The People's party paper. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1891-1898, September 23, 1892, Page 6, Image 6

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6 language, that I did in my book. There is many a man here to-night that heard my speech in the Market hall before I was elected. Every one who was there knows that I pointed out the same facta, and put the whole town on notice of these things, and one of the men that I mentioned by name was Calvin Brice. A voice. Yes, we know that. Mr. Watson. And the other was Roswell P. Flower. You all remem ber that ? Voices. Yes, every word of it. [Prolonged enthusiasm.] Mr. Watson. Now, be quiet, my friends, and let me go on. No mat ter what the facts were before my election ; no matter what the proof was or was not; the very moment I became convinced that there was an ijT&concilable conflict with the straight out Democracy ; that there was an irreconcilable conflict between the farming interests and the Demo cracy ; that there was an an irrecon cilable conflict between the laboring classes and the old party r [A storm of voices drowned the speaker’s voice at this point and some angry retorts came from the other side.] Mr. Watson. When I made up my mind that the men of this country had to choose between the Ocala platform and the regular Democratic party [Conclusion drowned in confusion.] Don’t yon know that that time has come ? Don’t you know that the Democratic party now is playing you for suckers ? Voices. That has played out; we’re on to them. Other voices. Rats, rats, followed by howling of the unearthly sort. Mr. Watson. Why do 1 say that? Because every demand that they promised to give you—free silver, reduction of expenditures, increase of the circulating medium, the in come tax, and fighting the outlawry of national bankers—has been de nied. Voices. That is the God’s truth ! Hurrah for Watson ! Mr. Watson. All these reforms that they promised to enact into statutory law they failed to do so. No man is so blind that he fails to see that they never intended to en act them. Not only that, they do not incorporate them in their plat form. Let Mr. Black stand by par ty, I will stand by principle. [ Ap plause.] Let him talk about Demo cracy as a name, without any reference to .principle or platform, I am going to stand loyal upon those eternal principles of right and jus tice represented by the wishes of the people of the Tenth congressional district. .Cries of, Devil I devil! Oh, you devil I Rats! traitor I Weaver I and “Where am I at?” Mr. Watson. You are in the fence-crack. There is where you are, and there is where your candi date will be in November, Buddie. (Applause). See it as you will; mis represent it as you may ; distort the facta as you do, there is not a man in this town, if he is honest with himself, who does not know that I stand squarely by my principles and by the people to whom I owe my election. (Tremendous applause.) (Facing Mr. Black.) You say that you have run me away from the position that I took at Crawfords ville. (Facing the audience). He has not done anything of the kind, boyb. lie has not done it now, nor will he ever do it. A voice. He can’t do it, and he can’t drive us. Mr. Watson. Now listen. He charges me with having given as an excuse for leaving the Democratic party caucus the f act that the Indian apolis convention bad passed a certain resolution instructing me not to go into the Democratic caucus, and says that. I ought not to be bound by it because I was instrumental in having it passed. Now that could not be a good reason because I had no vote in that convention. But to show him that he was wrong I repeatedly called his attention to the origin of the St. Louis resolution; to the origin of the Ocala resolution. I called his attention to the origin of the Indianapolis resolution to show that the one was the sequence of the other. Voices around the speaker’s stand. Driven ! driven ! driven I Mr. Watson. Driven from where? I wih show you directly who has been driven, if anybody has been driven [turning to the Hancock dele gation where a continual hum of voices interfered with the hearing, even of your reporter.] If you gen tlemen would only listen it would be much more iustructiva to yourselves and satisfactory to me. He talks about men changing their positions. 