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Peoples Party Paper VOLUME 11. JOINT DEBATE AT CONYERS MESSRS. WATSON AND LIVINGSTON REPORTED IN FELL. A Wet Day, A Large Assemblage, and au Effort to Howl Down by Imported Shouters. [Reported expressly for the People’s Party Paper by J. L. Driscol.] The reader is already familiar with the discussions in the Tenth congressional district. We now come to the outlying campaign. Mr. Watson announced his inten tion of going into each of the con gressional districts at the close of the five joint debates with Major Black, ending at Thomson, Septem ber 15. Mr. Livingston was the first and, up to the present time, the only gentleman who has taken up his gauge of battle. In doing that he proved himself to be not as smart a man as Judge Maddox, who, to use the words of a countryman on the train coming from Cedartown the day that the Judge refused to meet Mr. Watson, who said : “Judge Maddox is a durned sight smarter than I thought he was; he was too smart to meet Watson.” The Georgia Bailroad made a special rate for this discussion, as it had been doing all through the Tenth district for the benefit of Major Black. The Democratic campaign committee, it is reliably reported, paid the fares of the crowds trans ported from point to point to claque for Black. The same committee also furnished the baggage car bar room attachment ■when going into the dry counties. My attention was called to three truck loads of liquid refreshments deposited in the bag » gr.e car f' 1 * th j howlers by Mr. Chapman, a member of Black’s own church, the night that I was leaving Augusta for Thomson to report the last joint debate in the Tenth dis trict. Two special train loads came into Conyers to listen to this joint dis cussion—one from the Augusta eud of the line, the other from Atlanta. It cau be safely said that a large ma jority of these were of the organized persuasion. Hard times and the ab sence of a corruption fund, coupled with the fact that the reformers would not indulge in the methods of the corruptionists, kept the honest people from taking advantage of tf[e low fares, and the result was that the Democrats had probably six sevenths of the transported crowd, which tilled about seventeen cars. Reformers could not if they would, and would not if they could, indulge in such shady practices. The elements bade fair to inter fere with the proceedings of the day. Murky clouds overspread the heavens, and ere the train passed Decatur rain was pouring down co piously. On reaching Conyers the Hood-gates were closed, but threat ening clouds frowned upon the assembled hosts. If either combat ant saw any evil portent in this, he could comfort himself with the re flection : “Why, what is that to me more than to Richmond ? for the self same heaven that frowns on me looks sadly on him.” The people were assembled in great numbers 'when the train ar rived, considering the weather, and the pedal extremities of pedestrians were badly bedraggled. A conference was held between the disputants and a disposition was shown to declare the meeting off. Then it was proposed to speak from the balcony of the hotel, but quickly abandoned. It was next determined to proceed to the grove and take a vote of the crowd and let that de termine what should be done. Upon reaching the stand it was found to be a very frail little affair. It had no seats, except rough boards nailed around the edges doing the double duty of a railing and benches. A rough roof covered it and the water was seeping through in a man ner not calculated to produce com fort or good temper. No chairs were provided for the speakers or reporters, neither were there tables. By dint of great persuasion, however, one little stand was procured for the speakers to lay their papers upon "Equal Rights to JXII Special Privileges to None.” and four or five chairs. I succeeded in getting a seat on the edge of the platform and my knee answered for a desk. Take it all in all, I never reported under such difficulties. At Sparta I was more crowded, but then I had a table. A FLORAL BANNER. Just before the speaking com menced a beautiful floral banner, with the words, “All honor to Thom as E. Watson, the people’s choice,” worked across its face, was presented to that gentleman. The following note accompanied it : “Honorable Thomas E. Watson: We respectfully ask you to accept this floral tribute as a slight token of our appreciation of yemr noble work for the people's cause. With many wishes for your success and happiness, we are your sincere friends, Mrs Dr. Griffin, Mrs. Thaden. Atlanta, Sept. 19.” This presented a rare combination of refined taste and artistic skill on the part of the fair donors. Never have I seen anything to equal it, and it was doubtless becomingly appre ciated by the honored recipient. At a little distance it had all the ap pcarance of the richest banner, the colors were beautifully blended, and the lettering skillfully executed. Other rare collections of flowers were sent to the stand, but I regret that in the hurly burly I failed to get the names of the fair ladies who presented them, and consequently cannot give the credit due. From the stand, looking on the animated countenances of the surg ing mass of humanity, you would not