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questions for 'twelve years deserve credit for sincerity. Now, you are inclined to talk about Cleveland and sneer at W eaver. A voice. Tom, we will give you fifteen acres of land and send you to p lowing. Mr. Watson. I’ll bet that man doesn’t know a swivel tree from a turn shvel. I know this, that whenever it is necessary for me to plow I can do it, and it is not so long since I did it, either. (Great con fusion out in the crowd.) Where are those men causing that confusion and noise? I cannot speak uless bet ter order is maintained. A voice. It is the Augusta crowd. A fellow in the Augusta crowd. Yes, mister, it is Black’s hussars. (Continued jeering and confusion.) Mr. Watson. I will tell you one thing my friends, you are not mak ing your campaign any more re spectable by the conduct indulged in to-day. There are ladies here to day like there were in Augusta. You would not respect the ladies in Augusta and you howled me down, but I will tell you, you cannot do it here to-day. These honest farmers will not have their wives in sulted by Augusta toughs. Many voices. No, No! We will have none of that here. Col. Livingston. (Addressing a group of disturbers.) Sit down, you men over there, Sit down. Be have yourselves. ’ Mr. Watson. I say this, that the Peoples party proposes to do what Henry Grady said ought to be done, what the Farmers Alliance said ought to be done, namely, to bury the bloody shirt and tell the politi ticians that we do not intend to al ways be kept divided with partisan politics, giving them a chance to rob the people of both sections. We propose to re-establish fraternity be tween the South and the West to have a union between the South and the West. And we propose in do ing this to carry the principles upon which the rich and the poor, the farmer, the laborer and the mechanic, the man of the city and of the vil lage can stand. With these pledges we propose to go forward under the People’s party banner rehabilitating the temple of liberty, dedicated to all races, colors and conditions. Time called. Mr. Lyon introduced Col. Living ston as follows; It is my pleasure, my countrymen, to introduce to you the matchless and honest statesmen, the Hon. L. F. Livingston. Mr. Livingston was received with cheers by his adherents and a great deal of confusion ensued, lasting sev eral seconds. col. Livingston’s reply. (To persons standing in the audi ence). Sit down! If you are not satisfied by the time I get through, these third party friends will, as sure as you live. (Laughter). I want to say to you that if you keep up this racket you will break my speech. 1 am glad to say that Mr. Watson has discussed the questions on one line at least, the political issues that distract the country. If that is cor rect, you ought to listen with all the listening powers you have got. In formation is what we want, and we will soon have you all on the side of the Democratic party. (Laughter). We want more information and less noise. lam sorry that he did not take up his platform. I supposed that he would. lam going to dis cuss it for him, and for you Third party men, arid don’t you forget it. I have nothing to say about the money and the men that have been sent into his district. I know noth ing about it, I have nothing to say simply because I know nothing. I do not know about a dollar concen centrated in his district. I know that Governor Northen has been down in his district speaking. lam not here to assail or justify men for speaking m his district. He says thus: “Let us examine the difference between Jeffersonian Democracy and modern Democracy.” I am perfectly willing to go out on that line with him. lie says that he does not care to enter into a cat fight with me. I am glad of that. He asks this question, how are we to judge a political party? and then he proposes to define it. A voice. Take it West. Mr. Livingston. I will get you West before I am through. Now, here is my definition of a political party. A political party is an aggre gation of people under certain rules and regulations for a definite pur pose. Let me give you a rule by which to judge that party when it is presented to you. There are only three rules by which you can judge a political party. First, its princi ples. Second, its laws; and third, what it has done. A voice. Fourth. Its rascality. Mr. Livingston (ignoring the in terruption). And a political party that cannot be judged by that rule is not worth picking up in Decatur or anywhere else. Who are the par ties ? What are its laws ? What has it done ? Let us apply that rule. Jeffersonian democracy, he says, in 1797 and 1892 are very different. I want to prove that early republican ism was nothing but pure Jefferson ian democracy. Nothing more, nothing less. My friend is not going to deny that. There is a text book that will give every platform and every vote from 1797 up to now. The Federalists and the Republicans were the two first original parties in this country. The Federalists held PEOPLE’S PARTI PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7. 