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6 down excitingly, in manner adopted by mothers in dealing with refrac tory youngsters-) Ah, boys! we’ve got ’em, we’ve got ’em. Here it is in black and white. They can’t go back on it. (Great enthusiasm among the Atlanta and Augusta dudes. Dry grins among the more intelligent Democrats on the plat form,) Mr. Watson. Colonel, is not that “initiative and referendum?” That is laws before they become operative must be adopted by the masses of the people? (Laughter transferred to the other sides of the mouth while the Colonel gathers himself to gether.) Mr. Livingston. (Wiping his glasses.) “Initiative and referen dum.” ' Now’ Congres passes thousands of bills, and your legislature passes many bills, and if you mean by that that‘you have to pass upon all law’s and see whether you want them .or not, why, it would keep you voting every day of tbebveek. It strikes at the very "root of the form of govern ment you have adopted, in other words, it is democracy gone to seed. That is what it is. There u. another plank in this platform tl«t won’t do to swallow, and that is the plank on the owner ship of railroads. Why? Here is a poor colored man or a poor white man who has a cow killed, or meets with an accident and loses a leg, or has a child killed, and if the govern ment owns the road, how are you going to get it? A voice. Go to the government. Mr. Livingston. How are you going to the government, you slick haired joung fool you? How will you gel there? The constitution of the country says that no money can be paid by any officer or official un less first donated by the government. Then you have to go to Washington and get the bill through the House first, and then through the senate, and get the president’s signature be fore you can get the price of the cow r , or paid for having that leg cut off, or any other injury you may sustain, ami by the time you get fifteen dol lars tor the cow, you will have to pay live hundred dollars to collect it. And when your leg is cut off you have to send your lawyer to Washington, and by the time your bill is lobbied through Congress thirty years has elapsed, and you will be dead and gone to heaven or a worse country, one or the other. A voice. Where are your East ern Democrats on the silver bill? Mr. Livingston. 1 want to tell some of you Third party people who have been so w earisome this morn ing, what sort of a fix you are in. You are going it blind. A voice. We have been going it blind, but we have stopped. Mr. Livingston. Young man, I want to put you on notice that you are rubbing the mule’s leg. Now shut up or I w’iil go down there and hurt you. You remind me of the boy who was in the habit of rubbing down his father’s race horses. Fin ally the old man took it into his head to buy him a mule to do the rough work about the barn yard, ami that boy could not resist the temp tation to go down there and rub down the mule’s leg. Well, the mule kicked him about ten feet, and when the doctor came and patched him up, and when he looked in the glass he said, “father, do you think 1 will get over it?” “Yes, my son,” said the father, “I hope so.” “Will I be as putty as,l was?’“No,’’said the father, “but, I tell you what, you’ll have a durned sight more sense.” [Laughter.] So my young fool friend, if you live till the October election and see all your candidates snowed under you will have a durn ed sight more sense. [Renewed laughter.] Mr. Watson closed his speech by drawing a very beautiful picture of a home made happy by plenty of money. Homes with better Chris tians. Homes with better and more contented wives. Homes with more happiness. Ah my friends, he went further and said, “Homes with better People’s party men.” I have no doubt but homes would be more comfortable, more happy with plen ty, but what was the object of the appeal? AH it means is that the People’s party would give you some thing for nothing. Is not that the impression it made on every one of you? Voice:. No, no, no! Nobody is fool enough to think such a thing as that. A voice. Livingston, they have gut the mule by the -leg. [Laugh ter.] Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson wants to know if the Democrats swallowed deny Simpson in Kansas why the Democrats of Kansas cannot indorse him also. I am go ing to tell you why. Jerry Simpson went home to Kansas and asked the Democrats to upport him. Every vote was cast for the Democratic party. He tvas elected two years ago by Democrats votes. He knew very well that he could not be re turned to Congress v, ithout a bid for that vote, and the Democrats indors ed him to keep the ticket from go ing for Harrison. Now I want to say to Mr. Watson that if he is pat riotic as Jerry Simpson and asks for the Democratic votes, we will turn in and vote for him. I w’iil do any thing to keep the State from going for Harrison. I will meet what Mr. Watson said about the Republican party in the balance of the time. Here he makes a most generous concession. Admit that they should again get control and the people are still left groaning under the McKirley tariff and the PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7. 