become manifest. Should any considerable opposi tion to a law exist, it will be shown by public meetings in the communes. Petitions will be formulated and signed before the local magistrates, who certify the lists to the Executive Council without expense to the citi zens. Should such petitions contain 20 per cent of the voters of the re public, it becomes the duty of the Executive Council to submit the question to a vote of all the people. The result enacts or kills the law, just as a vote on a constitutional amendment does in Georgia. Should there be less than 20 per cent of the people petitioners in sixty days after publication, the legislative expres sion becomes law without the refer endum, as this submission to the people is called. The reference has been frequent, and it is said that a majority of the provisions so sub mitted have been annulled. The initiative steps behind the legislative and takes to the people the power to formulate and pass laws. Whenever any considerable number of citizens demand, it be comes the duty of the Executive Council to instruct the magistrates m the communes to open lists for peti tions of instruction. These petitions are forwarded sixty days after the day on which they were opened for signature, and if it be found that as many as one in five voters ask it, it becomes the duty of the Legisla tive Council to promulgate and pass the bill demanded. In order for it to become a law, the act must then be submitted to the people as pro vided in the referendum, no second petition being necessary. The legislatures of the cantons also have the right to petition for the passage of laws or amendments to the constitution. There being twenty-three of these, five or six can demand a submission to the people and thus force an unfavorable ma jority of cantons to leave it to the whole people whether the constitu tion shall be amended or a tax re moved. As an illustration of how the system would operate in this country, the McKinley bill will suffice. That, being a general law, would have been held in abeyance for sixty days. Then the opposition, through the Democratic party or otherwise, would have petitioned for the refer ence to the people. Within a reas onable time, say after sixty days longer, an election would be held in every precinct in the United States. The fate of the law would have de pended on the result, and the people would have been spared at least this tin plate campaign issue. As to the initiative, the farmers would have been able to bring about a direct vote on the remonetization of silver instead of having their mis representative's deny them the relief they seek. So, also, a direct vote could be had on the sub-treasury, prohibition, the income tax, railroad regulation, prohibition of alien own ership, or any great question which could rally in its interest one-fifth of the qualified voters of the country. These are great questions, tha $ are pressed to the front by the People’s party, and their intelligent compre hension implies an education of more than ordinary force. When Demo cratic candidates for high office de clare their ignorance, they acknowl edge their incapacity to teach, and should stand abashed. OUR GOVERNOR. Ain’t he a honey ? His whiskers continue to grow, but his brains are chronically stagnant. What has he done with the said Brad well ? Where are those charges against Livingston? How do we stand on the sub-treasury which we helped to formulate at St. Louis, and to w r hich we owe our elevation as a third class man, from a third class farm up to a second class position ? Does our Governor agree with poor old Livingston that the Chicago platform is the “living image” of the Ocala demands ? We would like to know. We would indeed. It is so awful funny to hear Livingston on this compari son that we would like to hear Nor then try his hand at it. Trim your able beard, William, and wade in. Show us as clearly as Leonidas does that the Chicago plat form of the Democrats is the twin brother of the Ocala platform of the Alliance. You are in a sweet mess this year, ain’t you Billy? Too much whiskers will capsize a heavier brain than yours ever was, William. This is strictly true. It is indeed. T. E. W. P. S. What have you done with those 60 cents plow lines, William? Trot ’em out. We want to see ’em. We do indeed. ATTENTION, TENTH DISTRICT. Let every Peoples’s party candi date in the Tenth District remem ber that Nir. Black has entered into