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People’s • Party Paper VOLUME 11. THE TENTH DISTRICT. WATSON AM) BLACK DEBATE AT THOMSON. The Most Orderly Meeting of the Series is at Watson’s Home. Closes the Joint Discussion. [Reported Expressly for the People’s Party Paper by J. L. Priscol, Law and General Reporter, j In striking contrast to the meeting at Augusta, was the meeting at Thomson. The former was disgrace ful beyond the power of pen tongue or pen to portray. The latter would reflect credit on any community, by the gentle courtesy and the high minded, chivalrous hospitality of the people of McDuffie county. The former was the home of Major Black; the latter was the home of Hon. Thomas E. Watson. In striking contrast was the re spect shown the two contestants by tbeir neighbors. Mr. Watson’s friends and neighbors showed the most respectful attention to Major Black, even when they could not in dorse his views. Mr. Black’s friends and neighbors did not show respect even to himself in the city of Augusta. In striking contrast was the en thusiasm shown for a true, honest patriot, by patriots, to the brutal hoodlumistic spirit betrayed by the claquers of corrupt political rings and railroad monopolists toward the accredited champion of these or ganized wrongs. In striking contrast, too, is this report, giving the words of both speakers fully and fairly, to the garbled libels and forgeries of the partisan press of Georgia. Major Black, as I have been informed, has been written to the effect that if he had any fault to find with this series of reports, to make it known and it would be corrected. He has indorsed them by his silence. ON THE GROUND. I left Augusta on the midnight train in order to be on the ground in time to survey the skirmish lines and draw conclusions. Starting out for a stroll the next morning, I found the streets lined with sturdy farmers, with lire in their eyes and the name of Watson on their lips. I found, too, that many houses were decorated with Hags, half black and half blue. A farmer remarked, “Why, Watson has already beaten them black and blue.” The meeting was field in a beauti ful grove southwest of the city, and probably live thousand people were present; Mr. Black having about 1,500 and Mr. Watson 8,500. During the early part of the morning there were scarcely any Black men present, as they were waiting for the Augusta train with the crowd of trained yawpers. The first thing that attracted my atten tion from the stand was a band wagon from Lincoln county, with the words “People’s Party” on one side and “forty acres and a mule” (with the mule hitched to a plow) on the other. When your reporter reached the stand he was received with cheers, for which he modestly blushed and returned thanks in a few able-bodied sentences. BANNERS. The next thing that attracted my attention was a beautiful banner about 28x40. It was made of white satin with a good picture of Mr. Watson on the upper left hand cor ner and embroidered with lilies and marguerites. It had a gold fringe and silver tassels with the words, “The People’s Friend” inscribed di agonally across the face of the ban ner. The staff was surmounted with a golden eagle. This did great credit to the taste, skill and gener osity of the fair donors. It was the gift of McDuffie’s lovely daughters. Miss Lulu Pearce advanced to the stand bearing another banner about 20x30 of white Chinese silk with a fine picture of Mr. Watson near the top and in the centre. A laurel wreath encircled the picture while underneath were inscribed the words, “The Champion of our- Rights.” The bottom was trimmed with golden fringe, and it was a fitting “KiczpAjierl Ryy to -A.ll Special to companion for the other beautiful gift. In presenting it Miss Pearce' said : “Mr. Watsm, your friends, deeply appreciating the work you have done for them and their cause, desire to express their gratitude by some kindly token. They desire not only to express their great regard for you in championing their cause but to as sure you of their determination to stand by you to the last. (Generous applause.) Accept this (handing it to him), therefore, with our bless ing.” (Long continued applause.) Mr. Watson. Ladies of Lincoln county, it moves my heart with pro found gratitude to see that my efforts in your behalf has been appreciated and that the sanctity of bur cause has brought into unison so many brave men and pure women. (Ap plause.) No matter what our op ponents may think, my friends are magnanimous to say that I have been faithful and true to them. Cries of, Yes, yes I God bless you. Mr. Watson. I say to you now, as 1 said two years ago, I shall bring back this banner, which I carry away, just as pure and undefiled as I receive it from your hands. A voice. Tom, we know that. Bless your soul! I low we know it. Mr. Watson. Though it may be stained with the smoke, and defaced with the scars of battle; yet, it will be because you told me to carry it where the tight was thickest and the danger greatest. (Great ap plause.) I have only this to say further, in accepting this beautiful banner, I take it with a deep sense of consecration, just as these ladies have given it into my hands. In the same spirit with they have given it I receive it; and say here and now, in this