1892. to Hamilton’s ideas of government. The Republicans held to the Jeffer sonian idea. In 1820, I believe, the name was changed from the Repub lican to the Democratic, and from that till now the Jeffersonian party has been known as the Democratic. [Note —The Colonel was evidently off in his historical knowledge. In 1820, James Monroe, Republican, was elected over John Quincy Ad ams, also a Republican. In 1824, John Quincy Adams was elected over Andrew Jackson, known as the military prestige candidate. In 1828 the name Democratic first appears, when Jackson was elected over John Quincy Adams, National Republican. In 1832 the name National Repub lican figures for the last time, when Henry Clay was defeated by An drew Jackson. In 1836 the Whig party came on the scene.—Repor ter.] Mr. Livingston. Who formed the People’s party ? Well, the reform ers themselves cannot answer. A voice. The people formed it. Mr. Livingston. He says that it was formed in St. Louis. I call his attention to the fact that it was not formed at St. Louis, but in Cincin nati. It was formed by a crowd, of people hungry for office, and Weaver was one and Post another. Antici pating that there would be a meet ing in St. Louis in 1892, they met in Cincinnati in 1891 and produced the People’s party. Next year at St. not only the chairman of the com mittee, but the entire committee of the People’s party was larger, and when the other organizations ad journed sine die, without any action whatever, then all who saw fit re mained and formed .the People’s party and formulated that system of politics. This Mr. Watson knows and will not deny. Therefore, the Alliance and the Knights of Labor did not organize the People’s party. It had its origin in Cincinnati in May, 1891. A voice. All the better for that. That’s all right. Mr. Livingston. You will always think so till you get to the other side of the river. Same voice. You can’t tote me there. Mr. Livingston. I ain’t going to try. I’m after brains. Mr. Watson asked this question: “Why did the Alliance and the Knights of Labor come up preaching this doctrine of reform if they did not mean it ?” Mr. Watson knows that the consti tution of the Knights of Labor and the Farmers’ Alliance both forbid any political action. A voice. You tried to make the Alliance Democratic. Mr. Livingston. Shut up, or I will make you shut up. Same voice. Come and try it. Mr. Livingston. Well, you come here and sic on the side of this plank where I can reach you. I want to say about that Cincin nati meeting where the People’s par ty was brought into existence. They adjourned there to go to St. Louis, and went down there in a body< 1 went to say more than that, that no Southern man helped to frame the People’s party platform except C. C. Post. [Laughter.] Mr. Brown was a delegate from Douglas county, but he had nothing to do with it. A voice. Hurrah for Post! Mr. Livingston. Yes, hurrah for Post. Then the People’s party had no representative from Georgia but Post, and Post was not a Georgian, or a Democrat, or a Republican—l don’t know what in the name of God he was. [Laughter.] A voice. He was a People’s party man; that’s enough. Mr. Livingston. Speaking of the St. Lous platform of 1889, he says “we were all agreed upon that plat form,” and that Livingston indorsed. And, Mr. Watson (directing his re marks to that gentleman), I see by the papers that I run on it for Con gress. Is that correct ? Is that correct? He says that I indorsed it and run on it in 1890. Mr. Watson. No; 1889. Mr. Livingston. Now, boys, if I do not prove that I did not run on it I will withdraw this evening. A voice. Make room to pray. Mr. Livingston. Now, gentlemen, be quiet. I cannot make an argu ment with this noise around me. You third party men listen to it. It is the truth. A voice. Listen, boys ; he is go ing to tell the truth. [Laughter.] Mr. Livingston. I will make you acknowledge it. I ain’t going to tell you any stories to-day. I will give you facts, and then if you continue in this new party I will bkme you. [Laughter.] In 1890, after tin St. Louis convention of 1889, in the early spring of 1890, the Georgia Alliance determined they would not abide by the St. Louis platform. We met in Atlanta, the committee and myself, and we formulated a platform. That platform was known as Livingston’s “yardstick. [Laugh ter.] Now, men, I want to show you that the Alliance was not in tended to go into politics. Not only was your constitution against it, but your president, knowung more or less about the Third party excitement and that we were charged with drifting into the movement, your committee met. What did we do? We asked Mr. Berner, chairman of the Democratic committee, and Mr. Buck, chairman of the Republican committee, to give every Alliance man a primary by which they could pledge their votes, and that we would abide by the primaries, whether for us or against us. Here is the agreement, signed by Mr. Buck for the Republicans and by Mr. Berner for the Democrats. That is in the past. If we were Demo crats we went into the Democratic primaries, and if we were Republi cans we went into