1892. millionaires exempt from taxation. Let them come in again at the next election, and it may be fairly said that government of the people is dead, and that class rule is perpetuated. Is Mr. Vfatson doing anything to de feat that? Ido not know what he is doing, in his speeches. This is the first time I have heard him, and 1 beg him before he sits down to put himself clean on the record and say, “I am for the People’s party first, and.«econdly, for the Democrat ic party? I am against the Republi can party for reasons that I have stated. A voice. Just like you said two years ago. Mr. Livingston. I want to make this proposition to Mr. Watson. If he can point to a single vote either by the House or Senate, in the last session, in favor of class legislation I will yield the contest. I will make him another proposition. And that is, that he cannot show a single vote by any Democrat, either in the House or Senate, that has not been cast against class legislation, in the past. I defy him to show to the contrary. Let me state that proposition again, or rather, I will complete the propo sition. In every instance, on the national bank question, on resump tion, on the refunding, on the de monetization of silver, in every single instance the Democrats in the House and Senate voted against these meas ures. If that be true, the People’s party cannot consistently tight the Democratic party. You must fight the party that brought them on. There is one suggestion he made in his speech, and that was that the Eastern Democrats would not vote with us, and we could not hope to effect anything. If that be true, what hope have we from the Peo pl’s party, for they cannot hope to have a majority in thirty years. There is only one way to accom plish it, and that is to raid the East. Are there any People’s party up there? No. Is there any hope of a People's party there? No. The only hope is through the Democratic party. And why you are fighting that party instead of fighting your enemies, is something I cannot un derstand. My friends, I want to make this appeal to you. Go to your homes and study these questions, and then think who are the leaders of this People’s party movement; look at its pledges as we have done and come to an intelligent understand ing. The Democratic party carried you safely out of the Radical carpet bag era in 1872, and it carried you safely from 1872 up to this time. No State has grown so prosperous, so rapidly as Georgia since that time. Your commerce, your business, your schools are a credit to you. (Some confusion occurred at this point, and the speaker said :) I want to put you on notice that there has not been three minutes since I commenced speaking that some, fool Third party man has not been intei rupting me. Mr. Watson. Is not that an ex treme statement? Mr. Livingston. I repeat it, I want to repeat what I said. Go home and take up the platform of the Re publican p. rty, and the Democratic party, and the People’s party, and study them one by one. Then study the leaders one by one. Then take up General Weaver and study him. I would rot have mentioned him if my friend had not. When he had an opportunity to hurt you, he hurt you. When he had an opportunity to curse you, he cursed you. Mr. Watson. It is only fair to notify you that in reply to that at tack on Gen. Weaver, in my conclu sion I w ill show that at the Cincinnati Convention, the Georgia Alliance offered a resolution to pay his way down here, and that you yourself re cognized it as a good piece of work by advancing the money to pay it. Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson says that he is going to reply by saying that the Georgia Alliance paid his way down here, and that I advanc ed the money. They did do it, and I advanced S7O, because the Chair man of the Finance Committee asked me to attend to it. Mr. Watson. And in connection with that, that the Georgia Alliance sent delegates up North, and that you yourself named C. C. Post to go up there and make these speeches. Mr. Livingston. That is right, (laughter.) Now, when Weaver was invited to Georgia, there was not a single leader in Georgia who knew’ that he had been a curse to Southern men and women I never knew it until I got to Washington City, and Mr. 1 lenderson, of lowa, referred me to his record. Now, I want to be. candid enough with you to say (Laughter), that when Weaver came, to Georgia, if I hid know that I would not have gone over this state with him or any other man with such a record. (Applause and deri sion.) I want to say that if Cleveland had said the same things that Wea ver did, I would not support him. He said we were thieves ; he said we were a set of rascals ; he said that we were a set of women Jiaters and women sellers; he said he wished we were a thousand miles in hell. Now so far as he is concerned that is all I have to say. No man can accuse Grover Cleveland of being an enemy of good women of the country, North or South. No man can accuse him of