think that so much cold water had been on the meeting. Looking at the contestants, and gauging them by my knowledge of their forensic powers, I could only, mentally, say, here is a contest be tween a hoe and a rapier; a ra pier, too, of the finest temper and keenest edge—Mr. Livingston, as the reader already surmises, repiesent ing the hoe. called to order. Col. W. L. Peek advanced and said: Gentlemen, please come to order. ’ It has been decided to de termine by vote, whether this meet ing shall go on or be called off for a future time. If we start this thing we must stay till the close regardless of the elements. If we start this thing you must give a flair and im partial hearing. Now gentlemen, all of you who are in favor of calling this meeting off will stay, aye? A storm of nos greeted the speak er’s proposition, and the champions stripped for the fray. MB. WATSON OPENS. Ladies and Gentlemen: You know how extremely difficult it will be for us to speak here to-day unless you keep perfect order. The crowd had not accommodated themselves to the situation, and there was a great deal of confusion lasting for severav minutes during which time the speaker desisted. There was’ considerable disputation also, those behind insisting on those in front sitting down, ihat they could have a better chance to see and hear.] Mr. Livingston. Now stop that talking and give us time for this de bate, for it will rain like blazes this afternoon. (To a man in the crowd.) Shut your mouth ! or I’ll go down there and make you. Be quiet, you with the straw hat. (Laughter.) Mr. Watson. Now gentlemen, if we are to be heard at all, you must cease your conversation in the au dience. We are here exposed to the dripping from the platform, and we cannot be heard unless you keep quiet. No one who has not tried it knows the difficulty of speaking when it is moist and every circum stance operating against the speaker. I desire to say this to you. lam just from the Tenth District, where they have concentrated all the power of men and money against us. I met your enemies, and I am glad to say to you to-day that the woods are on fire and the wind is in our favor. (Cheering.) And so far as in me lies, 1 expect to kindle the signal lights from every hill top in Georgia. (Renewed cheering.) Be quiet, boys. Do not start that, for if you do, the other side will do the same, and there will he endless confusion. Talking, argument is what -we want to-day. I can do that better than you can, and Mr. Livingston can talk for his side better than his friends can. Now I am not here to cater to any one’s aoppetite for sensation. lam not here to make myself a spectacle foi’Eanybody who wants to see a mere ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1892. cat fight between Mr. Livingston and myself. In my eyes the issues at stake are vastly more important than he or I. If he is a bad man you know it better than I can tell you. If I am a bad man you know it bet ter than he can tell you. Our pub lic walks have been so conspicuous that you all have your minds made up as to the manner of men we are I am here to talk upon public issues. When I have been attacked I have defended myself. If lam attacked to-day I will defend myself. Ido not go out of the way to start up personal collisions. I meet them if they are forced upon me. lam do ing my best to bring these issues to the comprehension of all, believing that m this contest our welfare is wrapped up for the next twenty five years. A political party is what? An organization framed by certain men in order to perpetuate certain prin ciples. That is what a political party ought to be. A joining to gether of hearts and of hands of those who have agreed upon a cer tain line of policy, and wish to see that line of policy enacted into statute law. Why, my fellow citi zens, the idea has got abroed that there never was a breaking away from old parties before. The idea is sought to be created that a new party is an abnormal growth as strange and as venomous as a centi pede. As a matter of fact, there is not a generation passes that a party does not break down and a new one spring up in its place. The old party of Thomas Jefferson was not the Democratic party —not known by that name. He called his party the Republican party, and organized it against the principles of Alex ander Hamilton. It was the same in Andrew Jackson’s time; the party that he founded was a revolt against the concentration of wealth and class rule. Now you see, therefore, that new parties are no new things. They are the natural progress of ideas in the revivifying of old ideas that have been prostituted from their original purposes. So much byway of preface. I am here to-day to argue the de mands of the People’s party., and its principles, as against the Democratic party and its principles. That is the line of argument that I have adopted everywhere. A plain discus sion of whether or not modern Dem ocracy is best calculated to advance your interests, or whether or not the People’s party represents your best hope of escape from the abuses of which you complain. Who framed these People’s party principles? Who framed these de mands? Why, fellow citizens, it is the work of your own hands. They seek to show that we are inconsistent because eight