1 want to show you that I have not a monopoly of that, because the Hon. J. C. O. Black has done a little of that himself. Voices. Right I right I right! In 1882, when certain politicians, now so anxious to have my friend Mr. Black to go to the lower house, opposed him for the Senate, he made a speech from which I quote the fol lowing. Now listen to you own can didate : Ido not covet the glory of martyrdom, but neither the glittering blade of the executioner nor the smoky tire of sacri fice can drive me from the position I • have taken. I want you people to hear that. Lt* it sink into your souls. It is a strong expression and glowing in rhetorical beauty. My letter in declining to come to At lanta and lobby for a Senatorship has been criticised in the Constitution and the Augusta Chronicle. In that letter I PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1892. eimply propose a reform in politics which these pa )trs are pleased to denounce. What was that position ? Simply opposition to ring rule. Voices. Hit him again, Tommie. Hurrah for our Tommie. [Continues reading.] The Chronicle of 1876 indorsed the position I now hold, but that was the Chronicle edited in Augusta, and now we have a Chronicle edited from At lanta. Cries of Rats, rats, rats, traitor I Run him to his hole. Mr. Watson. Now, this is your own candidate’s speech [turning to Mr. Blade] You see how you are treated by your owij friends. You see how your own beautiful sentence and vivid rhetoric is flouted. [Con tinues to read]: What I have written I have written, and I am willing to stand or fall by it. I am indorsed in my position of refusing to importune members of the legislature by the example of Mr. Hill, who de clined in his race for the Senatorship to do so, etc. Now listen to this : Success does not make right, and since the example of the Sage of Ashland has been invoked against me, I would remind those who use it that he formu lated his political ethics in the famous sentiment, “I would rather be right than be President.” I suppose that the meaning of Mr. Black was that he would rather be instrumental in reforming Georgia politics, as represented by the Con stitution and Chronicle, than to be President. Now listen: I am called a dreamer and have been expelled to Arcadia, but I would like before I go to get a little of the Arcadian atmosphere into Georgia politics. [Laughter.] Mr. Watson. He has done that by joining the rings he was then fighting. [Laughter and applause.] Now listen: Do not lower your standard of political morals. [Laughter, and voices, ’Rah for Black! rata, rata, rats. Mr. Watson. Now listen. This is not my speech; it is your own candidate’s speech. You ought to stand him if you can not stand me. Listen: There is no doubt but among the people there is a feeling of distrust. There is just cause for it. There seems to be a charmed circle into which if a man does not enter he need not aspire to any honor. So convinced was Mr. Black of that ten years ago that he walked into that charmed circle. [Great laughter.] Now listen: There is one head, and when it takes snuff there is a universal sneeze. A voice. Oh, rata, Tom. Give us a rest. Mr. Watson [not heeding the in terruption.] At that time everyone was sneezing -except Mr. Black. [Liughter.] Now Mr. Black is sneezing too. (Renewed laughter.) Cries of Black, Black! hurrah for our candidate, Mr. Black. Mr. Watson. Now listen to this, ladies. Here is a nice sentance : i When he pipes all dance. And among the dancers now we find the graceful figure of the Hon. J. C. C. Black the moment the pipes are put to the mouth and the fingers to the keys. [Roars of angry remonstrance.] Now, boys, you ought to stand it better than that. 1 took mine like a little man, and I do not see why you do not take yours that way. [Laugh ter and applause.] I see now that when the piping is done by the Hon. Evan Howell, for instance, editor of the Atlanta Constitution; and the Hon. Patrick Walsh, who edited the Augusta Chronicle, goes over and says: “Miss Jimmie Black, can I have your hand for the next quad rille ?” [Applause and laughter.] Well, without a moment’s hesitation, the Hon. J. C. C. Black answers, “Yes, sir;” and they go smiling down in the merry mazes of the dance. [Renewed laughter.] Now listen. There is a Biblical allusion that you will all recognize, my friends. You know, my friends, that Mr. Black is fond of alluding to the Holy Scriptures. He does so with great eloquence. But here it is: “I call upon you— Whom? The people of Georgia. To arise and smite this power.” Smite what power ? The corrupt ring in the State of Georgia. A voice. He means, smite Wea ver,” followed by general tumult. Mr. Watson. Why do you not take your medicine like men ? A man by the Chronicle reporter : AY by don’t you go on. They would not talk so much if you would keep right ahead. Mr. Watson. Why do you, and your friends, not keep quiet? You are annoying me more than all the others. He says, “Do not be frightened by it.” Frightened by what? Why, the ring politicians of Georgia, rep resented by the Constitution and the Chronicle. Now, if there is any talk of fighting and courage in the com ing campaign, here is something bearing upon the subject: For twenty days Goliath defied the ar mies of Israel, but there came an Arca dian youth and slew him. No power can frighten me; no honors can bribe me. I hope that the fate of Goliath will over take all who obtain and hold office by corrupt practices. [Tremendous applause, and howls from the hoodlums.] Who was Goliath ? Voices. Black, Black, Black! And cries of, Oh, no, no. (Laugh ter.) Mr. Watson. If at that time I held any place at all, it was by the side of this