Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE MACON OUTRAGE. When Mr. Atkinson, of the State Democratic Committee, says only one egg was thrown at the Weaver party in Macon he gives his sanction to an assertion which is wilfully and deliberately false. Well may the bosses who encour aged this plan of campaign wake up to the fact that they have made a fearful mistake, and try to put the responsibility on “a small boy and one egg.” The country cannot be deceived in any such way. The Democratic policy of bulldozing the People’s party has been plain all along. They showed it at Quitman, where Colonel Peek and Colonel Post were rocked and egged. They showed it at Sparta, where Mr. Watson was persistently howled at while he was in town, and lied about as soon as he left it. They showed it in Augusta, where Mr. Black was allowed to speak and Mr. Watson was not. They showed it Atlanta, where the Democratic club sent a delegation of noisy dudes to break up the meeting and howl Mr. Wat son down. The treatment of General Weaver was agreed on before hand. The same men who published the deceit ful card guaranteeing a respectful hearing to General Weaver, sent little Tad Horton to get affidavits of Weaver’s military requisitions, and to follow him from point to point with insult and abuse and determined efforts to drive him from the State. Who wonders that such a plan of campaign culminated in the disgrace ful scene at Macon ? The writer of this article has been in Macon twice since the “one egg and little boy” episode. He has made a careful investigation, and presents the following facts : Before the arrival of Weaver, prominent citizens had said in the newspapers that Weavsr ought to be rotten egged. After the meeting, prominent citizens said in the news papers that'the egging was exactly right. Now, what occurred at the meet ing? Mr. Poe tried to introduce Mr. Weaver and was hooted and his voice drowned. General Weaver attempted to speak and was howled down. The balcony from which he spoke was spattered with eggs. Mrs. Weaver, the wife of our Presi dential NOMINEE, WAS STRUCK IN THE FACE WITH AN EGG, AND IT SCATTERED ALL OVER HER DRESS. One of the egg throwers was a nom inee of the Democratic party for the Legislature. A least a dozen eggs was thrown into the bal cony, on which many ladies were sitting. Several gentlemen were struck. The most hideous disorder and violence raged in the streets. The Democratic club marched from their hall in a body to the hotel Lanier and struck righ through the crowd, with bootings, bowlings and miscellaneous blackguardism. Gen eral Weaver retired in disgust—and did quite right. Then it was sup posed that Mr. Lease was going to speak. To insure the contrary, the Democrats arranged with the band to strike up, “Ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay” as soon as she should commence. General Weaver was so indignant at what had occurred that be de cided against Mrs. Lease speaking. Again he was quite right. Democrats I No boldness of de nial can shield you from the con tempt of all honorable men I A our heelers did just what you encouraged them to do. In vain your tardy re pentence. You deceive nobody. All men know that you are sorry simply because you see that your shameful methods of campaign are bringing condemnation to your cause. People’s party men! Remember that even your wives are not safe from Democratic insult and assault. Remember, that for the first time in the history of the Republic a Presi dential candidate has been driven from the hustings, and his wife has found no protection in her sex from the brutal attacks of “ Southern chivalry ” as represented by Bourdon Democracy! They call us the rag tag of the scum of creation. Thank God, we have never yet dreamed we could win our way to public favor by insulting women, and striking them in the face with eggs. It is the dudes and the politicians of the cities who silence our argu ments with idiotic bowlings, and who drive ladies from the audience by spattering them with eggs! There is not a city in Georgia which does not hold its prosperity by virtue of country trade. Gentlemen, do you wish it under stood that the country people are not wanted in your cities? Do you wish us to understand that our wives and daughters are to be insulted and rot- PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1892. ten egged when they attend political meeting in your cities? Do you wish us to understand that you do not •want our trade, and that we must carry it somewhere else ? If so, tell us! We are getting tired of these outrages ! Every time your speakers come out into the country they are treated with respect. f Every time ours speak in the cities they are hooted, insulted and as saulted. In vain do you try to pack it off on “one small boy and one egg.’ The Democratic newspapers and the Democratic bosses are responsible for this state of things. Let them beware that they do not carry it too far! T. E. W. THE AUGUSTA MEETING. It was great. It was glorious. The boys were there The girls were there. The flowers were there. The votes were there. The Democrats were at home— those who had any sense. The balcony from which Mr. Wat son spoke was made beautiful with festoons of choicest flowers. The ladies were in charge and he was embowered in floral decorations. The chair was one magnificent wreath. In front, at the sides and to the rear, were decorations—as choice and as attractive as nature’s blos soms and human kindness could make them. No man ever had his constituents to gather more warmly about him to testify their love and confidence, and no man ever appreciated it more. Four thousand people composed the vast throng to whom he spoke, and until midnight the meeting went on. Then when the last words of the speaker were said, the great cheers rang out like silvery music in the air where the light of the silver stars was brilliant; but not more inspiring than the fervor which thrilled the hearts of us all. Yes, it was a great meeting—wor thy of the people and worthy of the cause. Mr. Watson regrets that in the rush, just after the speaking, many of the cards attached to the wreaths were lost. He ought specially to mention a zephyr boquet—worked in all natural colors, for which he is indebted to the kindness of Miss Mary Bagwell. It will be appropri ately framed and will form one of the many cherished souvenirs of this splendid campaign. Boodle and bribery are fighting beauty and principle! Here is one man who believes that all the boodle on earth can’t down a movement which the good ladies of the land have said is theirs as well as ours. T. E. W. When Judge Anderson made his infamous harangue at what was in tended as Gen. Weaver’s meeting, he said that in Georgia the Democracy wanted a fair ballot and a full count, putting unusual stress on the word “full.” This contrasts with the de claration of that eminent Democrat, Dan Sickles, who said that the eighty thousand Democratic majority in Georgia meant eighty thousand shot guns. There may be doubt of a fair ballot; as to a fuller count than bal lot none at all, if the polls are not watched. Georgians, see to it that you are not cheated Wednesday next. Because she was the wife an hon ored soldier, a refined Christian woman has been forced to remove the foul remnants of a stale egg from her hair, thrown there by a howling mob in Georgia. Thank God, a majority of the People’s con vention in Atlanta, July 20, was composed of soldiers who wore the 1 gray, and they were unanimous j in ratifying that woman’s husband as a candidate for the highest office. The Augusta Chronicle makes a most frantic and unmanly appeal to the farmers of Georgia to remember that they owe their freedom to the Democratic party. They really owe their impoverished condition to that great conglomeration of political blunders. The farmers have sus tained the party, not the party the farmers. Howl like a wolf, bark like a dog crow like a rooster, hiss like a goose, mew like a cat, bellow,whistle, groan, stamp the floor; do anything to stop the voice of reason; your training as a tool of plutocracy is complete. The still small voice of conscience must be dead ere you can do your duty by the grand old party and its bosses. Poor fools, to work thus in enslaving yourselves. JOINT DEBATE AT CONYERS CONTINUED FROM THIRD PAGE.] every single candidate that you put out on your platform. You promis ed when you went into the primary that you would abide by it, and now before the two years are out you have a Third party in Georgia. Your platform demands are equally against the platform of 1890, and now you say because Livingston abided by it that Livingston is a traitor. (Laughter.) Who is the traitor now? I promised the Alli ance people that I would stand by the Livingston yard-stick. (Renew ed laughter.) 