or ten years ago we did not support James B. Weaver instead of the Democratic party of the South. Why did you not do so? His at that time was not the banner of the South. The South was sus picious of everything that did not emanate from the South. The Pat rons of Husbandry, and the Farmers’ Alliance and the Knights of Labor went abroad talking these great principles. With a view to what? Was it with a view of letting them die at the behest of party tyranny? Did you learn that there were great wrongs for the purpose of righting wrongs or not? Voices: We did, we did. Hur rah for Watson. (Cheering.) Mr. Watson: Did you expect to find out that the men who had a mo nopoly of the money of the countiy, given to them by the government, had superior rights to you, and then fold your hands and submit to the wrong ? Did you expect to be in doctrinated with the idea that the income tax was a proper thing to be enacted into statutory law? That those few people who owned half the wealth of the United States should pay half the tax, and that they pay nothing to-day, although their im mense fortunes were made off the favoritism of this system ? Did you expect to find that these principles were right and then abandon them in favor of the wrong ? In other words, did you expect to find the ground, to plow deep and cross plow it until it was a mellow bed ready for the reception of the crop ? e Did you expect to sow and cultivate it, and then at the eleventh hour, when the crop was ripe and ready for the sickle, to let it die in the field ? Voices: No! no! no! (Great cheering.) Mr. Watson: Now, is not that a fair preface of the situation ? (Re newed cheering.) You all know what a race I am making in the tenth district. There are a great many men who honestly think I am wrong and a great many who honestly think I am right. (At this point a crowd that came m on the train from the direction of Augusta, came down hooting and yelling. The well known Augusta growl and Hancock howl rent the air. The same familiar white plugs and impudent leers appeared upon the scene, and Atlantans proved to be apt scholars, as was witnessed on. the night of the 22d and the morning and evening of the 23d.) Mr. Watson: (Turning to the re porters of the ring press.) It ought in justice to truth, go to' the public that this same crowd followed me from point to point in the tenth dis trict to disturb my meetings, [Note. —Some of the same re porters, the next day, deliberately stated that there was only one man from Augusta, and none from Han cock. Others saw fit to ignore it altogether. It seems to be a mixed conspiracy of a misrepresentation and suppression.] Mr. Livingston: I want to ask my fnends not to disturb this meet ing. (The dampness of the weather and the absence of tne floor to pound upon, discouraged the crowd, and they desisted after they howled about five minutes.) Mr. Watson: When did this great movement agree upon its fundament al principles? When did this great industrial movement pledge its faith to that platform, and give to the country its assurance that the peo ple should be led forward on that platform? Why, in St. Louis, in 1889. You remember perfectly well what was agreed upon. Our friend now says that if we had stood on the Ocala platform we would be all right. They are always in favor of the things we do not do. They are never satisfied with the things we do. They despised the Ocala plat form last year as much as they pre tend to love it now, and the very pa per in my district, the Augusta Chronicle, which is so loud in this cry, last year called it “the Ocala fraud.” And yet, to-day, when our party moves in the interest of the people, the organized Democracy would have you believe that if you stood on the Ocala platform there would be no contest between us and the Tamany Hall Democracy. What was the platform of 1889? Is there a man here to-day who does not know that it contained a railroad plank ? Is there a man here who do es not know that it contained a land plank ? As a matter of fact, the Omaha plat form is simply th c same as that which I was crigmuliy Jpon. between the Knights of Labor and the Far? mer’s Alliance at St. Louis. Now, what was that agreement at St. Lou is? That those demands be made superior to party management under the party lash. That those demands be made superior to party caucus. To-day the complaint is, that having agreed upon these things we ought to submit them to party organiza tion. That we ought to submit them to party caucus. [At this point a train slowed up in front of the stand and kept up a con tinuous whistle for several seconds.] Mr. Watson. That is a very in dustrious engineer. A voice. He is a Democrat. Mr. Watson. Now listen to this. (Reads): And it is further agreed that in order to carry out these objects— I am reading from the St. Louis platform—what objects do you sup pose are meant? Why, the objects as enunciated in the declaration of principles. (Continues reading) : We will only support for office such men as can be dependsd upon to enact these principles into statute law unintlu enbed by party caucus. Then it goes on to mention the demands, and among the demands are the very demands which are so much denounced, and especially de nounced by the gentleman who is running