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FREE SPEECH DENIED. A HOWLING MOB PREVENT MR. WATSON FROM SPEAKING. Georgia Disgraced by an Intolerance In her Capital City Befitting the Dark Ages. [Reported expressly for the People’s 1 arty Paper by J. L. Driscol.] Georgians, read the following fee ble portrayal of proceedings in At lanta on the night of September 22, and the morning and evening of the following day. Then blush for the indelible stain put upon the hitherto fair escutcheon of you State. Then execrate the unmanly actions which brought this deep-dyed disgrace upon you and yours. Fix the responsi bility and purge yourselves by show ing your scorn for the ringsters, the newspapers and their prejudiced tool-*, the howlers. Hon. Thomas E. Watson appeared at the State capitol (a building erected by the people of Georgia) to speak to Georgians on public issues. Os that meeting it is not necessary to say a word, further than that the newspapers indorsed it, the Constitution gleefully heading its article, “Knocked Tom out.” The repoit below tells the tale. General and Mrs. Weaver and Mrs. Lease arrived on the East Ten nessee train from Macon the next morning at 8 o’clock, and, in the words of the Atlanta Journal, given in an exulting tone, “The eggs down there were over ripe.” This will help the reader to fix the responsi bility in two instances. They pretend that the people of Georgia rose in their indignation against General Weaver because he acted the part of a tyrant in Pulaski, Tennessee, during the war. Even if that were true, of which we have in disputable poof to the contrary, it comes with bad grace from the men who toadied to John J. Ingalls, the “statesman out of a job.” The same John J. Ingalls whose tongue has ever been steeped in wormwood and whose pen is ever dipped in gall, when a Southern man or woman is mentioned. General Weaver is the champion of suffering humanity;. Ingalls, the tool of plutocrats. Draw your own conclusions. They pretend that Weaver was a tyrant, and for that reason rotten egged his venerable wife, a lady whose white locks would command the most courteous treatment from anyone in whose soul generous thoughts could spring up and live. This same gang, with a sycophancy that was disgusting, turned out ex masse to do homage to the colossal swindler of the age, Jay Gould. General Weaver is a friend of the people; Jay Gould, the typical plu tocrat of America. Draw your own conclusions. They pretend that Gen. Weaver is a tyrant, in justification for heap ing indignities upon Mrs. Mary E. Lease, a daughter of the “land of green fields and rushing rivers,” a lady who is the equal of any lady in Georgia in lady-like demeanor and in mental gifts. Mrs. Lease has thrown her splendid talents on the side of the masses of the people, North and South. Draw your own conclusions. They put up the pretense that Gen. Weaver was a tyrant, yet they treat Gen. Field, a one-legged Con federate veteran, with discourtesy in many places. This same gang licked the dust before the feet of another one-legged veteran on the Union side, Daniel E. Sickles. Gen. Sickles said harder things of the South than ever Gen. Weaver did. Gen. Sickles is for the plutocrats, Gen. Field is for the people. Draw your own con clusions. Os course, I do not wish to be un derstood as saying that plutocrats descend to such low species of black guardism. It is easier to hire their creatures to do the dirty work. MR. WATSOX’S MEETING. The rotunda of the Capitol was the place selected. The ground floor was covered with seats, as well as the balconies. A platform -was erected at thb head of the first Hight of stairs, extending beyond the steps, and just -wide enough to give room for persons to pass up and down. Many ladies graced the stand behind the speaker’s desk, the balco nies and the auditorium. Surely this was no place for exhibitions of brutal rowdyism. Whoever thought so did not gauge the venom of ring politicians, who daily read in letters of fire, “Weighed in the balance and found wanting.” If any one the truth of the truth of the adage, “Corporations are soulless,” he was convinced of its truth now. One word more, and I come to the meeting. Do not believe for one moment, while reading this in your country homes, that the disturbance was created by a few thoughtless boys. That impression was sought to be created by the venal press of the cities. It is not true. Neither is it true that it was the work of what is known as roughs. Neither did any honest working man engage in it. It was solely the work of what is known as the genteel ele ment lawyers, doctors, office holders, office employes, and youths, with rich fathers, who never earned a meal’s victuals. MR. WATSON’S SPEECH. Fellow-citizens; The protest of the minority is