the Republican primaries. And I say, to our credit, in Georgia we did not violate a single promise. Wherever we voted in the primaries we abided that vote. Mr. Stewart and myself read this announcement at our meetings and Mr. Tom Watson went into the primaries upon the same proposition submitted to the president of the Alliance. That ain’t all. Just let us see. At that time we had some trouble about the Olive bill. Olive had introduced it before. Our peo ple were divided on it, and we made up our minds that the Alliance peo ple should have a platform in Geor gia—not a platform, but a demand. It was called the Livingston yard stick, and it measured Tom Watson, too, and don’t you forget it. ‘[There was noise and confusion at this point, and the speaker addressed his remarks to the parties at fault.] Now, men, there is no chance to understand a word of these things in 1890, or where my position was, un less you listen to this contract that I am going to read to you. I want to show another thing, and that is that every single demand in the Alliance yard-stick was incorporated in the Chicago platform. I reckon that will astonish you men. (Laughter.) Y r ou will think the dead come to life. (Renewed laughter.) We had a Democratic State convention, friend Watson, and you remember it, and we shoved all those planks into it ex cept the sub-treasury plank. Well, I had trouble from the railroad plank. (Reads:) “Your committee respectfully states.” Now this was the report of a committee • appointed to draft resolutions that every Alli anceman could stand upon and sup port. Let us see if it has got owner ship in it. “Your committee respect fully states that inasmuch as there is a constitutional clause.” Well, there is an original clause to this effect, that the powers of the Inter- state Railway Commission be so enlarged as that they may co-operate one with the other for the regulation, etc., and that this regulation shall be based on the reasonable cost of construction, and not upon watered; stock or high prices paid for stock for the purpose of consolidation. That committee was composed of members from Oglethorpe and Polk counties. Let us see what the Eexecutive Commit tee did with this thing. I want to say to you people that the sub-Alli ances indorsed this thing, and every single member run upon it, pledged upon it, and Mr. Watson had to pledge himself to it, and that was what he had to swallow in McDuffie county, and not the St. Louis plat form : “The Executive Committee of the Georgia State Alliance, with the Presi dent concurring— Now, I am going to ask my young friend, Mr. Parker, to come along with me to see that I read the truth. A voice. That’s right, Parker, watch him. Mr. Livingston. Whero are you at, Mr. Parker? Mr. Parker. I stand before you. Mr. Livingston. Here ! you have got to read those. Now gentlemen, listen and see if every single item in your Alliance platform is not in the Chicago platform, and yet Mr. Wat son tells you that the Democratic party proposes to give you nothing. Here, Mr. Parker read. Mr. Parker. Fellow citizens Mr. Livingston. Oh, I do not ex pect you to make a speech. Mr. Parker. If he wants anything read about the St. Louis conference I will read it cheerfully. I had noth ing to do with the Chicago platform. Mr. Livingston. Now gentlemen, now gentlemen, see when I ask s third party man to read from the Demo cratic party he is afraid to do it. Mr. Watson. I want to arise to a point of order. Mr. Livingston. What is it ? may be I will admit it. Mr. Watson. lam here to do the talking for this side, and I object to your calling help. Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson says that 1 have no right to call in the aid of a reader. I now ask Mr. Wat son to read it. Mr. Watson. I meet you in my re ply- Mr. Livingston. I want you color ed men to hear the first plank in this platform and the first plank in the Chicago platform. I will read it again. At this point a remark was made out in the crowd, which I could not hear, to which Mr. Livingston replied. I know boys, that it is like putting turpentine on a sore, but I cannot help it, you have brought it on your selves. (Laughter.) The Alliance people in 1890, with the Livingston yardstick, ask a revis ion of the present school system, thereby extending the facilities for common education. Let us see what the Democrats did in Chicago : Section 17. Popular education being the only safe basis of popular suffrage, we recommend to the several States most liberal appropriations for the pub lic schools. Free schools are the nur series of good government, and they have always received the fostering care of the Democratic party. Then the Democratic party m Chicago put our first plank in. Let us see whether they have put it in or not. The next plank in the Alli ance platform says this : We demand such changes in the peni tentiary system as will ameliorate the condition of convicts, especially on the public highways, and that such provision be made as will secure the separation of males and females, giving the former outdoor and the latter indoor work. Let