not being economical in the administration of the government. No man can accuse him of being anything but a clean, good man. Mr. Watson. On that line, it is only fair to notify you that 1 am go ing to make reference to the fact that the Richmond Leader charged him with being kept from going to Richmond in 1886, because he did not want his wife to meet Winnie Davis. Col. Livingston. He says that Mr. Cleveland refused to go to Rich mond, because he did not want his women folks to be introduced to AVmnie Davis. All I have to say is, that Grover Cleveland’s personal friends deny that in toto. Mr. Watson. Which one? Mr. Livingston. Burke Cochran. Mr. Watson. When ? Mr. Livingston. A day or two be fore I left there. Mr. Watson. It occurred in 1886, and Dan Lamont did net deny it. Mr. Livingston. Cleveland’s re cord is as fair to the South as that of any man’s North or South. Mr. Watson will not admit it. Now my fellow citizens, listen a moment and I will sit down. I have shown that Mr. Watson did not run on a platform in favor of the govern ment ownership of railroads. Mr. Watson has reported himself in AA rash ington city, elected as a Democrat. I reported myself as elected a Demo crat. We are both on record over our own signatures as Democrats. A voice. AVhat are you now? Mr. Livingtson. A Democrat. What are you? Mr. Watson says that he is in favor of the Ocala de mands, and so am I. I am in favor of the demands that we put into the State platform. They are the Ocala demands, and every one is put into the Chicago platform. I asked him why he;is the onlyreply makes is that the Eastern Democrats would not let him get what he wants. My advice is to move up there where he can hurt his enemies and not be fighting his friends. When the Oct ober and November elections are over, these third party men will be sober. And when Cleveland goes to Washington, and Governor Northen goes into the gubernatorial chair, and Livingston gets there, and when friend Watson gets there—if he gets there—he is going to be a soberer man than he is, and he will come nearer to voting with the Demo crats than some of you think he will. Don’t you know he voted right along with the Democrats with one or two exceptions. Now why does he go to Washington and vote with the Demo crats and come to Rockdale County and ask the good people to vote against the very party that he voted with day by day ? Now, I will tell you this: If you elect a People’s party man from Georgia and one from Kansas, they are not going tq vote together. Why ? Because whenever his North ern friends went estray he voted with the balance of us, and yet he comes down here and asks you far mers to vote with these third party people in Kansas. Now, my dear friends. I want to say this: You People^,party have nothing to brag on in your platform. If you should continue together, which is improbable, it will take you a long time to control legislation. Here is the Democratic party that has been your friend. You are going back on the record of your fathers and your grandfathers; you are di viding your families and your schools; you are risking strife, turmoil and confusion. For what ? - Ask your selves for what? To get more money, that is all. Now let me tell you, and 1 ask his attention to this point. I believe that if you ask Tom Watson he will tell you that if you get any more money out of the Gov ernment in the next two decades you will have to get it out of the Demo cratic or the Republican parties. Why, then, “strive at a gnat and swallow a camel?” I thank those of you that have been quiet. I did not expect any thing more of some of you. You did not know better, but you ought to learn. UNLIMITED GALL. I am glad that you gave Mr. Wat son such good attention. I hope you will give him a chance to answer the questions I have asked him. I de mand that he take his platform and the Jeffersonian platform, and pre sent them in the mind and eyes of the people. I thank you for your attention. [lt can scarcely be said, truthfully, that the speaker was cheered enthu siastically. His Atlanta and Au gusta friends did not come there to hear his arguments. They came on a free frolic and to prevent others, if possible, from hearing Mr. Watson. His more intelligent friend.-, about and on the platform, if not disap pointed in him, were carried away with admiration of Mr. Watson. Many of them gave expression to that, forgetting that there was “a chiel amang them takin’ notes.” Mr. Watson was kept full five minutes before he could get a hearing.] mr. watson’s conclusion. Colonel Livingston has said that after they came back from St. Louis, in 1889, that the Executive Commit tee came up here in Atlanta and agreed not to take a part of the plat • form agreed upon which the Su preme Council had adopted. Now, I make this point. After that na tional convention met and agreed upon that platform, in that conven tion, the Executive Committee had no right to change that platform after they came to Georgia. I see Mr. Loucks, the President of the National Alliance, is here. He is good authority. (Turning to