my home; among these my neighbors, under the skies that sheltered my infancy; under the skies that sheltered my budding hopes; under the skies that sheltered my matured manhood: under the skies that will shelter my old age; under the skies that will curtain my grave, that so long as I live, this work shall be as sacred to me as ever was the work of the holiest crusader in following the cross of his Savior. (Tremendous applause.) AVe knew that when this work com menced, it would not end in a day. We knew it meant labor; we knew it meant sorrow; we knew it meant struggle. But, fellow citizens, we thought it it was a struggle like that of bygone years when our forefath ers wrung from the hands of the plutocrats of the old world, the privileges which we have been en joying so long. And while they they knew it meant sorrow, they knew it would end in gladness; while they knew it meant struggle, they knew it would end in victory; while they knew it meant strife, they, knew it would end in the blessings of golden winged peace. (Great ap plause.) Thank God that you have re-ap plied yourselves to the perpetuity of those principles, which the fathers consecrated with their blood, and the beloved mothers sanctified with their tears. By the blessing of God, I will re apply myself as your lead er, in this cause; and I say in conclu sion God bless the banner, and God consecrate the people.” Mr. Watson sat down amid the most enthusiastic applause. Having a brief respite, I cast my eyes around and found the speaker be girt. “By fetters, forged in the green sunny bowers, As though he were captive to the king of flowers.” I can only give the names of the charming donors as far as I could get them, and beg pardon of any whom I may have unfortunately missed: Mi.s Alma Worrell, Miss Lizzie Toole, Mrs. R. E. Neal, Mrs. B. Al. Gross; (with this was the fol lowing inscription: “Shell the moss backs, the people are with you.) From the ladies of Cobbham and viciinity, Mrs. Wesley Young, Miss A ade Jones, Miss Eva Puckett, Astor, Clayton county; Miss Birta Inglett, Mrs. B. M. Rose, Mrs. Oscar Lee, Mrs. George Irving, Mrs. Yulee Young, Little Miss Nellie Headley, Miss Pheeny Morris, Mrs. Julian Boyd, Mrs. John T. West, Mrs. T. B. West, Miss F. West, Master Ed ward West and Mrs. Preston Liz enby. I deeply regret that so many cards were misplaced, and I am thus unable to pay the compliment of en rolling all the names. The chairman, Mr. Morgan Nor ris, introduced Mr. Watson as fol lows: I ellow citizens, I bespeak on vour part, a quiet and careful attention. It affords me great pleasure to intro duce to you now, as the representa tive of the People’s party, the Hon. Thomas E. Watson. ATLANTA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1892. Mr. Watson was received with re newed and prolonged cheering. MR. WATSON'S OPENING Now fellow citizens, I want to see how much you respect me to-day. I am at home, Air. Black is here as our visitor. He is an honorable gentleman, he is the nominee of a great party, and I trust you will treat him with respect in both char acters. A voice. We will do that, Air. Watson. Air. Watson. Now my friend, let me do the talking. I want you all to show me the highest compli ment to-day that you can possibly pay me. A voice. We will do it. Mr. Watson. lam glad to have these flowers; I am glad to have these banners ; but the highest com pliment you can pay me to-day is to take my advice and be respectful during the speaking. Ido not mean by that that you should not cheer the speakers. Ido not mean by that that you should not indulge in decor ous enthusiasm, but I do ask you not to interrupt Air. Black by any un seemly conduct. I want McDuffie county to show that she is worthy of entertaining this magnificent crowd by showing respect to this magnificent gentleman. Now, every man who will promise me to take my advise and allow Air. Black to have a respectful hearing; every man who will promise not to inter rupt him by any unseemly conduct; every man, woman and child who will promise me to be quiet and decorous, will please hold up their right hand. [lt is safe to say that the hand of every People’s party man and wo man was held up.] Now, remember that you have given me your solemn promise not to interrupt Alajor Black. Bear in mind that no matter what the provo cation may be, you will bear it for my sake. Now, remember that your pi omise is at stake; remember that your honor is at stake. Voices. We will do it, sure, Tom. Air. Watson. Remember that my promise is, at stake, for T bavjlkffyen my assurance for you. Another voice. Thank you for the suggestion. We will keep it. Air. Watson (holding up the Brad well circular). Have any of you colored or white men seen this? Cries of “ I have ; I have; I have.” Air. Watson. Well, you have a Governor—a man who is running for governor again—and what did he say about that circular down at Wash ington? He said that Watson had defeated in congress a claim of Charles Brad well, which all the Georgia con gressmen said was a just claim. This same colored man, Bradwell, was present and confirmed the claim. That is, Governor Northen, at home and down in Wilkes county, said that therefore I ought to be defeated be cause I had done a worthy colored man a grievous wrong. He took