1 promised the Dem ocratic party that I would stand by the action of the party, and when Judge Stewart and myself entered the race we both agreed to stand by the action of the primaries. (De risive laughter.) Now my Third party friends, you may as well hush, for I will cram this down your throats if it takes me until Sunday morning. (Long continued laugh ing and sneering.) Now gentlemen, when you get through I will go on. Some of you will wish you bad been quiet before you get home to-night. At this point Mr. Watson inter posed for order, and a voice in the audience said: Mr. Watson, it is not your men. It is them fellows right there, (pointing to the imported gang.) Several voices. Yes, that’s right. Look at them now. Mr. Livingston. I want to re peat that we started out on the can vass appealing to all parties and every party that came before us in the primaries pledged themselves to the party he voted with just as the Alliancemen did. Judge Stewart did not. Mr. Watson and Mr. Barnes did. Sodid every man elected from the State of Georgia except Lester and Crisp and Blount, who did not. Every member of the legislature that was elected by Alliance Demo crats, pledged themselves to that platform. And then when I was elected I not only pledged myself to these demands furnished in the Democratic platform, but I pledged myself to the Democratic banner. I want you Alliancemen to know that if you think that lam going to pledge myself that way and go back on it you are mistaken. (Laughter.) Yes, you may laugh, but until the 4th day of next March I hold that pledge binding on me. (Renewed laughter.) Then my time will be up. , A voice. Yes, and we will keep it up. Mr. Livingston. We will see about that. 1 tell you, I am going back to Washington, and I go pledg ed as I did before, and I will keep that pledge, too. Now Mr. Watson says, “let us compare Jeffersonian Democracy with modern Democracy,” and then the first point he makes is the silver bill. In answer to that I have only to say that he cannot find a single Democratic platform since this question has been a component ques tion, but that the Democratic party has declared for free silver. He says that the present plank is a straddle. Let us look and see. Every Democratic State had it in its platform. One hundred and forty eight Democrats in the House did what they could to pass it, and Mr. Watson knows it. And he knows why it did not pass it. CLEVELAND MORE IMPORTANT THAN THE PEOPLE. He knows there were enough Democrats in the House who believ ed then, and we believe now, that the free silver bill would hurt Cleve land and help Harrison, and still they were free silver men. (Demonstra tions of disgust, and cries of: Oh, oh, hear Lon.) Mr. Watson knows another thing, and that it will take him and his party until the day of judgment to put m 148 People’s party men in the House of Repre sentatives to vote for free silver like these Demoorats did at this session of Congress. (Cheering, laughter, and derision.) Now, take it for grant ed that the Democrats in the House did not do their duty in not voting for free silver; yet, did the members from Georgia do their duty ? That is the question for you to consider. It is the Democratic members from Georgia and the South that you have to look to for an account. If you want free silver, why fight the Demo cratic party ? A voice. Dog Tray was in bad company; you were in company with the enemy. Mr. Livingston. I will put that question to you again. If it is free silver that you want, why do you fight your friends in the Democratic party? Why do you not move your third party into the missionary ground in the East, and beat them there instead of beating your friends down South? A voice. We are not in the East; we will strike you here. Mr. Livingston. The Democratic party is committed to free silver as a partv, and because a few Demo crats in the House defeats the bill with the solid Republican vote you say, “let us defeat the Democratic party.” Let ns see how that works. You take the nine People’s party men in the House, and one of them voted against free silver. Old Bro. Clover did not vote for it. His peo ple sat down on him and he refused I to vote for it on account of that vote. Then there is another man, old Bro. Oiis, who refused to vote for free I wool, and the Democratic party left him at home. Fight your enemy. A voice. Then we will have to fight you. Mr. Livingston. You are your own enemy. (Laughter.) Now you shut pp, or I will go out there to you. , A voice. You invited us to talk, and now you say shut up. Col. Livingston. If you have any politeness you will wait until I ask you. If you have no politeness, I will excuse you. Mr. Watson says that Jefferson was against State banks. A voice. And so he was. HE GIVES THE CUE. Mr. Livingston. Now, boys, don’t you see that if you keep on bother ing me, that my friends won’t give Mr. Watson a chance to conclude. [His friends acted on the hint. They did not ask questions, for they would not listen to hear his conclu sion. They howled him down.] Mr. Livingston. I want to say that I do not know much about Jef ferson’s idea of State banks, but I want to say one thing, and that is that the "Georgia Legislature, both House and Senate, asked Mr. Wat son to vote for the repeal of the ten per cent, tax on the State bank issue. (Cheers for Watson, Livingston and Taliaferro.) Mr. Watson says that Mr. Bayard voted to demonetize free silver. Mr, Watson. I said that