Mr. Loucks.) I ask you whether or not the Executive Committee had aright to change the platiorm agreed on ? Mr. Loucks. Certainly net. Mr. Watson. So I thought. You see, my friends, all his speech falls to the ground. (Applause.) He defends AV. J. Northern It is the strangest thing on the face of the earth to see Livingston and Northen doing the turtle dove act. [Laugh ter.] I have no time, however, to dwell on that. I want to be perfectly fair in my rejoinder. He says that Northen, at Thomson, did not take a position on the national platform, but took it on the platform which the Executive Committee made up here in Atlanta. I was there when that speech was delivered. Here is the Augusta Chronicle report. [Reads.] The editor of the A 1 fiance Farmer asked him where he stood on the finance question. He answered: “I stand squarely on the platform of the National Alliance.” Not on a little State platform. Not what the Executive Committee did; but flat-footed on the platform of the National Alliance. (Great applause.) Fellow citizens, I put it to you as farmers whether or not every man who stood in the Alliance was not bound by what the National Convention did, and not by what the Executive Committee did. Voices. Yes, yes, yes. Hurrah for Watson. Mr. Watson. I have already shown you that Mr. Livington himself in troduced a resolution indorsing, not the Ocala platform, not the platform made in Atlanta, but emphatically indorsing the St. Louis platform last December. Now, as Livingston in troduced that resolution, you see that the Livingston of to-day is con demned by the Livingston of last December. (Great applause.) He says that there was no vote taken by States. I only know what the official minutes show, of the National Alli ance, arid the official minutes show that the vote was taken by States, and. that Georgia voted, yes. (Re newed and long continued applause.) Mr. Loucks, now President of the National Alliance, and who is pres ent, says there was a unanimous vote on every subject except the sub treasury. Now come around and look, boys, at the Livingston of then and to-day—not what Livingston says, not what the newspaper say— but what the official minutes of the Na ional Alliance say. Voices. Glory, glory hallelujah! Hit him again for me, and: That’s cruel. Mr. Watson. The next meeting was held at Indianapolis. The State of Georgia was represented there. The Indianapolis Convention went as far as the St. Louis Convention along that line, instructing us to vote for no man for Speaker who did not stand upon both platforms. Livingston was in that Convention. The great State of Georgia was in that Conven tion. Nov? I ask you, was not Geor gia as much bound by that vote as by tiie vote at Ocala? Not only that, the Cincinnati meet ing had lean held in May, 1890, wuich formulated the third party. Weaver was one of the leaders in it. AV eaver was in that meeting down here, and Livingston paid his ex penses. (Laughter and applause.) 1 know that he plays the baby act, and says that he didn’t know of his record. My God! ain’t he too old to play the baby act? (Renewed and long continued laughter.) C. C. Post is denounced. Bitterly denounced with all the old party hatred and scorn and contempt every where, and yet, when C. C. Post went to the North and West to build up the People’s party he had the in dorsement of L. F. Livingston in his pocket. (Laughter and applause.) Not only that, when the Hon. L. F. Livingston came back from the St. Louis Convention, where he was as much bound by the action of that Convention as any minority ought ever to be bound, he said at Coving ton, what? That the reason he had entered that caucus and voted for Crisp, was, that there was a conspir acy between the money kings about the financial plank to put the tariff forward and put the financial ques tion back. [The nicely dressed derby and plug-hatted, boys from Atlanta and Augusta at this point began to show their fangs. Owing to admonitions which they received early in the meeting, they did not indulge in open demonstrations, but kept up a general conversation among themselves. Some of the people began expostulating with them, and the speaker continued after a long pause.] Mr. AA r acson. They do not want to hear; they do not want you to hear. He went all over this country de nouncing the national banking sys tem. Did he tell you then that you could not repeal it ? Did not he tell you then that you could repeal it? Here is the record. I deny his state ment, and have the proofs here. Here is the original Act of 1864, and the last section says : (Reads.) “Be it further enacted, That Congress may at any time amend, alter, or repeal this Act.” A voice. I do not believe it is there. Mr. Watson. Now, my friend, this is all fair. I put him on notice of all this. lam not taking any ad vantage of him at all. Mr. Living ston will not say that he does not be lieve it is there, for he knows that it is there . A voice. Why did not you re main a Democrat, and fight for that ? Mr. Watson. Why did I not re main a Democrat? I am a better Democrat to-day