the watchword of progress. A voice: “Bow, wow, wow,” in a deep bass tone. Mr. Watson : If you gentlemen will PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA. GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER ,92. just be quiet it will be only a few min utes before every People’s party man will hear as much as he wants, and every Democrat wifl heai more than he wants. Cries of “Newsom *. Newsom!” and hissing. Mr. Watson: Now, fellow-citizens, this capitol has been built by the people of Georgia. It has been occupied by both the other parties, and they have been listened to with respect. No Peo ple’s party man, I am sure,ever disturbed one of these speakers. I simply request at the hands of those who do not agree with my political views that they will treat us in this capitol, which is as much ours as thei r s, with the same respect that we bestowed on their speakers. This is not a country where freedom of speech is abridged. Every man has a right to speak his opinions in Georgia. I ask for no convert except those that I can reach by reason. We are all entitled to our opinions, but at the same time it seems to me that we ought to give a re spectful hearing, without insult, to those with whom we do not agree. If we cannot do that, it is the part of gentle men to stay away. [Mew. mew, bow wow.] Tba! is the standard Democratic argument. They are afraid everywhere to meet these issues and discuss them on their merits. In nearly every place I have been these hisses and hoots and yells have been resorted to. Now, when gentlemen resort to that line of argu ment does it not show the weakness of their cause ? Cries of “Yes, yes!” and laughter. Demoniacal yells from the dude element Mr. Watson: That is not the argu ment of men who are seeking for truth Every man who came here to-night with an. honest intention and to hear these great questions fairly discussed must condemn such methods, and will very rationally conclude that men who came here not to hear us fully and fairly dis cuss our views but to prevent others from hearing them discussed, must be in a position that is untenable. There must be something rotten in their principles or they would be willing to meet us with reason instead of with hisses. [Hisses and cat calls.] As I said, the protest of the minority is the watchword of progress. The Reformation, which has spread its bless ings all over the earth, benefiting the church from which it withdrew as much as those who withdrew from it, was a prote.t of the minority. And so in gov ernmental affairs, nearly every principle embodied in the constitution, which at the time it was framed was a a innova tion in political government, was a pro test of the minority. Many of the prin ciples now endeared to us resulted from the protsst of a minority of brave men, some of whose lives were forfeited to the principles therein contained. Why. the principle that the people have a right to be heard in the making of laws was a truism for which men of one hundred years ago sacrificed their lives. Voices : “You-yow, bow-wow-wow, mew,” followed by laughter and jeering. Mr. Watson : Listen my friends. You do not know how all this sounds to some of these good people. At the time that the patriots were shot down in the streets of Lexington at the outbreak of the Rev olutionary war— [ Hoots and yells drowned the speaker’s voice and I missed the conclusion of the sentence.] Horne i’ooke was tried in the courts in England and fined six thousand dollars for his expressions of sympathy for the patriots so shot down. A voice in the balcony: “Cock-a-doo dle-doo.” Laughter from the disturbers; indignation from the people. Mr. Watson: It is worth something to see how the protest of the minority is treated. Nevertheless it goes on and on until it accomplishes its purpose, and the truth and justice of the principles for which brave men laid down their lives become so self-evident that they are ac cepted without question in the next gen eration. Now, fellow’-citizens, we of the Peo ple’s party promulgated a platform which was a protest of the minority against the policy of the majority. The protest of those who suffer from bad laws against those who make bad laws. A protest of those who are getting more poverty stricken every year when others are reaping the fruits of their toils. A pro test from those who are under against those above. A protest from those who produce and who think they are en titled to a fair share in the fruits of their production. Take the labor question up. Is it not high time that light should flow in upon the fundamental propositions? Is it not right that the man who labors, whether in the factory or the shop, in the field or in the mine, in the village or in the city, is entitled to a fair share of the product of his