the colored man along to prove it. Now, this says that Bradley says that L. F. Livingston, a good Democrat now, introduced a bill to pay this claim. That it would have passed but for Watson. He says that both the Georgia Senators, Gordon and Col quitt, and all the Georgia delegation thought it was a just claim. He says that Air. Watson, by calling the regular order and putting that obsta cle in the way, defeated the claim. Now, that is a serious charge. If that is true, it condemns me; if not true, it condemns the authors of the charge. If Governor Northen comes into this district and makes a charge that is false, you will go away with a great contempt for the Governor, will you not? You cannot indorse falsehood? Voices. No! No ! Air. Watson. You cannot ratify slander? * Voices. Certainly not; we know you, Tom. Air. Watson. You cannot ap prove such unjust methods ? (Cheer ing.) Now, it is true that General Gordon favored the bill. Why do I say that ? Because he introduced the bill in the Senate for its payment. It is true that Livingston approved the bill. Why do I say that ? Be cause he introduced the bill in the House for its payment. Now, if they did that knowing that it was an unjust claim; if they did that know ing that it had already been paid, they were deliberately attempting to rob the tax-payers of the State of Georgia, were they not ? Voices. Yes, yes; certainly. Air. Watson. Now, If I can show you that, where is Governor Nor then ? Voices. In the soup. Mr. Watson. If I can show you that it has been paid, and that the colored man gave his receipt in full, where is Air. Livingston ? A voice. He doesn’t know where he is at. Air. Watson. If that has been paid, where is every other member of the Georgia delegations. Voices. Hurrah for Black; hur rah for the traitpr; hurrah for Airs. Lease and Jerr( Simpson. Air. Black. Keep silence, my friends. Do not interrupt. Air. Watson. Oh, let them howl a little, Alajor; it hurts. (Laughter and applause.) Air. Black. I appeal to you as Air. Watson has appealed to his friends, and I say this, if you have any respect for me, give him a re spectful hearing. I have an hour and a half to reply, and it is your duty to keep quiet and not interrupt him. Now let us have an onen, fair, candid discussion of the issues of the day. (At this point the train bearing the organized gang of Hancock heelers had been in a few minutes and the head of the column made its appear ance with the usual accompanying rowdyism.) Alt. Watson. Now, my friends, let us be quiet and I will go right on. Several voices. ’Rah for Black ! Tell us about the Corbin bank Tom! ’Rah for Black! ’Rah for Cleve land ! Alajor Black seemed in the act of interposing when Air. Watson, waving his hand, said: I will handle them, Alajor. Now, my friends, I just want to show you what kind of a law was passed in reference to this colored man’s claim. -Listen: [Private No, 745.] An Act for the relief Chas. L. Bradwell. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorized and directed to pay to Charles L Bradwell, late of the coun ty of Chatham and State of Georgia, and now a resident of the county of Bartow, in said State, the sum of one thousand five hundred and thirty-two dollars, the value of cotton belonging to said Bradwell and delivered by him to the Federal authorities in the winter of eighteen hundred and sixty-five under orders issued by General W. T. Sherman; and the amount of money necessary to pay said claim is hereby appropriated out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, said sum to be IN FULL SETTLEMENT AND PAYMENT OF SAID CLAIM. Approved Sept. 24, 1888. A voice. They had that at Craw fordsville; I guess they have had enough of that, Tom. (At this point a banneY-bearer to the right and front of the stand kept waving’ the banner in r way to attract the crowd, and vr a manner evidently annoying to the speaker.) Air. Watson. Stop moving that banner. Banner-mover. This is a Black banner, and I will go where I please with it, and do what I please with it. Air. Watson. Y r ou can move it where you please, but get it there and do not wave it in a manner that is annoying, please. Storm of voices from the delega tion. Give it to ’im boys; ’rah for Black ; traitor. Air. Black. Aly friends, no more of that, please; if you have any re spect for me, no more of that. Air. Watson. Aly friends, there is one banner that has not come in yet. That is the one with the pictures of Stephens and Black on it. I hope that banner will be brought in—the banner with the pictures of a great man and a big man. (Laughter and applause.) A voice. Ido not think they will bring it in. They had enough of that at Crawfordsville. (Renewed laughter.) Mr. AYatson. Now, about this claim of which I have just read. Four years ago (The speaker casting his eyes in the direction of a countryman climbing a tree.) Let us wait until that gentleman reaches his limb. (Laughter.) A voice. That is a Watson squir rel. (Renewed laughter.) Mr. Watson. Yes, and he can outclimb any other kind of squirrel, too. (Increased laughter.) Now, to return to this bill for the relief of the colored man. Your business is transacted by trustees into whose hands you put it. Your tax money is expended by these men, and as your representatives, ought