us see if the Chicago Demo- cratic platform has any such a pro vision : We are in favor of enactment by the States of laws for abolishing the noto rious sweating system; for abolishing contract "convict labor and for prohibit ing the employment in factories of chil dren under fifteen years of age. Then, the Democrats put that in there also at Chicago! You have been told that the Dem ocratic party was the enemy of the country. Let us go on that: The reduction of State and national tax, and that economy and judicial ex penditure shall be observed. That was Livingston’s yardstick. Let us see wffiat the Chicago plat form says: We denounce Republican protection as a fraud— Why did not the Omaha platform denounce it as a fraud ? A robbery of a great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. That is the way the Alliance plat form started out. Let us further. We will come down to something rich directly. Here it further de mands that the burdens resting on the people shall be lessened to the greatest extent. That was the Liv ingston yardstick. Let us see what the Chicago platform says about it: We denounce the McKinley law en acted by the Fifty-first Congress as the culminating atrocity of class legislation. We endorse the efforts made by the Democrats of the present Congress to modify its most oppressive features in the direction of raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods that enter into the general consumption, and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results that will follow the action of the people intrusting power to the Demo cratic party. We deny that there has been any increase of prosperity to the country since the tariff went into opera tion, and we point to the dullness and distress, to the wage reductions and strikes in the iron trade as the best possi ble evidence that no such prosperity has resulted from the McKinly bill. We ask that our representatives in the national legislature will advo cate the passage of such laws as will prevent the formation of trusts, mo nopolies, combines, etc. That is the Alliance yardstick. What do you think the Chicago platform says about that ? Section 5. We recognize in the trusts and combinations which are designed to enable capital to secure more than its just share of the joint product of capital and labor, a natural consequence of the prohibitive taxes which prevent free competition which is the life honest trade. Now, there is the same plank al most yord for word. Now let us go further. There is something mighty good here: “The abolition of the national bank sys tem —” I am reading from the yard stick. Voices. We know what you are reading. Col. Livingston. There is the Al liance plank that every Allianceman pledged himselfotO. What part of that is in the national platform now ? “We recommend that the ton per cent, tax on State bank issues be repealed.” And the silver plank in that plat form. We recognized silver as cur rency. I am going to discuss the silver plank directly’in answer to his objections. Now listen. The Chicago Demo crats knew very well that they could not repeal the national bank system for two reasons. First, they could not, until there was something put in the place of it. Second, under the act which rechartered them for ten years, they had an absolute right to run that time, and no act, State or national, could repeal that charter until the time expired. Even the Supreme Couit of the United States would not declare them unconstitu tional, for they would not attempt anything that could not be accom plished. Well, the congress did not go there and gas, and then go away. They recommended that until that time you should have State banks. State banks, solid and good. Tom Watson and myself went to Wash ington pledged to vote for these State banks. Maybe he has forgot ten it. A voice. Shake him up. Mr. Livingston. lam shaking him. Who pledged Tom Watson and Liv ingston to go there and vote for State banks ? Have you thought who ? I reckon you will say some would-be banker. Is McDonald, your latest representative, here ? Every man in the legislature, both in the house and Senate, voted for this resolution, and that legislature was Alliance, sent there to do your bidding. You tied our hands. A voice: We are going to tie your hands to-day. Mr. Livingston: Tom tied his own hands. I did not. Y r ou will find in acts of the legis lature, page 523, this: Whereas, The statute of the United States levying a tax of ten per cent, on on State banks of issue, which was en acted in the interest of the national banks, which is unjust and injurious to the people of this country, m that said State banks, by the exorbitant tax, are prohibited from doing business, and are prevented from issuing a good local cur rency, which properly guarded by State laws would be safe and greatly promo tive of the prosperity of the people, they are hereby requested— No, no ! that is not ths word : are hereby instructed to urge the passage at the ensuing session of an act repealing the law imposing said tax. The Democratic party at Chicago was told that the legislature of