same David who was going out to slay Goliath, and the Goliath that he was going to slay was the corrupt political ring which he said was fostered by the Atlanta Constitution and the Augusta Chronicle. To-day I am fighting that same power, as I fought it then, but over the other side of the brook, with his sling, I find Mr. Black with bis sling and hi# stones making war upon the cause of God’s people. (Great applause.) Now, I want to get a chance to say a few words specially to these colored people to-night. Now my colored friends, this i* what I want to say. \ oices: TeU us about Weaver! Rah for Black! Traitor, traitor, traitor. Hurrah for the Corbin bank, etc.! Mr. Watson. Now, if you want these colored men to hear what I have to say to them, why, be quiet. If you are afraid to have them hear it, then they will understand your reason. ( Babel broke looose again. The platform contingent commenced thumping on the stage with their chairs, and the speaker’s voice was drowned for about five minutes.) Mr. Watson. Have you colored people seen that? Don’t you under stand that they do not want you to hear what I want to say to you? Many voices from the colored. We see it, boss. Mr. W atson. Have you seen this? (Holding up a circular.) That was sent out by the campaign committee of the Democratic party. The party which has found out *so suddenly how much it loves you. Which has so suddenly found out how much it always loved you. (Laughter among the colored.) Mr. Black wants you especially to vote for Mr. Northen •for Governor of the State. Well, Mr. Northen came down into Wash ington county a week or so ago and made a speech in which he reiterat ed the charge contained in the cir cular, and he took the old colored man with him whose claim he says I defeated. Now, you will soon see why they did not want you to hear it, but you are going to hear it. I want to show you what kind of a Governor Mr. Black wants you to vote for. Those circulars’ charge me with a great wrong in having defeated the claim of Charles Bradwell. He says that Mr. Livingston had that in charge for him. He says that every Congressman was in favor of it, speaking of the Georgia delegation, and that it would have passed through the House for the colored man had it not been put back by me calling for the regular of business, which 1 did in order to < t up this sub-treasury bill for theYClefit of ail the people. That ’ ast Congress which has e J. It was this year, 1891?. >- pose that 1 can show s claim has been paid q|^K e rs lit every one of these Congr«Fq nt? as trying to get your tax "ap- propriated to pay it a fjecak’ntime? A voice. Tflttt w were trying to do. .TqSinc, Mr. Watson. That is jg s f what they did try to do. 'j,' ' A voice. Rats, rats, ratsL XCL ar I (Great confusion caused Wt "e, -s, jeers, beating on a gong or isters.^« Q triangle, and squeaking de- ,h sounding instrument.) Mr. Watson. My colored friends, you see the reason they do not want to hear. Voice on the stage. Go on, Mr. Watson! Go on Mr. Watson!! Go on, Mr. Watsoh!!! (This in a mock ing tone.) Mr. Watson. Yes, I understand you. The sama voice. You are getting a good hearing, Mr. Watson. They do not want to hear your black guard. The assumption was so glaringly that some gentleman who had been cheering for Mr. Black, cried: shame! shame I Mr. Watson. (Ignoring the false hood.) It would be better if you gentlemen on the stage did not inter rupt so much. Here is the bill that was passed of Congress four years ago, which shows that that claim was passed and paid in full, and there is Living ston, and Gordon, and Colquitt, and the other members of the Georgia delegation, according to this, want ing you to pay it a second time. A voice. That ain’t true; there ain’t a word of truth in it. Mr. Watson. Every word of it is true. Your candidate, Mr. Black, would not dare deny it. Mr. Black. My friend, if you have any respect for me, stop this. Mr. Watson. You have been in terrupting me ever since I got up. Now, I want you to be quiet. A storm of voices. Rah for Har rison ! Rah for Mrs. Lease! Rah for Weaver. Traitor! Traitor! Traitor! Devil! DeviJ! Run him to the hole. (The speaker smiled disdainfully, while shame mautled the cheeks of the few Democratic gentlemen on the stage.) A voice. Make them sick, Tom. Mr. Watson. Yes, they are sick. If they listen to this it will make them sicker. They know what is, coming, and they do not want the blacks to hear it. They do not want the whites to hear it. The want to keep the truth smothered up as they have done for twenty years. There is not a man in this auditory who does not know that my chief crime has been that I have been tell ing them the truth about how these representatives have been defrauding them, and falsifying the record to them. They have been telling you that the Republican party did all the rascality since the war, and I have shown you that for every half dozen laws passed by the Republicans that was wrong, there were six laws no lees infamous passed by the