labor. [Hoots and yowls.] It is said that our doctrine is rank communism. Cries of “Yes! yes it is I” Mr. Watson : That charge is made by Governor Northern A voice : “Bully for Northern Hur rah for Northen. Mew, mew; bOW WOW.” Mr. Watson : That charge is made by the Hod. William J. Northen, and he ought to know; for he helped to frame that platform. Why do you not hurrah for Northen ? Voices: “Yes, hurrah for Northen! Mew, yow, yow, yow.” This uproar lasted three minutes. Mr. Watson : Our platform says that there ought to be an income tax. That is not rank communism, is it ? A voice : “Yes ! ’Rah for Black I” Mr. Watson : Our platform says that the land is the heritage of all the people and should not be monopolized for spec ulative purposes, and alien ownership of land should be prohibited. That is not communism, is it ? Our platform says that there should be a direct issue of money to the people from the treasury, instead of its being monopolized and a royalty paid upon it to the monopoly known as national banks That is not communism, is it? Our platform says that the taxes of the people ought to be cut down to ne cessities of the government economically administered. That is not communism, *s it? Our platform says that the railroads, the great highways up which passengers go, down which freights go, those great aitsries of commerce, should be owned and operated by the government in the interest of the people. Is that com munism? Voices : “Yes, it is,” and “No, no.” Mr. Watson : Well, now, we will see about that. [Howling, mewing and bow wowing.] lam quite delighted with this audience. If there is anything that Ido not like it is a dead audience. I am glad to see from the way you are kick ing that you are at least alive. Now, it seems that the only plank in the platform which I have read that is communistic is the railroad plank. 1 will put that by and return to it again. Now, there is another plank upon which we agreed, and that is that in stead of the government issuing ‘the money to national bankers at one per cent, with the privilege given to them to tax you eight per cent, that the government should recognize you as being as much a part of the people as the national bankers, and that your products, cotton, corn, wheat and the like, without which prosperity could not exist, should be recognized as good collateral in the distribution of money as well as bonds. Is that communism? Now, 1 sturt out with a proposition that the gentleman who helped to frame that platform used—a proposi tion the gentlemen who denounces it as “rank communism” used. I will read you a letter from the Southern Cultivator. Listen, you who say that plank on railroads is communism: “Every illiterate man in a commu nity is a shame upon that community. It is the duty of that community to educate the illiterate or get him out of the community.” What do you say about that? Is that right, too? A voice: “Educate him or get him out.” Mr. Watson. You just wait. I will give you a harder one directly No man ought to put off on any other com munity what he is not willing to have put off on his own, ought he ? No man ought to try to put off on a neighboring community what is a shame to his own, ought he ? What do you think of a man who says, I will kick out of my com munity what is a shame to me, and put it on another community? Is that a sample of your Democratic Christianity ? “Every poor man in a community is, in some sense, a burden to that commu nity. It is the duty of the community to educate that man out of his poverty”— or what? “Send him off on another com munity.” Now, ain’t that carrying out the Golden Rule with a vengeance? That is dealing with your neighbor as you would would like to have him deal with you. Now I submit that if it is the duty of the community to educate the citizen, and that community neglects its duty, that it is the community which deserves the punishment, and not the citizen. The citizen should be punished for the crime against himself by the community. That is Democratic logic. It is no wonder they are asking, “Where am lat ?” [ Laughter and applause ] A voice. Traitor I Traitor! Corbin bank ! Mr. Watson. That is about the last argument of desperation. There is no doubt of that. Now, some of the best men that ever lived w’ere illiterate men. Some of the men who have done the greatest service to mankind were illiterate men. The men who wrested Magna Charta from King John did not know how to write their names when they came to sign it. Some of the grandest officers in the Confederate service, notably N. B/ Forrest, were very illiterate, and yet he could whip his weight in wild-cats. [Great applause, and bow-wowing and mewing.] The idea that illiteracy of itself makes a man different from what God Almighty made him goes upon the