Geor gia demanded this repeal, and Mr. Louis Garrard himself gave that no tice.that the Alliance demanded this repeal. Now listen ! Is Mr. Charles Phin izy— Is Mr. Phinizy here? Mr. Charles Phinizy told me in Washing ton: “Livingston, if we could get that act repealed, the Georgia rail road will put one million and a half dollars in circulation within thirty days.” There is not a man in the State of Georgia that would not take Georgia railroad bills. There was a a chance for the people of Georgia to have one million and a half of money. Why did not the People’s party of Georgia accept that ? Why did they do the boy’s act? They remind me of a boy who went to his mamma and said, “give me a biscuit.” He got it and then he said, “put some butter on it.” Well, the indulgent mother gave him the butter, and then he insisted on having some jelly, and she could not give that because there was none in the house, and the young scamp threw it away because he could not get all he wanted. Just so it is with you People’s party men, you throw away what you cannot get be cause you caunot have all you want. There is the bill and you and your leaders say you do not want it be cause you cannot have the jelly. Livingston said everywhere in Georgia, and I never heard Mr. Watson make but one speech on the— [So much derisive laughter greet ed this, the people anticipating what was coming, that I failed to hear the exact words, and will not supply]. Mr. Livingston. [Mockingly]. Ha, ha! ha! You Third party people know that I took the position, and I dare you to deny it. And now when your own State Legisla ture passed that resolution and we put the bill in the House your Peo ple’s party put their veto on it. Now do you want good money? A voice. That is just like you did at the World’s Fair. Mr. Livingston. Yes, if you know no more about money than you do about the World’s Fair, you may get home, but you will never have sense enough to get to Chicago. Now let us see whether the Democratic party paid any attention or not to your de mands. Listen. There is one other plank in your Alliance platform— Livingston’s yard-stick. That the sub-treasury bill now pending in Congress, or some better measure should be passed. And when the Democratic party dis covered that there was a constitu tional provision against the repeal, they offered you something in lieu of it and you spurn it. Scott! You remember the Geor gia railroad bills, and you are a Third party man? A voice. Yes, but my name is not Scott. Col. Livingston. Well, it does not make any difference, You have never seen a Georgia railroad bill that was not as good as gold. The voiee evidently replied, but your reporter could not hear him. Neither did the speaker, for he said: I cannot hear you. A voice. Y'ou’d better not. Mr. Livingston. Who do you suppose this platform was signed by? Felix Corput, W. L. Peek, Ivey, Stevenson and Taylor, myself con curring, as president of the Alli ance. A voice. Black or white? Col. Livingston. I’ll tell you what is so. You will come to an honest confession one of these days, if you ever get so that you can make an honest confession. You are very much like the man who had a ranch out in Texas, and he went one day, to cross a stream, and the water was so clear that he thought it was shal low, but it was deeper than he bar gained for and he went ca-chug, to the bottom, and as he came up he caught the grass on the side of the bank and said: “Oh Lord,you know that I have never bean in anybody else’s cotton patch.” Well, the effort was too him, and he slipped his hold and went down again. Coming up again he made a desperate attempt and said: “Oh, Lord, you know that I never stole anybody’s cows or branded their cat tle.” His hold slipped and he went down the third time, and it began to look very serious when he came up the third time, and he blurted out: “Oh, Lord, you know that I have been the dangdest liar in the world.” (Laughter.) (Addressing a gentleman in the audience who moved.) Sit down, there; I aint going to rub it in on you if you be quiet. (Laughter.) I want to say this, my dear friends, that I have shown you that the platform I ran on for Congress was that Alliance platform—the Living ston yard-stick. My friend in one of his speeches, if he was quoted correctly, says that I ran on the Ocafa platform. 1 do not know whether he was or not, but the Ocala platform was formulated after I was elected. I was elected in November and the Ocala platform was formulated the following month. Nowjthen, he either ran as an Al lianceman on the St. Louis platform, or he ran on the Livingston yard stick, and there is not an Alliance man can put his hand on his heart and say that I ran on the Ocala platform. I say furthermore that there was no ownership of railroads in that platform that I ran on. He says that the Omaha platform is the same as the St. Louis. Well, I want to «ay that the Omaha plat form has got a great deal in it and I am going to discuss it directly. He asks why did not Northen stand on the St. Louis platform on which he was elected. I only have to say that Governor Northen