for Governor of the State, and who asks the neighbors cf Col onel Peek to vote against him in Rockdale county. Voices. Hurrah for Peek. Three cheers for Peek. (They were given with a will.) Mr. Watson. Now let us see. In 1889 Colonel Peek and Colonel Nor then both stood upon that platform at St. Louis. Governor Northen was a delegate with him from the State of Georgia to that convention. A voice. lam proud of him. Mr. Watson. Yes; you are proud of him, but would you not be prouder of him if lie stood on that platform? if he redeemed his pledges? He owes his election to the fact that he stood upon that platform. Cries of, Hit him, Tom. Hit him hard, he deserves it. (Cheering.) Mr. Watsen. Why, when he en tered the race for Governor two years ago he spoke in the county of McDuffie from the same stand with me when I entered the race for Con gress and he read every line of the St. Louis platform, and what do you think he said? “There is where I stand.” I did the same thing and said, “There is where I stand.” There is where I stand to-day, but where does Governor Northen stand? (Loud and long continued laughter and applause.) At that time there was not a newspaper in the State that was not combatting those prin ciples. At that time Colonel Liv ingston was supporting him for Gov ernor. In that very campaign Liv ingston swallowed the whole plat form, sub-treasury and all, and never winked an eye. [Laughter.) It was at that time that Harry Brown wrote that article iu the Alliance Farmer, “It is Fixed.” It was at that time that Colonel Peek, who was spoken of for Congress, withdrew his oppo sition to Northen and he went into office on that platform. Ain’t that the God’s truth ? Voices all through the assembly. Yes, yes ; that’s right. We know it, Mr. Watson. (Cheering.) Mr. Watson. Where is Peek, and where is Northen? Mr. Peek’s friends and neighbors are asked to vote for Northen, in whose favor? In favor of the man who wrote the St. Lou[s platform and pledged his faith to support it and now denounces it as rank communism. The man who is now the very tool of the rings and newspapers who fought it. Where is the man who can deny it? Is not Colonel Peek standing on the very platform made by Governor Northen in 1889 ? After that came the famous Ocala convention. When was it held? After our election. We were elected iu iTovember, 1890. Now, listen. That St. Louis resolu tion—that St. Louis platform formed the nucleus. At the Ocala conven tion I found the following: L. F. Livingston offered a resolution in dorsing the St. Louis platform, and said, “I believe the people can stand on this platform forever.” I believe it now, as he said it then. At that time Governor Northen re-echoed the sentiment and we all felt that the platform fashioned by their hands was the thing that we should stand on, was the thing that we could fight for, was the thing that we could die for if necessary. (Long continued cheering, and a solitary voice, Hurrah for Northen.) Fur ther the Colonel said: “This plat form is a declaration of our Supreme Council.” What platform? The St. Louis platform. That platform had a sub-treasury plank. That platform had a land plank. That platform had a railroad plank. Every bit of it, especially the land specula tion business, was to be voted on and addressed to the Knights of Labor urging them to come to the farmers, and Colonel Livingston urged that as one of the things they eould fg’ -namely, the speculative land ownership feature. “This is a declaration of our principles, and our enemies are stumping the State de claring that it has not the following of the people.” Is anybody stump ing the State saying that the Alli ance cannot stand on these princi ples? “Our enemies are stumping the State and desire the platform read and a vote taken on it by States so that there will be no mistake as to how we stand.” Stelle, of the Farmer’s Benefit xYssociation, said: “I wish to state that the Benefit As sociation can stand squarely on the St. Louis platform.” Now/ what were these resolutions? First, as I understand it by these minutes, they were introduced by Colonel Living ston. Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson, the motion was on the Ocala platform. A voice. No dodging, Colonel. Mr. Watson. The platform to which I was alluding was the much despised Ocala platform, which now I find no man in the Northen camp so poor as to do it honor. A voice. Be quiet, boys; listen; it is St. Paul now. Mr. Watson. Why, boys, they have moved the Corbin bank up here from Augusta. I thought they had enough of that at Sparta. Such despicable methods, boys, hurt your cause. Now, if the hoodlums will be quiet a minute I will call your atten tion to this resolution offered by Col. Livingston : Resolved, That this Rational conven tion of Farmers’ Alliance and Industrial Union do hereby most earnestly and em phatically indorse the A voice. Corbin bank. Mr. Watson. Ain’t it funny how they squeal when when I am getting them where the wool is short. (To Col. Livingston.) Your friend de serves your thanks. (To the audi dence.) This is a fair debate. There is nothing personal about this. If Col. Livingston can stand it you ought to. This is a matter of pub lic conduct, and it is a thing that we ought to examine if my