he was on the conference committee that struck down silver. Mr. Livingston. I say that there is no record of the vote. None whatever, except the evidence from the mouths of men who were in con gress at the time. [A fellow with gold rimmed spec tacles and a steve-pipe that said: “Thank God for that vote.” The cry was taken up by a few others, but frowned down by some who saw they were getting their feet in their mouths.] Mr. Livingston. I want to say one thing, and that is that we were never able to find only two men who were willing to acknowledge having any part in that act. Mr. Watson. Did you ever look in the Congressional Globe, page 1150? Mr. Livingston. lam informed that Mr. Watson says that it was done by a conference committee between the two houses, and that conference committee agreed on the amendments. Now, suppose that that is so. Sup pose that Mr. Bayard did vote to de monetize silver, is the Democratic party to be measured by that one vote. A voice. Where is your yard stick ? Mr. Livingston. Shut up, you fool. You have not sense enough to know a yard-stick. Same voice. I have sense enough to measure you, and don’t you for get it. Mr. . Livirgston. Don’t you see that Mr. Watspn has no right to spring that upon the Democratic par ty, instead of fighting the man that favored it. Why, I can show you plenty of men in the Alliance who are not in favor of the sub-treasury. I can show you thousands in the North and West who hoot at your sub-treasury and Ocala platform. Mr. Watson. You said that the reason that the Democrats voted against free silver was that it would help Harrison against Cleveland. It is but fair to say that I expect to show that it was voted on in 1886, when Henry Lanier voted for the bill. Mr. Livingston. Now I want to say to Mr. Watson, and I think that he will sustain me when he hears me, the Democrats never caucused on free silver, but I will tell you I have no doubt but a majority of the Dem ocrats in the House and in the Senate were in favor free silver. How was it defeated ? By the Republican vote, solid; by one People’s Party man, and the remainder of the votes from the Democratic side of the House. Now, suppose that a major ity of theSPeople’s Party men in the House had voted for free silver, and only one third against it, would it be right for me to charge the entire People’s Party with being against it? Neither is it fair for Mr. Watson to charge that the Democratic party is against it as long as the platform is on that line. I also want to say for the benefit of Mr. Watson, that the most of those Democrats that against free silver were mugwumps. Gentlemen who live away up in Massachusetts, and if they are Demo crats to-day and think they can get an office to-morrow by turning they will do bo. A voice. How about free wool ? Mr. Livingston. I cannot pull more ■wool out than they have got in. He asks this question : “ Where is the bill they have formulated to sup ply the revenue cut off by the Mills bill?” I want'to’say’this about the Mills bill. The Mills bill would have re duced your taxation about $168,000,- 000. It was somewhere between six and seven per cent, under the prior tariff. Now let us ask this question. In which line would that bill strike the tariff ? It removed nearly all the tariff off the absolute necessities of life. Just where it would have done the people the most good, and yet the Mills bill is spoken of as of no ac count. That bill removed the tax off bagging, off ties; gave us free wool, and eighty-flve per cent reduc tion on woolen goods, to cast sun shine on your homes and hearts. Mr. Watson says : “ Suppose they had passed those free trade bills, and the Senate had concurred, where was the government to get the money to supply the deficiency in the reve nue ?” Why, if the House and Sen ate had passed the bills he must have known that and I and others never would have left Washington without providing for the revenue to support the government. Instead of spending money, as we are spending now, we would have spent less and have enough. Just like a man with two hundred dollars. He will spend it all, but if he has only one hundred dollars he will get along on it all the same. He says that he favors an income tax. Let me tell you what the Dem ocratic House did. They instructed the Committee on Ways and Means to draw up a bill on that very sub ject, and that committee has it par tially drawn up now. Mr. Watson. Why, I drew a bill myself, andjwhat did t they do with it ? Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson said that he drew up a bill himself. So did I. A voice. Why did they not put it in their platforms. Mr. Livingston. Why were you not there to supperintend it. You had better go there next time. (Laughter.) Mr. Watson says that this Congress has spent more money than the Reed billion dollar Congress. Mr. Watson speaks the truth, and yet it is not truth. It is not all the truth. I will ask Mr. Watson to explain that there was $79,000,000 of that forced on us by the last Congress. Mr. Watson. How much did we force on the next Congress. A voice. That hurts. Nir. Livingston. You third party fools are worse than a stuffed circus. You fool, if you cannot be quiet, stick your hat in your mouth, or I will go down there and do it for you. (Laughter and jeering.) The pension law of 1890. The Fifty-first Congress, passed by a Re publican House and a Republican benate and signed by a Republican President, bills raising the pensions from $130,000,000 to $162,000,000. If you subtract 130 from 162 you will find a difference of 32,000,0000, taking that from the last House and putting it on the next. Mr. Watson says that we have bills running into the next House also. Wait until the reports are pre pared and you see the figures and then you will know whether he is right or not. Mr. Watson has said a good deal about the Democratic platform, but not one word about the Omaha plat form. Now, I want to say to you Alliancemen and Democrats that we have a silver plank in our platform that you or nobody else can hope to equal. Now, listen. (Reads): We denounce the Republican legisla tion, known as the Sherman Act of 1890, as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of danger in the future which should make all of its supporters, as well as its author, anxious for its speedy re peal. We hold to the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country — Both. That is the doctrine. We want two standards of measures. Without discriminating against either metal or charge for mintage. Now, listen : But the dollar unit of coinage of both metals must be of intrinsic and ex changeable value, or be adjusted through international agreement, or by such safe guards of legislation as shall insure the maintenance of the parity of the two metals. For what reason ? For what rea son ? And we demand that all paper cur rency shall be kept at par with and re deemable in such coin, What does this plank say? It says that you should have gold and silver and paper, and all these kept on a parity. Why? To help the farmers in the prices of the products of the farm. (Laughter.) There never was a better silver plank put into any platform. My opinion is that that is a legitimate construction to put upon it. Nir. Watson. Why do you not read all of it? Mr. Livingston. I will. We insist upon this policy as especially necessary for the protection of the far mers and laboring classes, the first and most defenceless victims of a fluctuating and unstable currency. Mr. Watson. That means paper redeemable in coin on demand? Mr. Livingston. I read it. I will read it again. We demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin. That is Democratic doctrine. They propose to give you gold as good as paper and paper as good as gold, and bind Congress to keep them so, and that the farmers and laboring classes shall be protected. Mr. Watson. At what ratio? Mr. Livingston. It makes no dif ference. I don’t know about the ratio. Congress has not settled that. (Loud laughter.) Let us see this platform that Mr. Watson is so in love with. What is in it ? A voice. Weaver is in it. (Laugh ter.) Mr. Livingston. There is one thing in this preamble that I would like Mr. Watson to explain. He is a Christian gentleman: We charge that the controlling influ ence dominating both these parties have permitted the existing dreadful condi tions to develop without serious effort to prevent or restrain them. Neither do they now propuse any substantial re form. They "have agreed together to ignore in the coming campaign every Lsue but one. They propose to drown the outcries of a plundered people with the upixjar of a sham battle o»er th© tariff, so that, etc. Now, that preamble charges that the Democratic party and the Re publican party agreed to come, or got together, "and made an arrange ment for the purpose of oppressing and plundering the people. I stand here to-day to say that there is not a word of truth in that declaration. I not only deny it, but I defy any man to prove it. (Reads) : We pledge ourselves that if given power that we will labor to correct these evils by wise and reasonable legislation in accordance with the terms of our plat form. The pledge is conditional. Now, I will tell you when you will get in power. If you get in at all it will be after Gabriel blows his horn. A voice. We will get there if it takes thirty years. Mr. Livingston. Hush, you yel low skinned heathen. (The gentle man was a respectable white man.) A voice. You are a nice gentle