theory that a man becomes great by sit ting on a school book or putting his shoulder against a college wall. The truth is, it don’t do anything of the sort. A man’s brains, like his aspirations, come from on high. No man can oyer- i estimate the benefit of education, from my standpoint, but after all, education does not change a man, intrinsically. It embellishes him. It makes him more useful. But when the Democratic party or Democratic officials say that because a man is illiterate he is dangerous, and that because society does not discharge its duty to him it is justified in expelling him, it takes a position that cannot be , defended by any fair discussion. Voices. ’Rah for Black I ’Rah for Judge Newsom ! Cock-a-doodle-doo 1 I Mr. Watson. Is that an argument in tended to bolster up Governor Northen in his views on education, or his charge that his own platform is rank com munism? [Laughter.] Another beautiful thing Governor Northen said in a speech down at Sparta, where he spoke from the same platform with my friend, Mr. Black. He said : “Strike your wife, who in early life gave you her warmest affections, bat do not strike the grand old Democratic party. Strike our child [Ten thousand demons lashed with whips of scorpions could not create a more infernal din than was produced by the reading of the foregoing. Not that the howlers condemned the brutal recommendation, but that the surgical knife of truth and justice was ap plied to the festering, cancerous senti ment. Five minutes were consumed by the howlers.] . Mr. Watson. Well, this is about the pleasantest crowd I have struck up with yet. Full of fun. Chuck full. I had no idea that the People’s party had such life in it right here in the city of Atlanta. And right here in the shadow of the gubernatorial mansion I find the Demo crats afraid to have speeches of their governor read to them. Now I want to see what sort of a fix this gentleman over here has got into, and how these gentlemen relish it. [Resumes reading.] “Strike your little child, clad in white, kneeling at her mother’s knee, as she lisps the first prayer of infancy, ‘Now I lay me down to sleep,’ but do not strike the dear old Democratic party.” Why don’t you holler ? It was a little too stiff for you that time, eh ? One of the reporters for a city paper (sotto voce). “Can it be possible that the governor said that?” Mr. Watson. I am going to say it again, boys, to give you another chance. I will give you an opportunity to ana lyze it and show how far Democrats do themselves credit as husbands and fathers in giving indorsement to a senti ment like that. Strike your wife, who has been your faithful companion in the years that are passed ; nursed you when sick; been your comfort when well; shared with you the toils of poverty, and has been your greatest source of enjoyment when vou got out of proverty ; has been al ways loyal, confiding and true; the mother of your children; the joy of your home ; the dream of your life— strike her, but do not lift your band against the dear old Democratic party. Howls of Bow-wow-wow ! Mew-mew mew ! Traitor ! Traitor ! Cock-a doodle doo ! Strike Watson! Dovn with the traitor! and pandemonium, generally. Mr. Watson. Boys, I am sorry it hurts. You are even more tender than the boys down in Augusta. (Laughter.) A voice. I can’t see the point. Mr. Watson. There will be points enough all along for any Democrat to run up on, as sure as you live. Strike your child—-your beautiful little daughter, robed in white, becoming more like an angel every day, on ac count of the spotless raiment she wears. Not only that, but, strike her as she kneels at the knee of her mother, your wife, at even's holy hour when every man’s thoughts ought to be quieted as he sees the end of the day, typical of the end of life. Not only that—strike her as she is learning to lisp that beautiful prayer that ail of us learned at our mother's knee ; strike her without of fence or provocation, this first born of yourself and wife, or may be the last pledge of your affection, but do not strike the grand old Democratic party ! That is one of the men you are asked to vote for. If you indorse that sort of sentiment, go ahead and do it. But when you indorse that sentiment you in dorse a sentiment that no Christian mag istrate of a Christian State ought to utter. Why don’t you holler? You boys must not get hacked so quick. You will give away your case if you don't mind. A voice. Beef tea ; beef tea. B a-h ; bow, wow ; mew. (Laughing and yelp ing) Mr. Watson. If then .is anything that Democracy is suffering from, it is too much beef tea. There is no doubt of that. A voice. Hurrah for Livingston. Mr. Watson. The saddest thing on the face of the earth is an Atlanta Dem ocrat hallooing for Livingston. (Laugh ter.) They can