an agreement with Mr. Watson that at every voting precinct in the dis trict there shall be one People’s party man on the board of mana gers. See to it that this agreement IS OBSERVED. Demand that one of our men sit on the election at each precinct, and see to it that this man is one whose intelligence and fidelity and courage are above question. He must see every vote counted and never allow the ballot box to get out of his sight. The Democrats in Sparta and Augusta especially need watching. They will do anything on earth to carry this election. Demonstrate to them in a firm, conservative spirit that the agreement between Mr. Black and myself shall be kept. Demonstrate to them that while we mean to be the cause of no trouble, we also mean to have our rights as men and as citizens. | T. E. W. HON. 11. L. LOUCKS. Georgia is honored with the pres ence of President L. Loucks, of North Dakota, the successor of the lamented Polk as ; head of the National Alliance and Industrial Union. Mr. Loucks is a gentleman of quiet demeanor, vigorous intel lect and cultivated manners. He will find himself at home among the Alliancemen in Georgia. He has made several appointments to speak, as follows: Zebulon, Monday, Sept. 26. Knoxville, Tuesday, Sept 27. Ft Valley, Wednesd»’, Sept. 28. Butler, Thursday, Geneva, Friday, SepJmfrL Columbus, Friday .’3O. Speaking to begin f a - m. at all places exceteJB 111 ® ms, where speaking will c^^P* ei ’ s at 8 p. m. Woints The theme of hutments will be “The. and How to Secure J W-£ , iiV} allc . c Loucks is accompanied by »rds < Alonzo Wardall, member of tn one Executive Board of-the Wfc ~e, also a speaker of force, arb >3 U8 t erß ’l re former. Mr. Loucks iqi' a8 e " (dis passionate talker, 'pleading l .1 ays for a higher moral and industrial standard. Everybody who hopes for a better material future would do well to hear him. CHANGE IN MR. WATSON’S AP POINTMENTS. Owing to the fact that Mr. Wat son was denied a hearing in Augusta by tb a Democrats on the night of the 12th inst., he finds it necessary to make another appointment there, and in order to do so is compelled to cancel the engagement at Sylv vnia. This he regrets, but cannot help. He will speat at Gordon on Thurs day, September 29, and at Augusta on the night of October 1. This cancels the engagement at Gordon, October 19. To Count Us Out. Fraud on its face! The chairman treats the appeal for an honest electiou with contempt. Governor Northen silently ignores Col. Peek’s request far a division of managers. Concerted plan to defeat the will of the people at the ballot box. Au attempt to destroy the last hope of a Republican Government. Will an outraged people submit meekly to another Alabama fraud? Read what the reform ers ask, and note the silence of the Democrats, then make up your mind whether you can endorse such schemes and a party that would perpetuate them. Here are the letters and date un der which they were mailed. Ample time has been given to reply, but none comes: IRWIN TO ATKINSON. Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 13, ’92. Hon. AV. Y. Atkinson, Chairman Democratic Executive Committee, of Georiga. Dear Sir:—ln the interest of a free ballot and a fair count I ask you to co-operate with me in secur ing a division of the managers of the election at every polling place in the State, to the end that all may be sat isfied that the election was fair and the count corrrect. It is but fair that there should be a division of the managers between the People’s party and the Demo cratic party, and for this reason I ask your co -operation to secure same . We denrecate the condition of things which would result in a repeti tion of the Alabama trouble, and feel that all such disturbances can be prevented by an honest election sup ervised by managers of both parties at each polling place. In interest of good government, in the interest of justice and to the end that every man may cast his vote unmolested and have it counted as cast, I ask you to co-operate with me in securing of the proper authori ties, a division of the managers at every polling place in the coming election. I await your prompt answer. Yours truly, M. D. Irwin, Chm. Ex. Com. P. P. of Ga. PEEK TO NORTHEN. Atlanta, Ga, Sept; 13, ’92. Gov. W. J. Northen, Atlanta, Ga. Dear Sir:—l ask you to join me in securing a division of managers at all the polling places in the State be tween the People’s party and the Democratic party in