has got to de fend himself, but I want to say this, in justice to Gov. Northen, that he and Peek made no race on the St. Louis platform. They made it on the Livingston yardstick, so far as the St. Louis convention was con cerned. I know what Northen said in his own county. It was standing in your Alliance paper every issue, and Northen was pressed from time to time to endorse it. A voice. Except the Sub-Treas ury bill. Mr. Livingston. Don’t you fret yourself about the Sub-Treasury. I have got you spotted. Same voice. My friend, I have you spotted for November. Col. Livingston. Mr. Watson asks, “is not Col. Peek standing where Col Peek stood in 1890?” He says also, that Gov. Northen stood on the same platform with Col. Peek in 1890, against the national banks, and on the railroad plank, etc. Now, Gov. Northen was in favor of the re gulation of railroads by State and Interstate Commissions, but not in favor of ownership. I am not going to advise you to vote either for Gov. Northen or Col. Peek. lam not here for that purpose. But, I will tell you what I am here for. I am here to answer this speech of Mr. Watson’s. A voice. It is time you were get ting at it. Col. Livingston. You shut up. You have not got sense enough to know what anyone is getting at. He says that Livingston favored the St. Louis platform, land plank and all, and he gave you the votes by States. (Looking for the refer ence.) A voice. Mr. Watson, tall him where he is at. Another voice. He is looking for his place. Col. Livingston. In the sixth day the meeting was called to order. Re port of the committee. The demand. Section 1. They demanded the abo lition of national banks. The follow ing substitute was adopted : We demand that the goods shall be deposited in the sub-treasuries, etc. And that money shall issue upon non-perishable products, and also upon real estate with proper limitations. Now, on that, the vote was taken by States, and it is the only vote taken by States. And if my friend Watson can put his finger on any other, he can do more than I can. That was just the bother he was over in the sab-treasury. That vote was not a vote on the St. Louis platform at all, but on the Ocala platform. I want to say this, that I fought the land question on the Ocala demand and made a speech against giving money on land. There is not one man in a thousand that does not borrow on a mortgage and then lose his land. A voice. There is a great differ ence between borrowing on two per cent, and a hundred. Mr. Livingston. You would lose it just as quick on two per cent, as on eight. There is no truth so well fixed among farmers as well as law yers and doctors, as that ninety-five out of every hundred men who bor row money on land, at any rate of interest, finally go into the hands of the sheriff. [At this point another beautiful shield of flowers were forwarded to the stand to Mr. Watson. This seemed to have the same effect on the Augusta gang and the Atlanta crowd that a red rag would have on a bull. In the neighborhood of the ladies they were particularly offen sive.] Mr. Livingston. Boys, you can have the flowers. We will get the votes while you get the flowers. [Note. —This was a paraphrase from Mr. Watson’s first speech at Sparta.] Mr. Livingston. He says that the hearts of the people are with the People’s Party. I want to see how that is, and I want to see right now. I want you reporters to stand up and count. lam going to take a vote of this crowd. Every single third party man in this crowd hold up your hands right now. Quick! Now, every single man in |this crowd who is for the the third party hold up your hand. THE GAMBLER’S ARGUMENT. Now I’ll bet a thousand dollars we’ve got you four to one. A voice. I’ll take the bet. Mr. Livingston. I’ll bet you now that you have not got a thousand cents. (Laughter and derision.) [As a matter of fact, the the Dem ocrats were ready to hold up their hands for anything that the speaker suggested, although not one out of a half dozen could hear his words. They not only held up their hands but each held up both hands. On the other hand the People, who could not distinctly hear his proposition ■would not hold up their hands at all. Still the crowd was about equally divided, notwithstanding the fact that about twelve hundred were im ported from Atlanta and Augusta and intermediate points by the Geor gia road. He says: “Northen has been in my district denouncing me.” My friends, I know nothing about that, and lam not responsible for it. If that is true, I am with Mr. Watson. Ido not believe in abuse. It will do no good. (To some person in the audience), Oh, sit down and hush. I want to afford all these fellows an opportunity to hear my argument, and then they will hold up their hands with us. Now I w’ill settle one question, who has desert ed us and who has not? I say that you Third party people have gone back on your platform in toto. You made a solemn vow that you would stand on the platform that I wrote. (Laughter.) A voice. I thought that Harry Brown wrote that. [Renewed laugh ter. ] Col. Livingston. You put it to [CONTINUED ON FIFTH PAGE.] 3