they not to be careful in the spend ing of the money? (Voices. Yes, yes.) Now I want to say to you white friends, I want to say to you black friends, that if that bill was paid, and the record shows it was was paid, according to Governor Northen’s statement, I was the only representative from Georgia who voted to prevent the looting of the treasury to the extent of that claim which was already paid. What would you have done? A voice. What you did. (Long continued applause.) Air. AVatson. Now listen. When this bill was called, we were calling for the sub- treasury bill in the House. That was something that would benefit every man in this broad land, white and biack alike, and because I was trying to get a law passed that would benefit all the tax payers, this colored man, Brad well, and Governor Northen are go ing around the country denouncing me. Denouncing me for what? Be cause I would not let them loot the treasury while suffering your interests to lie dormant. (Long continued ap plause.) Because I did not permit this claim to be paid a second time, as shown in this bill just read. “Said sum;to be in full settlement and payment of said claim.” (Great cheering and cries from the colored. Bless the Lord, Air. AYatson, we know’d it was a lie.) Does not that show you how carelessly your busi ness is enacted when Gen. John B. Gordon introduces a bill for the set tlement of a claim a second time? Voices. Yes yes, yes. Hurrah for AYatson! (A commotion in the rear of the platform among the rail road hoodlums—the transported brigade.) Mr. AYatson. It seems to be ut terly impossible to get those Black banners where they can be quiet. They are toppling over. The Steph ens banner has disappeared entirely, and the other one is lying prone in the dust. (Laughter.) Yonder comes another one with funeral co. ors on it. (Renewed laughter.) How instinctively their judgment yields to the inevitable, for if there is any thing known to this country, it is that the Black campaign is a funeral procession. (Side splitting laugh ter.) They decorated their houses with black flags, this morning but, lo! they are coming now in Black shrouds. (Laughter of every con ceivable sort, the spontaneous and the suppressed, the guffaw and the giggle, the horse laugh and the dry laugh. The organized Democrats had a monopoly of the latter.) The great trouble with the Democrats is, that this is a campaign of education. They mean all right, but they don’t know how. There are many Demo crats on account of the accident of birth; there are a few Democrats on account of conviction—but the great er part are such on account of non information. Voices. They will learn if they attend these meetings. Air. AYatson. (A Black banner is advanced near the stand.) Th s banner is rushed in just like the Stephens banner was rushed in at Crawfordsville, with a brass band, as is often done in a joint debate for the purpose of disturbing the speaker. But the trouble with these gentle men is that they never do get there at the right time. (Laughter.) They never get there until our standards are planted and the victory won. (Renewed laughter.] At Crawfords ville they rushed that banner for ward for the first time. That was the speech in which my friend so strongly denounced me for leaving the Democratic party. Well, when I left the Democratic party I was ready to give good reasons for so doing. At Sparta I chased him down. I was glad to get him on a distinctive Jeffersonian principle. I showed Jefferson as authority. AYhat do you think he said when I showed him that Jefferson had de nounced State banks? That Jeffer son said they could only be failures ? that the government should issue its own money ? that fiat money, if you please, was good money? Now what do you suppose he said to that ? AVhy, he said, “I cannot be bound by everything that Jefferson said sixty or seventy years ago.” [Ap plause.] If we should dig Jefferson up and set him to talking again, he might still say the same thing. But really, if they claim to be for Jeffer son and confine themselves to Jeffer son of to-day, ignoring sixty or sev enty years ago, how can we bring anything to bind him ? for Jefferson has been dead sixty or seventy years. [Laughter.] Now, this campaign is bitter, principally on account of your non-information, my Democratic friends. There is many a man here so warped by the coiled snake of hatred which encircles his heart that he is incapable of receiving informa tion. Aly distinguished friend at Craw fordsville said that my course in leaving the Democratic party was without a parallel in political history. The trouble with him is that he does not know anything about political history. [Laughter.] The ignor ance of the witness destroys the force of his testimony, as I will show you. [lncreased laughter.] I wish they had that Stephens banner here to-day, it would serve so good a pur pose to point a moral. Not that I would seek to justify myself for do ing anything just because Air. Stephens did it, no more than I would want to be bound by anything because any other man did it. Let every man stand or fall by his own record, but I say this, they are in a pretty fix to quote Alexander 11. Stephens and place his picture side by side with Air. Black's. Oh, my countrymen, think of these