man. Mr. Livingston. Hush, I tell you, or I will go down there and make you. If there are no policemen there I will make you myself. Will you please explain this ? (lieads) : While our sympathies, as a party of reform, are naturally on the side of every proposition which will tend to make men intelligent, virtuous, and temperate, we nevertheless regard those questions—im portant as they are —as secondary. I appeal to you black and white men of this country if virtue, tem perance and intelligence are to be secondary to many questions now upon us. I will read it While our sympathies, as a party of reform, are naturally on the side of every proposition which tend to make men intelligent, virtuous and temperste—im portant as they are—as secondary to the great issues now pressing for solation. Listen. Intelligence, virtue and temperance secondary to many ques tions. How in the name of God can a white man ; how in the name of God can a decent colored man put his fist to such a platform ? What use have you got for money if you have no virtue ? What use have you for temperance or intelligence if you have no virtue ? There is fanatacism gone tojseed. There is socialism and communism a thousand fold more virulent than ever embraced from a community before. There is another thing in the plat form I do not like. They are in favor of woman’s sufferage, and I ask Mr. Watson in his twenty-five minutes to explain that to the people of Georgia, why this, was put in the platform. It is a claptrap to catch votes? are you yourself in favor of it ? Mr. Watson. Read the plank, and I will answer you. Mr. Livingston. (Reads) — “The forces of reform this day organ ized will never cease to move forward until every wrong is righted, and equal rights and equal privileges securely estab lished for all men and women of this country.” “Equal rights and privileges.” There is a platform that would drag the pure, the beautiful, and lovely women of the country into the slums and slush pools of politics. There is another thing in this platform that I do not like, and I do not believe you people are going to stand by. Neither you colored men nor white men. (Reads.) “We demand a free ballot and fair count in all our elections, and pledge our selves to secure it to every voter without federal intervention, through the adop tion by the States of the unperverted Australian secret ballot system,” Now, what is the secret ballot sys tem? You colored men who have to vote will have to read and write before you can vote by that system. A voice. Well, we can do it. Mr. Livingston. No; you cannot. And the poor white man of this country is to be crowded away from the polls because he cannot read and write. There is not one negro out of a dozen that can prepare his ballot. There are tens of thousands of white men in this country that cannot do it. There is another thing in this plat platform that I do not like. “We pledge our support to fair and liberal pensions to ex-union soldiers and sailors.” What would be a fair and liberal construction by Mr. Weavor? What would be a fair and liberal construc tion by Cyclone Davis? What would you People’s party call a fair and liberal construction of that plank in the resolutions ? Why did you not do like the Democrats in their plat form, state distinctly what you are and are not in favor of ? There is another in this thing not sweet to you colored and poor white men. And that is the eight hour law in the government. “We cordially sympathize with tne effort of organized workingmen to shor ten the hours of labor, and demand a rigid enforcement of the existing eight hour law on the government work, and ask that a penalty clause be added to said law. In other words, wherever the la borers are organized like Knights of Labor or in the government employ they ought not work more than eight hours. Why not be fair with the colored man in the cotton patch or the blacksmith shop ? It is clearly a bill in favor of the Knights of Labor. You can work twelve hours for fifty cents, and the government employee must not work more than eight hours for three dollars. There is another thing here that I would like Mr. Watson to explain. I want him to explain especially the seventh resolution on page nine. “That we commend to the thoughtful consideration of the people and reform press the legislative system, known as an imitative and— Mr. Watson. I will explain it to you now, if you will let me. Mr. Livingston. No; I will ex plain it. (Continues reading)— Imitative and refundum.” Mr. Watson. You are not read ing from the platform. Mr. Livingston. No; from the resolutions. A voice. Then you must have had that printed, Colonel; we did not do it. Mr. Livingston. (Holding the book on the palm of the left hand and bringing the palm of the right 5