Demo- crats. And to-day, when the cry of distress goes up from shop and fac tory, and field and farm, for redress for those wrongs, it is the Democrat ic party, in the South, that says: “We have never had a chance” “ Give us a chance.” (Laughter.) Anda thousand miles away from here, away up in the North, where the laborers in the wheat field, in the corn field, and the coal field, rise and ask the Republican party why it has not given them relief, why, the Re publican party puts up the very same cry : “We have not had a chance.” (Renewed laughter.) And the Re publicans are trying to drive the farmers of the West back into the Republican party by the very same tactics that the Democrats of the South are trying to drive back the farmers of the South into the Democratic party. Cries of : Traitor! Traitor! Mr. Watson. How hypocritical is this cry of, “traitor.” There is not a man on whose lips that insult clings, for whom I have not used my best— Voices. Devil! Devil! Devil! Choke the traitor, boys. Traitor! Mr. Watson. You try to pull me down, and you fail at it. (?) You tried it in Crawfordsville, and failed. You tried at Sparta, and failed. You will fail here, and you will fail in November. (Great cheering.) Ah! if you think that you can keep the people of Georgia from finding out the truth, you are mistaken. Your conduct here to-night, is opening the eyes of many a country Democrat who came down here to hear these questions discussed, possibly antici pating a victory for the candidate of his choice, and expecting to hear the truth. I have got no great newspa pers to fight my battles, I have got no boodle fund to take—(Roars of rzge and angry imprecations, which drowned the speaker’s voice for a few minutes, and prevented your re porter from hearing some of the words in the sentence. He conclud ed as follows:) But there is one thing to which I have made up my mind, and that is, that the people of Georgia shall hear the truth. (Re newed confusion, and cries of rage.) Now, when I was reading this bill a few moments ago, I noticed the expression of certain gentlemen when I repeated the question, “what do you think of (Here there was a fresh outburst of brutality. As I write, the whole scene returns vividly, and I sicken at the recol lection.) Now mind you, I mean by this, if the statement contained in this circular is true—if the state ments they make themselves are true —then these honorable gentle . men (More of the same kind.) I do not know that Senator Colquitt was in favor of paying this claim, fraudulently, again; but it is in the circular, so and so, and it is a Democratic circular. A voice. It is like their dirty work. Mr. Watson. I do not know that every member of Congress favored the payment of this bill the second time, but this I know, the circular says so, and it is a Democratic circu lar. (Laughter and applause.) This Democratic circular says that if it had not been for Watson it would have been paid, for all the balance were in favor of paying it. I know that Senator Gordon was in favor of paying it. Why ? Because I hunted up the record and found that he in troduced a bill to pay it. I know that Mr. Livingston favored it. Why ? Because I hunted up the record and found that he introduced a bill. (Renewed confusion, and a determination to stiffle the voice of the speaker.) Now, what was the concluding sentence of the bill passed in 1892? It says, after ap propriating $1,500 to pay this old man for the cotton that General Sherman took after the war, “said sum to be in full settlement and pay ment of said claim.” [Scarcely had the last words escaped the speaker’s lips, when like the roar of so many angry wild beasts lashed into their lair, the same crowd which had been so intent on keeping up the disturbance, broke out into the vilest and’most scurrilous imprecations. The few gentlemen immediately surrounding Mr. Black showed chargrin in every movement, and the chairman came forward to expostulate, but bad whisky and mendacious literature had divested the crowd of every vestage of man hood.] The chairman said: Gentlemen—• ■gentlemen—yon are doing both Mr. Watson and Mr. Black an injustice. Mr. Black cannot conclude until Mr. Watson concludes. Mr. Watson [indicating the spot on the platform where the Hancock gang held high carnival], I® am continually interrupted from that part of the platform. The chairman. As I understand, they were asking questions. Mr. Watson. If they were, the questions were not germane. They were not in good taste. They were for the purpose of diverting my at tention. [At this point a fellow made a lurch against the table at which I was writing, presumably an acci dent, but this gang showed so much bad feeling toward me on a former occasion that I feel justified in doubting the sincerity of the Scant apology which he offered.] Mr. Watson. As a matter'of course, it is a matter of impossibility for me to make an argument upon the issues of the day. I desired to do that. I desired to address your reason and your