the State elec tion. A free ballot and a fair count is all our people ask, and I ask your co operation to secure this. This division is fair, and is the only plan by which the people will be satisfied. I await your reply. Yours truly, W. L. Peek. A good brother is getting wrathy He wants this paper to— Tell the Democracy how they swal lowed G. B McClellan, who fought them; Frank P. Blair, who helped Sherman burn Atlanta, Ga.. Columbia, S. C., etc. Blair also shelled women and children at Jonesboro, Georgia. General Hancock drove Bob Toombs out of Georgia, arrested Joe Brown, hung Mrs. Surratt, and Wirz, keeper of Andersonville ; put Jeff Davis in irons and fed him on bread and water ; Gree ley, who said and did all he could against the South. Sweeny, now head of Tammany in New York, tried to burn Rome ; was Post Commander at Pulaski, Tennessee, when Weaver was there; Hancock enforced by the bayonet recon struction; Bullock, etc., and made Evan P. Howell attorney-general of Georgia. Democracy has swallowed all of them. Stir them up. ■ Gen. Weaver’s Record. The Emporia Republican, exasper ated because of the exposure of the ugly records of republican canidates, undertakes to retaliate by referring to the record of our candidate for president. The only thing it suc ceeds in showing is that Gen. Weaver has been a very successful canidate for office, generally coming out ahead whenever he has been nominated. That is certainly an ugly record for republicans to contemplate. Then again, horror of horrors !! when he was elected to an office, he actually had the audacity to draw his salary. That is a crime in the eyes of repub licans that is absolutely unpardonable. Salaries should be reserved for republican officials, and if perchance a man who is not a republican should happen to be elected to an office, he should not be allowed, under all ’cir cumstance, to draw the salary. Gen. Weaver has also belonged to several political parties, and that is another unpardonable sin. The fact is he has always been independent in politics, and has worked and voted at all times for the party that at the time was thought to offer the best prospect for securing justice to the people. Let the Republican quote a single line or syllable from Gen. Weaver if it can to sustain its charge that either in 1864, or at any other time, he “favored national banks, the act to strengthen the public credit, for coin payment of bonds,” or any of the other acts which he now con demns. The Republican betrays its ignor ance when it speaks of his favoring the “credit strengthening act” in 1864. The act was not passed until 1869, and had the Republican been writing from the records, as it pre tended to be, it would not have made this fatal error. Give us the record, please, showing when and where Gen. Weaver ever favored any of the measures above referred to. We want chapter and verse and’ exact quotations just as we give them to you when we get after your candi dates. We charge you with willful misrepresentation in your allegations, and defy you to prove them from the records. The nomination of three popular gentlemen for the Legislature from Fulton county warrants the predic tion that there will be several sur prises on election day. Messrs. Barnes, George and Field will make a strong team in the Georgia Leg islature. Lecturer J, W. McGarity’s Appoint ments. Cartersville,. Bartow county, Sep tember 26. Calhoun, Gordon county, Sept. 27, Dalton, Whitfield county, Sept. 28. Spring Place, Murray county, Sept. 29. Ringgold, Catoosa county, Sept. 30. Trentoh, Dade county. Oct. 1. LaFayette, Walker county, Oct. 3. Summerville, Chattooga county, Oct. 4. Buchanan, Haralson county,Oct. 10. Cedartown, Polk county, Oct. 11. Rome, Floyd county, Oct. 12, Marietta, Cobb county, Oct. 13. Dallas, Paulding county, Oct. 13. Election Tickets! Candidates will find that they can save money by sending orders for ©lection tickets to ELAM CHRISTIAN, Printer and Publisher, 102 1-2 Whitehall St., ATLANTA, J. H. Turner’s Appointments.] Lagrange, Troup county, Sept. 26th, 11 o’clock a. m. Union Grove, Heard county, Sept. 27, 10 o’clock a. m. Texas, Heard county, Sept. 27th, 3 o’clock p. m. Walnut Hill, Heard county, Sept. 28th, 10 o’clock a. m. Roopville, Carroll county, Sept. 28, 8 o’clock p. m. Carrollton, Carroll county, Sept. 29, 1 o’clock p, m. Whitesbufg, Carroll county, Sept 29, 8 o’clock p. m. Newnan, Coweta county, Sept. 30, 1 o’clock