two pic tures. One saying, “Look how great I am,” and the other saying, “Look how big I am.” [At this point there was a tre mendous outburst of applause from the people, and the first disposition on the part of the organized to cre ate confusion, but they were in such a hopeless minority, and the remem brance of Alonday night’s proceed ings was so fresh in the memory of all, that they could see the people w ere not in the mood to be trifled with.] Air. YYatson. Not only that, but he tried to shelter himself behind NUMBER 1. Stephens. How ? In Sparta when I reminded the people that Mr. Black had voted for the Bullock bonds in the face of the fact that the Legisla ture of 1876 said they were void; in the face of the fact that the people of Georgia, in adopting the consti tution in 1877, decided that they were fraudulent; yet, when I touched him under the short ribs, the only thing that he could do was to catch onto Mr. Stephen’s coat tail and say, “Pull me out, Ctesar, or I perish.” Cries of Hit him again, Tommy. (Great laughter.) Another voice. Oh, don’t; that would be cruel. (Renewed laughter.) Mr. Watson. Now, if Mr. Black escapes from the consequences of that vote it is because—l say, if he escapes condemnation for that vote it is because Alex. Stephens’ decla rations, on the equity side of the question, bear him through the storm and strife of battle. [Tre mendous applause.] Now, for that reason I think that Alexander IL Stephens’ political course ought to be good medicine for him when he speaks about my course being with out a parallel. Now listen how the proofs on him being a back number in political history. (Reads.) December Ist, 1849. —House met at 13 m ; 221 members only being present, and balloted four times for Speaker without electing. The vote stood: For Cobb, 103 ; Winthrop, 96 ; Wilmot, 81; Gen try, 6 ; several scattering. Now, who was one of the men who voted for Gentry and against Mr. Cobb? Alexander H. Stephens. Why did he vote against him ? Be cause he was a Democrat and Stephens was a Whig. (Turning to the Constitution and Chronicle re porters.) Now, Ido beg our friends, the reporters, to catch the statements as I make them. Don’t misquote me. Many voices. They won’t do it. Don’t you know them ? We do. Mr. Watson. Do not say that, my friends. They will do it. That is discourteous. Now, my friends, that was December 1, 1849. Let us turn to the very next thing that oc curs in the life of Alexander H. Stephens, by his life-long friend, Dick Johnson. The Constitutional Ur ion party was formed on nhe plat form of the Georgia resolutions m 3 1850. Mr. Howell Cobb was elected governor by a heavy majority. Ste phens was elected to the House, and went on to Washington in Decem ber. Do you catch the point ? Stephens and Cobb appeared in Dscember, 1849. Cobb was one of the candidates, and yet he supported Gentry. Mr. Johnson had drawn up a set of resolutions to form a new party called the Constitutional Union party, and Mr. Cobb and Mr. Toombs were standing on the platform of that new party. Here are the facts out of Mr. Stephens’ own life [Reads.] The debate on the territorial bill, and the distribution of votes both for and against it among the Democrats and Whigs, showed clearly that old party lines were loosening, and that the time for recognization of parties had come, Mr. Clay and other leaders on both sides had signed and published a paper drawn up by Mr. Stephens, declaring their in tention of supporting no candidate for office who would not support the princi ples now established.” Now, does not this look like it furnished a parallel where Mr. Black said there was no parellel? Cries of. Yes, yes. We see the point. Good-bye Jimmie. [Pro longed laughter.] Mr. Watson. Now how do you think that medicine will set on Mr. Black’s stomach? Renewed laugh ter. Here was the Georgia platform, and the party upholding that plat form known as the Constitutional Union party. Who was the author of these resolutions? Why, Alex< under 11. Stephens. Who was the man who wrote these resolutions and carried them with him outside of the party that*done h>m the honor of sending him to Congress? Alex ander H. Stephens. Who was the man who, while he was still in Con gress, elected as a representative of the Whig party, drew up a platform and he, himself, became the leader to fight the old party bosses? Alex ander H. Stephens. Why did he do that? Because the Whigs had es tablished rings and cliques, and left the principles of the party. Who is the big man whose picture is placed beside this great man,denouncing me for doing the same thing Mr. Steph dns did? A voice. The peerless gentleman. Major Black. [Derisive "and long continued laughter.] Mr. Watson. What next? [Reads.] The Constitutional Union movement of 1850, of which he had been leader, lasted but two years, and in 1853 the Whigs and Democrats relapsed into their clu antagonism. Mr. Jenkins, however, came foiward as the candidate of his party, and Mr. Stephens, Mr, Toombs and others tried to keep up the organiza tion. What organization? The organ ized new party that Mr. Stephens had formed to fight the Whigs aftei the Whigs had put him in Congress, If it is treachery in me to leave the Democratic party, because it had a violated every principle, what was it*