judgment on mat ters of great public interest—ques tions engaging the minds of your best thinkers and -writers. I was very anxious to discuss those prin ciples to-night, but you have seen how utterly impossible it was to ad dress you upon these questions which we think are right, and Mr. Black honestly thinks are wrong. I have only twenty-three minutes to con clude, and if I am permitted to say it—— A voice. Ido not think you will be permitted to say it, Tommy, old boy. You are too rotten. (This sally was greeted with a long continued applause by the same old gang.) A voice. Let us adjourn, Mr. Watson. They don’t want to hear you talk. Mr. Watson. No; Ido not think they do. I have pitched this argu ment on a high plane. I have in dulged in no personalities. I ask you who have done such great wrong to Major Black as well as myself, if it is right for a few men who do not want to hear those questions discuss ed, to keep a thousand from hearing that want to hear. No one man ought to insult a speaker, and try to keep him from speaking to a thous and who want to hear. A voice on the second seat from the stage. I cannot hear you hear. Mr. Watson. No; I hardly hear myself. I had prepared for this occasion, a careful argument on the business features of our platform, clearing away misrepresentations, and ex pounding it from the standpoint of Jeffersonian Democracy. 1 intend ed to show you that every plank was in accordance with the teachings of Jefferson; but as a matter of course, you see that I have had no chance to do so to-night. (Laugh ing and chaffing, leering and jeering, howling and growling.) Let me tell you what I showed at Sandersville. I showed from Jef ferson’s work an endorsement of our land plank, which Mr. Black de nounced. I showed an endorsement of our plank favoring a direct issue of money by the Government, which he denounced. I showed a denuncia tion of the State banks, which he wants, and which I showed Jeffer son said would be a curse to the country, and what do you suppose he said? “Why, 1 cannot be bound ; by everything that Jefferson said I sixty or seventy, years ago.” A voice. Hurrah for Jefferson. Another voice. Hurrah for Black! Mr. Watson. Well, which are • you going to take for your standard, Mr. Bfeck or Mr. Jefferson ? Many voices. Black; Jefferson; Black, Black, Black, Black, Black. Mr. Watson: If you take Jeffer son at all, you must take what he said sixty or seventy years ago, be cause he has not had a chance to talk since. A voice. Jefferson is a ’ dead duck. We want the new Dem ocracy. Mr. Watson. Yes, you want any thing but fairness and justice. You want anything but, “equal rights to all men; special privileges to none. You want national bank class legis lation. You want railroad mono poly. You want the gold standard instead of the free silver, which Jef ferson wanted. You want to pay tribute to the bankers, rather than free currency for all the people. A voice. Hurrah for Black! Let Tommie go to h—l! Mr. Watson. What? What? In the presence of ladies. My God! has this day come in Geoagia? Now, some of you think that it is a great crime to start a new party, and many of you do not know that the Democratic party was a third party, started by Andrew Jackson. (Great applause from the benches occupied by the workingmen, ming led with cries of, “Traitor, traitor,” from the same old gang.) Mr. Watson. You cry traitor, and have not sense enough to know that Jefferson never did call his party the Democratic party, but call it the Republican party. A voice. Tommy, you could have been President of the United States if you had stuck to the Democratic party. Mr. Watson. You say, “if I had stuck to the Democratic party.” Why not say stick to justice and right? Same voice. Yes, but you w’ent back on the Democratic party. Mr. Watson. Went back on who? I never went back on a single man that cast a vote for me. (At this point there was another outbreak of blackguardism. It would seem that an equal number of the imps of darkness could scarcely equal the confusion and malignant spleen exhibited. The speaker, with great vehemence and indigna tion continued.) I had a message to deliver to this people, and you kept me from de livering it to them! Yours will be a a short lived victory, for I will ap peal from this knot of rowdies to the great heart of the people. (Great applause.) Don’t you doubt but I shall be heard. (Groans.) Don’t you doubt, but the people shall hear my . message. (Renewed groaning.) Don’t you doubt but the great heart of the good, law abiding people of Augusta shall hear the appeal lam going to make to them! (Snarling hke wild bears, when lashed into fury.) Don’t you doubt but when the sun rises to-morrow, and the Democrats in the country find out how you have treated me, that they will repudiate your rowdyism. (An other interval of diabolism.) Don’t you doubt that the tide of indigna tion will raise, and the people will say that this man must be right, be cause they were afraid to hear him. [Writhing and