p. ro. Hogansville, Troup county, Oct. 1 1 o’clock p. m. Greenville, Meriwether county, Oct. 3,1 o’clock p. m. • Chipley, Harris county, Oct. 4, 11 , o’clock a. in. Hamilton, Harris county, Oct. 5, 1 o’clock p. m. Columbus, Muscogee county, Oct. 5, 8 o’clock p. m. Chattahoochee county, Oct. 6th and 7th. Talbott county, Oct. Bth and 10th. Marion county, Oct. 11th and 12th. AT AUGUSTA. [continued from sixth page.] Another voice. Do not pay any attention to that fellow, Major. (Prolonged howling all over the stage.) Mr. Black [addressing your repor ter.] Put it down in your People’s Party Paper that the other side is doing the howling now. Do not put all the blame on the Democrats. Your reporter to Major Black. Major, Ido no man injustice. You shall have just as fair a showing in my report as Mr. Watson. lam not selling myself to boom or injure any body. A voice. Where are . you, Mr. Black ? Mr. Black. What did you say? What did you say? I do not in tend that you shall go away putting all the blame on us. Numerous voices. Hurrah for Watson! Let your men give Mr. Watson a chance to be heard and then we will hear you. Mr. Black. I don’t think that any side has much to brag on to night. No man shall justly accuse me of unfairness. I am willing to take my share of blame for myself and for my party, but I do not in tend that you shall go away trom here putting all the blame on our side. I regret the disorder as much as anybody. I call every man here, I call every fanner here to witness that I did all I could to suppress the disorder. At this point a storm of voices all over the audience, especially on the stage, thre'e-fourths of whom were Democrats, drowned his voice and pandemonium reigned supreme for about five minutes. Mr. Black. Now, where are the howlers ? A voice. Right thar, Major (pointing to the Hancock delega tion). Mr. Black. Fellow-citizens—fel low-citizens—l do not care to put on any airs and say that I am not afraid of anybody. [Addressing his re marks to a voice in the corner that I could not hear.] What do you say ? What do you say, my friend ? [Hur rah for Watson !] When the Bth of November comes, my friend A voice. You’ll be in the soup. Another voice. Where are you at, Major ? Mr. Black. When the Bth day of November comes, then where will you be at ? I have allowed myself, my friends, to be provoked beyond what I would have allowed in my cooler moments by these personal retorts, but I tell you now, once and for all, that I am willing to concede fairness and justice to you as well as I claim it for myself and my friends. A voice. Come over on this side. Them fellow’s over there by that banner are making most of the noise. [That was a fact.] Mr. Black. Now listen. If I know my own heart, I would wil lingly meet the best expounder of your faith your doctrines and give him an impartial hearing, and if he convinced me that you were right I would come up before all these people and acknowledge it. Bat I do honestly believe [Long continued confusion.] I am per sonally unknown to many of you. The business of my life has not thrown us together, but I see some familiar faces in that crowd that seem to be enthusiastic. I would be willing—l see my friend Cartlege there—l would be willing to leave it to you whether I would not as wil lingly help the poorest man as the richest man in the State. A voice. Oh, pshaw, pshaw, pshaw. What are you giving us? Another voice. Good bye, Jim mie. Mr. Black. Well, you may say good bye Jimmie, now, but if I was a betting man I would bet ten dollars to five, that you can’t vote. A voice. That is what you de pend on, I guess. Mr. Fleming. (To Mr. Black). I would not weary myself with those fellows. Mr. Black. Now, listen. He did here as he did in Sparta. Cries of Rats! Rats! Rats. (The boys seem determined to get even.) Mr. Fleming. Major, I would take my time to it. Mr. Black. I am going to take ray time to it. lam going to be the last man on this pletform to-night. A voice. We will be with you in November. Mr. Black. Yes, we will be here until November. The same voice. I say we, not you. Mr. Black. Yes, we will be here until November, and then I will with that Democratic ban ner in my hand. Judge Eve. Major, let us ad journ. Mr. Black. No, sir \ Ido not pro pose to adjourn. Mr. Fleming. We are going to stay right here. Mr. Black. (To the audience). Mr. Watson confessed that I had dealt him manly blows. He admit ted that I had struck no blows under the