manage to shout for Maddox with great gusto. They can halloo for my friend, Major Black, the peerless gentleman (iaughter), they can holler for Northen with a great deal of vigor and energy, but I notice this, that whenever an Atlanta Democrat hollers for Leonidas Livingston, he has to be in one of two conditions, he has to be half drunk on mighty mean liquor, or he has an involuntary inclination to put his hands about here (indicating) to press down nature’s revolt. (Laughter, min gled with all the deviltry described in the preceding descriptive paragraphs ) This great and good (iaughter) man, Lon Livingston, undertook io settle the negro question. Well, we all know that is a difficult question to handle. We have had various plans, but Leonidas’ plan is the most unique ever proposed. A voice. Hurrah for Livingston. Mr. Watson. You ought to hear his plan first. (Laughter.) While speaking in Mississippi last year, the Hon. Leonidas Livingston announced That he had a plan to settle the negro question. That he would not tell it to tne general public, but he would be will ing to submit it to the Supreme Co.urt and let that tribunal pass upon its con stitutionality. He also guaianteed that it would settle the question beyond per adventure. It was to buy a large strip of land in Texas, thinly settled, a para dise for jack rabbits and chappaxel bushes. He was going to cut it up into forty acre lots —he said nothing about the mule. The nigger was to carry his own mule. He was going to take the tax money, partly appropriated by the col ored people themselves, and pay for that land. Every white man who went into that country was to be disfranchised, and every negro who stayed out was to be disfranchised and disqualified from hold ing office. Now, here is a colored man out on a farm. He has worked hard and paid for it. He has the alternative of selling out that farm for what he can get and go to Texas or he disfranchised, Do you like that plan, my colored friends ? Ve;ces. No, no. no. Mr. Watson. Under that plan every colored man in Atlanta who has a little home would be compelled to facrifice it and emigrate to this paradise of jack rabbits or forfeit his citizenship. A voice. Rats; rats; rats. Mr. Watson. Yoh are talking about the Atlanta Constitution rats now, ain’t you? (Loud iaughter, in which he Her ald and Journal reporters joined.) Some fool Democrat is alway running his head into a fence crack like that. (Renewed laughter.) Our friends, the enemy, were getting awful nervous about Lon, and sprung the question of rats on us. (Up roarous laughter.) Now, let me ask you in all seriousness, white and black, how do you like Governor Northen's idea of driving a man out of the district who has the misfortune to not know how to read and write ? Voices. No, no, no. Mr. Watson. My colored friends, how do like Col. Lon’s plan to transplant you to the jack rabbit paradise? Cries of. No, no. Hurrah for Mr. W atson! . Mr. Watson. I just want to say this. These are two prominent men. Both candidates for prominent offices. One is denouncing your platform as rank comunism and would banish poor illit erates. The other would drive you colored people out of the country. And yet these two men stood shoul der to shoulder at St. Louis in 1889, and framed the very platform which 1 announced at the’beginning of this address, and which you all endorsed, except that one man who dissented from the railroad plank. Look here. These gentlemen were elected on that platform. Their course is approved only by the Democrats who would not approve that pla form. Where is the man who can deny it? Voices. No one that tells the truth. Mr. Watson. No one who tells the truth, but truth is a rare virtue among Democratic leaders. I stand just where I did two years ago. Where do Col. Leonidas and Governor Northen stand? Voices. Bow wow, wow. Mew cock a-doodledoo! And great deviltry. Mr. Watson. And yet the very men who helped to frame that platform are now denouncing itself as rank com munism. This organization began in St. Louis in 1889, as a compact body. The coun try laborers and the city producers, representing the needs of labor, met and formulated it. These gentlemen represeniing the country laborers and producers, and Grand Master Powder ly representing the laborers and pro ducers of the citiesand tolvns met and put their signatures to that and pledg ed their faith that they would work side by side to the end that the pro ducer and the laborer should have a fair share of the profits on the articles which their labor produced. (Cheer ing.) There had not been a distinct ad vance along those lines in this coun try. Why? Because the city labor ers bad been taught to believe their interest different from that of the country laborers. The country labor ers had been