groaning beneath the lash.] Don’t you think! for on® moment that you can frighten me. Don’t you think for one minute that you can intimidate me. I tell you that the man or the set of men that I am afraid of, God never yet made. I represent a cause that is not afraid to be discussed. [Great cheering, the people seeming to reassert them selves.] I represent men—not a gang of howling rowdies. A storm of voices. Yes, Tom. You bet that we are here at your back, old boy! Mr. Watson. I represent men. Men not dressed as well nor putting on as many airs as some of you, but as brave men as ever the sun shone upon—men that are not to be bullied or bought. Voices. Now you are talking, Tom.jj We are right here by you. Give it to them. Mr. Watson. They are the men who have built up your city, and beautified your streets. They are the men who have made your banks rich, and your factories prosperous. They are the men who made your merchants thrive. [Long continued cheering.] They are the men who fought your battle in time of war, and fed and clothed the country in time of peace, and I tell you if you think that you can stifle that people, you will iind your mis take ! Cries of. Let them try it, Tom, ’ right now. Three cheers for Wat son. [They were given with a will, and for the time being brutal row dyism quailed before calm determi nation.] Mr. Watson. You thought you could discourage me. That cannot be done I I won my way to honor with no man’s help save that of him who gave me work to do. (Great applause.) Know, you rowd ies, that when to-morrow’s sun shall gild the eastern hills I will arise stronger in the faith than I ever was before, because of to-night’s disgrace ful confusion that our enemies have made of their weakness. (Tremen dous applause.) A man is accused here in public of betraying his honor, of betraying his pedple, and denied the poor privilage of being heard in his defence. (Great cheering and long continued applause.) Tell it! tell it to your neighbors; tell it to your children ; tell it to your wives; tell it so that it will go to the fur thermost ends of the country, that even the presence of these ladies— ladies as pure, as lovely, and as vir tuous as the womanhood of the South affords, could not restrain this rabble from howling me down. (Wild ap plause.) (Whether it was the earnest, vehe ment, impassioned words of the speaker, or the determined indigna tion aroused in the farmers and workingmen of the city, the crowd desisted during the foregoing defi ance.) Mr. Watson, (addressing the well disposed). Just a word and I will take my seat. To-night will not be always. I will ,meet you all again. lam going to talk to you people, and the only way to prevent it is to put a bullet into my heart. lam going to be heard by the womanhood of Kichmond county again. I am not going to take the verdict from a lot of men who do not know how to behave in the presence of ladies. They have succeeded in spoiling my speech. That is ail right; I can get another where that came from. They have kept me from arguing your principles here to-night. They have howled me down to-night like de mons, but, laborers of Augusta, I am going to meet you as surely as my pulse beats. I will not attempt to make this speech. Let me say in conclusion, men, ladies, laborers, farmers, pro ducers— Cries of, Oh, rats, rats! Sit down, Tommy; we’ve had enough of you. Hurrah for Black. This was followed by continued cheering from the other side, and cries of dudes, dudes! blackguards. [Note —At this point a mau with a Black badge ou his lapel, arose in the body of the audience and flour ished a bottle of whisky about half full,inviting the boys to take a drink. 1 mention this fact because at a sub sequent period, when M<* jor Black was on his feet, the same mau scrambled on the stage and Mr. Fleming cried out, ‘‘Look at that People’s party man with a bottle of whisky.” I called his attention that I saw a man with a badge on in the audience, and that made honors easy on that score. I ascertained later that it was the same man. I did not see a People’s party man that night under the influence of liquor.] Mr. Watson. This is a fight under the bannei* of fraternity. This is a fight which you can make with the light of God’s glory in your eyes. [The banner with the picture of Mr. Black and Mr. Stephens was carried up towards the stand at this point and it created so much confu sion that fcthe peroration which the speaker commenced could not bo heard.] Mr. Watson took his seat, Major Black unslung his overcoat from hia shoulders and advanced to the front of the stage, and now there com menced a contest without a parallel in the experience of your reporter during thirty years, off and on, in political turmoil. I found it utterly impossible to hear a single word, al though within three or four feet of the speaker. MR. black’s ATTEMPTED CONCLUSIOIff Mr. Black. You want to hear the truth, everybody. A voice. We have been trying te hear the truth but had no chance. CONTINUED ON FOURTH FAGH.