belt. . Voices. That’s right, Major. He could not say anything else. Another voice, in a rage. Yes, where were you fellers with you dirty howling and insulting ? The time-keeper —Major, you have five minutes more. A white hatted fellow. Major, you have fifteen minutes; they have not let you sqeak at all. The time-keeper—You have been making more noise right along than any six men in the house. Mr. Black. Mr. Watson himself admits that I struck him manly blows and not one beneath the belt. He knows that I would not do such a thing. He knows me too well for that. But in response to the manly blows that I struck him, what did he do ? I say to him [turning around and facing Mr. Watson], I say tc you Mr. Watson, that I am. one of your constituents. I say also that these other men here are your con stituents. Two years ago we nomi nated you as the candidate of the Democratic party; we elected you as the standard-bearer of the Demo cratic party. You came back as the candidate of a hostile party. We ask him to give an account of his stewardship ; what he has done with that flag that we all love so well. What is his answer? His answer is that ten or twelve years ago there was a little quarrel in the democratic household between my friend Walsh and myself. Now listen, listen. Whatever quarrels I may have had in the past, whether political or per sonal, I was willing to surrender them for the sake of the Democratic party. [Long continued confusion.] I do not intend to have this time counted against me. Mr. Watson sat on the table quite a long while. Now listen. He quotes from a speech which I delivered ten years 1 ago at the State capitol. One of the Hancock gang. I be lieve, Major, that it would be a good idea to go right out and say that we were howled down. Another nice fellow. We can’t afford to let them fellows in that gang howl us down. [Note. This was cheeky, for these were the most noisy fellows in the hall, not only while Mr. Watson was speaking, but while Major Black was on his feet, also. They had the ap pearance of profession al’men and the actions of the most idiotic yawpers.] Mr. Black. Will those friends over there sit down ? Have you not got chairs over there ? Have the kindr ness to sit down. Mr. Watson has answered this arraignment of his political record by reference to a speech I made in the capital ten years ago, in which I expressed my self as strongly as I could against the concentration of political power at the capital of the State. Well, I have only to say that I would do it again if the necessity existed. A voice. Yes, of course you would,' and then go into the ring. Mr. Black. Yes, you want to hear the truth badly, don’t you ? [Mr. Black’s friends on the stage around him, every one of them fiercely gesticulating and talking at the same time. Mr. Watson’s friend’s seem determined to not permit Mr. Black to proceed, as [Mr. Watson vir tually preventedjfrom at all on the issues. One thing is cer tain, the men on the stage who are trying to fix the responsibility here and there, were the ones who con tributed most to keep up the din.] Mr. Black. Mr. Watson speaks of our noise. What is the matter with this ? It looks to me like there is a lot of boys over there that ought to be at home with their mothers. I say to him ( Watson) here and now that I will lock shields with him or any other man to put an end to cor rupt political methods. But I sav that the place to fight for that reform is inside and not outside the Demo cratic party. Why could he not stay inside the Democratic party and fight this battle of reform there ? A voice close to Mr. Black. There was not money in it for him. Mr. Black. Let me do the talking my friend, please. In turning on the Democratic party as he did, with the commission in his pocket, the banner in his hand, and its garlands on his brow ; Voices. That’s right. Hit the traitor ; ’rah for the Kentucky gentle man ; Skin ’im. And one solitary voice. By G—d, lam a Kentuck ian myself. Another voice. Tell us, Major, about the Democrats that voted to refund six thousand to Minnie Sher man. Mr. Black. [lgnoring the ques tion.] I would like to discuss these planks in the platform. I do not shrink from an open discussion of the platform. When Mr. Watson tells you he can sustain the financial planks in his platform, I simply say, he is mistaken. Thomas Jefferson never talked any such nonsense. A voice. Why did not your friends let him be heard on it. Time called.