taught the same, and thus these two classes of laborers were kept apart by mutual jealousies, distrust and dislikes. In the St. Louis convention was achieved the victory of bringing them together. And ever since that day the Knights of Labor and the farmers have been loyal to each other, except the few leaders here and there who have only been loyal to the spoils of office. [Voices. Black, Black, mewing. Bow wowing and other species of row dyism.] Mr. Watson. Yes, you seem to be getting black very fast. Down here at Thomson their colors were black and blue. While you are howling for Black, vou are really blue. Now ain’t you? [Laughter.] Now these are questions that ought to be discussed on their merits. They are questions affecting all classes of society, rich and poor, learned and unlearned, white and black. I have nothing to say to the poor that the rich may not hear I have nothing to say to the illiterate that the learned may not profit by. I have nothing to say to the white that will antagonize the black, or to the black that injuri ously affects the white. I am here to discuss these questions, and if you do not like them—if I cannot convince you of the justice of my position, you can let them alone. [Great applause.] Another scene of disorder. A mark ed feature of these disgraceful pro ceeding, was that the brutality of the blackguards was leveled as much at the working men who indorsed his ir refutable reasoning as at the speaker himself. Mr. 'Watson. Some of you men it seems, have come to hear nothing ex cept your own mouths. Do you under stand, my friends, that a political party is a mere organization to hold office and draw salaries? Do you un derstand that it is a mere contest be tween the ins and outs, or do yoti un derstand that it represents the prin ciples of certain classes of men? Laws which they desire to repeal? Laws which they desire to enact? Policies which they desire to inaugurate? Do you understand a political party to be composed of men wishing for concert of action to secure the enactment of laws for the good of all? That is my conception of the political party. Therefore a man ought to inquire, does this party represent my princi ples? If it does I will stand by it. If it does not I will leave it and stand by the party whose principles reflect my views. Voices. ’Rah for Black! ’Rah for Livingston! ’Rah for h 1! Bow wow, wow! Mew. Cock-a-doodle doo. [General howling, lasting three minutes.] Reader will observe that it is the most conservative reasoning calculated to reach the understanding of the well disposed that receives the most insulting reception. Mr. Watson : Now, why should that hurt so much? A plain, distinct state ment of truth, that is self-evident; and you, one and all, must in your heart of hearts indorse. It may be rebelled against as much as partisan prejudice may incite, but during the next twenty-live years the'.appeal is going to reach the hearts of the peo ple. This fusion of the laboring forces of the country is going to bear fruit. It is not the first time that old parties have outlived their leaders. Thomas Jeflerson himself, w T ben he formed his party, suffered defeat once rather than combine with the enemies of the peo ple. He did not call his the Demo cratic party. With him principles were more important than the name. He called it the Republican party, from the name given by French revo lutionists. In the same w r ay, when Jackson took the principles of Jeffer son and engrafted them on his party he called it the Democratic party. The Democratic principles advocated and carried to victory by Jackson were the principles of Jefferson under the name of Republicanism. I claim to-night, as I have claimed everywhere, that the Democratic party and the Republican party have de ceived the people of the country. Why? Because the Democratic party has got away from its own principles and the Republican party has got away from its platform. [Hissing in the auditorium and on the balconies.] Gentlemen, those hisses do not alter a single fact I have stated. I do not suppose you know what your princi ples are, or what your platform says. The Republican platform of 1860 is as different from the Republican plat form of to day as the Democratic plat form of 1856 is from the Democratic platform of to-day. If you would read and inform yourselves you would know that, and yet these illiterate men, w’ho do not know their .own plat form, are ready to indorse Governor Northen, who is ready to kick them out of the community for their illit eracy. A voice: “Centre shot,” followed by howling, bow-wowing and mewing. The organized gang begin shuffling their feet to add to the efficacy of their threats. Mr. Watson: I know the dose is nauseous, but takeit, little men. It is good for you. Therefore, I say