friend will be quiet. I cannot go on if this humming out there is not stopped. A voice. You stay there, Tom, until the sun goes down, and we will be with you. Demonstrations from the Augusta and Hancock hoodlums, and a gen tleman in the audience interposed, whether with or without authority I do not know, insisting on certain persons sitting down. Col. Livingston (addressing the gentleman mentioned). Doctor An derson, these men have nothing to sit on. You sit down yourself. Dr. Anderson. These men will sit down on Livingston in November. [Loud laughter.] Col, Livingston. They will sit down on more brains than in the crowd, then. [This elicited no laughter, because it hit friends as well as enemies.] At this Doint some of the ma-1 NUMBER 2. liciously mischievous in the crowt began throwing the Augusta Chroni cle around promiscuously in the crowd, evidently with a view to dis tract the attention of the auditors. Air. AV atson. I hope that some gentleman out there will prevent the throwing of the Augusta Chronicle around. They are doing that while I am trying to speak, for a purpose. A voice. We have too many cam paign lies in the Fifth now? The Atlanta papers can furnish enough to make the people sick. [Laughter.] One of the newspaper men on the stand. There ain’t anybody throw ing our papers. Mr. Watson (pointing at the thing). See that man right there throwing papers ? Ido not care for it, but it is done for the purpose of disturbing the meeting. Col. Livingston (addressing the thing in a severe tone). Young man, if you are my friend, stop! Mr. Watson is entitled to speak. We have not come here to-day to quar rel. A ou have not come here to play the fool. If you have, you will lind yourself mistaken. Behave like a gentleman, and I will stand by you. Air. W atson. Now let me try to go ahead. This is the third time that I tried to read these resolu tions. (Reads.) Resolved, First. That this national convention of Farmers’ Alliance and Industrial Union do hereby most earnestly and emphatically indorse What ? The St. Louis platform adopted last September. And we personally demand that all superior bodies connected with this or ganization shall not only align them selves therewith and co-operate with this national organization, but sustain the same. Georgia voted yes, and it was adopted. What was the second ? That any national officer or organiza tion, either State or national, that shall not conform fully with the foregoing resolution shall be suspended by the national president; and we furthermore advise our people Listen to this now, and apply it to Northen and Peek. Furthermore, we advise our people not to vote for any candidate for a place in our national congress who does not pledge himself or themselves to the St. Louis platform, Voices from the Augusta c'rowd. ’Rah for El<*ok; hah for Black ; fol lowed by considerable confusion. The rain, however, deadened the sound and dampened their ardor. In a hall, it would probably equal the disgraceful scenes in, Augusta or Atlanta. Air. Watson. Now, ain’t it a pit iful illustration of the Democrats losing themselves, even when they are sober, and having to inquire where they are at? (Laughter.) Why, even Air. Black, the peerless candidate, lost himself in Crawfords ville the other day, and inquired where he was at. (Renewed laugh ter.) *Mr. Black, too, denounced Alliance methods while seeking Alli ance votes. He denounced the Alli ance yard stick. He denounced the Alliance in taking any political ac tion. A Voice : That’s so. Hurrah for the Alliance and Tom Watson. (Long continued cheering.) Air. Watson. Ain’t it strange that in the face of this Alliance votes should be asked for him either by himself, or by Governor Northen who wrote it, and to which he pledged his honor and owes his elec tion ? A voice: Good-bye, Jimmie Black. (Cheering.) Air. Watson. Now, every one of you know that to-day, Governor Northen denounces the very plat form that he helped to make. Yet, instead of saying, “let us stand by these men who are standing by this platform, trying to break your fet ters,” he says, “vote for the men who despise that platform.” A voice : What about the pension plank ? Air. Watson. I have no doubt but you are very anxious to get me away from your Governor, sonny; but you are like the transient who was pass ing through a town, and he asked, “where are you from?” he answered, “I am from every but and I will be from quick.” (Laughter.) Yoa are A;? anything but this, and you will be away from this very quick. (Re newed laughter.) It was at this point that the ban ner of flowers, to which allusion was made in the introductory, was pre sented, and Air. Watson paused to receive it. The audience cheered lustily when it was presented. Air. Watson. If there is anything that touches my heart witn infinite gratitude, it is that I have received in this fight so many splendid testi monials from the fair-fingered wo men of this land. (Cheers.) They may haul their barroom around in the Augusta cars and violate the laws of the county. (Renewed cheering.) They may carry their bands of howl ers to disturb my meetings, but thank God, the heart of the people is with us in this fight. (Tumultu. ous applause.) Now, in that very connection, let me tell you what Governor Narthen