that there is a very large dissatisfied element in both par ties. A large class whose opinions do not find expression in the platforms of either party. These men got together, just as freemen had a right to do, and formulated this platform, which if you will give me a little of your time I will discuss. Voices: “Pensions! pensions! pen sions! rats!” Mr. Watson: That cry of “Rats” does not come from the Constitution, lam sure. A voice : “Centre shot I Rub it in, Mr. Watson!” Mr. Watson : I will say this, that if there is any wrong in the pension law, you go back to the statute book and you will find it was put there by Dem ocratic votes. Every man here who has any sense knows that one of your Democratic leaders was to go up North and preach against pensions they would bundle him up and send him home as quick as the lightning express could carry him. Voices : “Bow, wow-wow, yow, yow, b-a-h, cock-a-doodle-doo.” Mr. Watson : This just shows, fel low-citizens, the extent to which they do not know. It is absolutely surpris ing to contemplate the things they do not know. Why, the New York World, the leading metropolitan organ in this country, had an elaborate article, and sustained by proof, by statistics, by official figures, to the North that Cleveland, during the three years of his administration, had paid out more — [Howling and growling, jeer ing and sneering.] Now, is it not edifying? That cheer ing is exceedingly pleasant and en couraging, because it shows that this district — [Yow, yow, yow, mew, mew, mew.] There is not a candidate in this country who denounced Cleveland more bitterly than Leonidas Living ston. A voice : “Where did you stand? ’ Mr. Watson : I stand where I always stood. But I make the point on you that Mr. Cleveland no more represents your ideas on the pension matter than your own candidate, or the Atlanta Constitution indorse Cleveland. [At this point the uproar was so con tinuous that I had to stand up by the side of the speaker to catch his words.] Mr. Watson : Here is the proof from the organ of the Democracy, the New York World: “The annual report of the pension commissioners for the fiscal years 1883, 1884 and 1885 shows certificate s issued as follows : Claims admitted during the last three years of Republican rule, 191,- 221.” Then it goes on to show the total claims admitted during the first three years of Democratic administration to be 359,454. “During the last three years of Repub lican rule $183,000,000 ; during the last three years of Democratic administra tion, $217,000,000, excess of disburse ments by Democratic administration, $34,000,000.” That is to say, the Demo cratic party, to catch Northern votes, shows that it has paid out in pensions $34,000,000 more in three years than the Republicans How is that for high? Now, there is a great deal said about the bills that Cleveland vetoed, and this editor goes on to defend Cleveland from that charge, and says : “Private pension bills approved by President Grant, 485. “By President Hayes, 303. “By President Arthur, 736. “By President Cleveland, 1,264.” [The reading of the above was punc tuated by so many villainous and insult ing interruptions that I omitted the blackguardism in justice to the speaker that his statistics may appear to the reader unbroken by tee force of rowdy ism ] Mr. Watson. The very best you can do, young men, will not be a circum stance to Augusta. Is it not wonderful that in this beautiful building, erected 1 by all the people ol Georga, in this audi tory, graced and honored by fair women —is it not wonderful, I say, that this audience of well dressed, gentlemanly appearing men, will not show respect for the ladies ? The ladles had been showing their en thusiasm for the speaker, and the hovvl- ing commenced anew ; long, continued, uproarous, and, if possible, becoming more insulting. Mr. Watson. There is many a man here to-night who came to hear these questions discussed, possibly with his mind not made up, and do you not see how you are disgusting such men ? Do you not know that fair-minded men, white and black, will go away with scorn and contempt for the men who resort to such rowdyism: for a party that will not allow fair discussion. When a political party attempts to deal with a political situation, it de clares its principles in what is known as a platform. It is perfectly fair always to hold a party responsible for its plat form. Further than that, it is held re sponsible for a non-fulfilment of its pledges made in. its platform. [Although your reporter followed the speaker step by step, being at times in touch, it was with the greatest difficulty I heard his words.] Mr. Watson. Now let us consider the Democratic platform; let us see pre cisely what it says to the country ; let us see what are its announced prin ciples ; let us see whether they are such as to meet the needs of the country. No man doubts that we are in a situa tion of grave commercial distress. More business troubles, more failures than ever before. [Howls of It ain’t so; it ain’t so.] There is more tenantry ; less land owners ; more incumbered homt& ; a lessening of prices for labor's products and an advance on the necessities which the laborer consumes. Oppression of that sort strikes the common laborer first, the small land owner next, the store-keeper next; then the professional man ; and the nearer you get to the top the more general the distress becomes. [Howling increasing.] Now, if the Democrats will hear their own platform they will see that that platform declares to the country that there are two billion five hundred mill ion dollars of mortgages on the real es tate of the country, and that the govern ment is denounced for fostering no in dustry so much as it does that of the sheriff. At this point the rowdyism became so aggressive that a gentleman with two lauies withdrew from the meeting. The crowd surged up on the platform and stood eight or ten deep between the ladies on the platform—the wives and daughters of our best citizens —and the speaker. These ladies were cut off from retreat for some time by the yelling de mons. From now on I could only catch disjointed sentences. Mr. Watson, Gentlemen, for shame, don’t you see that gentleman withdraw ing his ladies, probably his wife and daughter. (Cock-a-doodle-doo. Bow, wow, wow. Meow.) Is that a sample of your manners? Here in the presence of perhaps your own wives and mothers. (Cock-a-doodle-doo ; bah ; meow.) My God! have Georgians got to the place where they do not respect the fair womanhood of this grand old State? (Yow, yow', yow. We’re tired. Bow wow ; meow.) Now you are very anx ious to have these honest white working men and these colored men hear these questions discussed, are not you ? CLOSING SCENES. At this point my pen, inadequate at the best to give more than a very faint conception of the scene, began to stag ger m hopeless imbecility. I gave it up and in the words of an illustrious Demo crat asked myself the question, “Where am I at ?” The police, who seemed to make no effort to quell the rowdyism, did offer to make a passage from the hall for Mr. Watson. They also made way for your reporter and a lady, who in an unfor tunate moment, he escorted to this infa mo us gathering. Re volution. Fifth Ward, Augusta, Ga., } September 24, 1892. ) At a large meeting composed prin cipally of People’s party men, gath ered together for the purpose of heat ing speeches from General James B. Weaver and Mrs. Mary E. Lease, when the reasons had been explain ed why the appointments had been cancelled, on motion of Mr. James Barrett, seconded by Mr. Silas Beade, Sr., the following resolutions were passed unanimously: Whereas, mobism, rowdyism, thug ism and departed Southern cbivalrj have enthroned themselves in our cities of culture refinement and wealth—Albany, Way cross and Ma con having disgraced Georgia civil ization and violated every rule of hospitality in the treatment extended to General James B. Weaver and Mrs. M. E. Lease— 1. Resolved, That we can use no language that can express our con tempt and condemnation of the rot ten egg treatment that Mrs. Weaver received at the hands of the Demo cratic thugs of Macon, that murder cursed city, as it is ruled by an ele ment that should make every true American citizen blush with shame over our municipal civilization. 2. That we endorse General J. B. Weaver’s course in canceling his ap pointments in a State that is under the control of a (Democratic) party that is ruled by city ruffians, ballot box stuffers and ward heelers. And further, we commend his course in refusing to speak in Atlanta amidst a mob which illustrated itself for ruffianism when Tom Watson at tempted to speak there. The prom ise of Governor Northen was as worthless as a spider web and as weak as the pledges he formerly made to the Alliance of Georgia. Resolved, We believe no brave Confederate soldier had anything to do with the disgraceful acts, as any want of courtesy would have dis graced the cause they fought for. Resolved, That hereafter we will resent, if necessary, any indignity offered to the People’s party candi dates or speakers by force, even to the use of powder and lead, as we will not be deterred from our pur poses by ruffian Democrats. Resolved, That these resolutions be published in the People’s Party Paper, Southern Alliance Farmer, National Watchman, The Wool Hat, The Revolution, and all reform pa pers in the South. Chas. S. Abney, Chm’n. G. B. Lively, Sec’y. “The protest of the minority is the watchword of progress.” This statement is unpalatable to hoodlums. But it is true.