thail he is. (Laugh ter and applause.) Voices. Proveit. Prove it. (The boys are beginning to take the cue.) Mr. Now, here in the Act of 1882, there is the same pro vision, reserving to Congress the right to repeal or modify the Nation al Bank Act at any time that Con gress so determines. AA’hy, they complain of us because we have just found out the record. The trouble with them is that they have not found it out yet. (Laugh ter.) Here I have charged that Thomas F. Bayard acted as confer ree with John Sherman in the great crime consummated by the two Houses, and struck down the $152,- 000,000 of silver, and Col. Livings ton, the bell-wether of the old party, did not even know it. (Laughter.) He not only did not know it, but he stands up here like a little man and acknowledges that he didn’t know it. (Increased laughter.) A voice. It is the first time I heard him acknowledge truth, (Laughter.) He says that the last Congress ought to be credited with $79,000,- 000, which the preceding Congress put on us. When I asked him how much we put on them, he [Rowdyism got very rampant at this point, and some one climbing up on the platform behind me, kept me so busy shaking him off, that I lost the conclusion of the sentence.] Mr. AVatson, Oh, does not it hurt them, though. Many voices. Yes; you bet it hurts. Hurt ’em some more. (Laugh ter.) Mr. AVatson. There is $48,000,- 000 accounted for. How about these pensions that he was speaking about. Did this Con gress do anything on earth to lower those pensions ? Every dollar that was carried over on us goes right over to them by us. A voice. You were there top. Why did not you do something? -J Mr. Watson. Yes, I was there, and I tried to do a great many things that I could not do. AVhy? Be cause these two old parties were not in favor of doing anything for the relief of the people. A voice. And you were there all the time, too. (Cheering.) Mr. Watson. He says that the People’s party voted for the increase of $12,000,000 pensions. I deny the statement, and I say that the record shows this. That there w r ere two estimates of how much it would take to supply the requirements of the law. The Republicans said that it would take $12,000,000 more. The Democrats said it would not. I voted with the Democrats. The others voted with the Republicans, and before the end of the session was reached the Democrats saw that the Republicans were right and even without a division they passed a bill to pay the $12,000,000 which he accuses the People’s party men of voting for. AVhat else did we put on the next session of Congress? AVhy, my fel low citizens, this $21,000,000 wrap ped up in the river harbor bill to which the government is bound, and that $21,000,000 is a burden laid by this congress on its successor. Not only that, there are $5,000,- 000 on iron-clad?, to be paid in the future. The federal governmet is pledged to that, and the next House will have to appropriate the money. He says this, that the Democrats of Kansas are supporting Jerry Simpson because Jerry Simpson cast good Democratic votes all through the session of Congress. Before winding up his speech he said that I did too. Then why can’t the Dem ocrats vote for me? [Howling from the entire gang.] I will bet a bay horse that is the Augusta crowd right now. And they have got their bar-room inside of them. That is the cause of this rowdyism Voices. Traitor, traitor. Cor bin bank. Bah. Bah! Mr. Livingston. Let me tell you, my friends, if you are my friends not to go on that way. We will be through with this soon. Mr. Watson. He says that Wea ver ought to be condemned because he found out that in 1872 he de nounced what? Not the Southern people, but the Democratic party in the South, [The animals being stirred up, show their teeth, snarling and snapping like so many unchained demons. A very long pause in consequence.] Mr. AVatson. AATio did that more bitterly than Gen, Dan Sickles? [Re newed howling.] That is brave Democracy. [Pointing his finger in scorn.] That is a fair sample of your method of discussing a question of vital importance, ain’t it? [The crowd rushed in on the stand and coming between me and the speaker;! was compelled to stand by him during the remainder of his argument. Although the words he uttered would not ordinarily occupy three minutes, it required about fif teen minutes, owing to the interrup tions and consequent pauses.] Mr. AVatson. That is Jeffersonian free speech, ain’t it? That is the Augusta crowd. They have been following me ever since I entered this campaign. Now here. General Dan Sickles suid that the eighty thousand ma jority in Georgia meant eighty thousand shot guns, and yet the Democracy of Atlanta wined and dined him up as a hero. [Laugh ter.] [The people began to enjoy the hole he was putting his enemies in, and that produced waves of red hot hate all through the ranks of the gang. One fellow, as bright as could be turned out by the combined efforts of a tailor, a shoemaker, a boot-black and a laundress got u» on the edge of the stage and amused himself by shouting: “Go on Mr. Watson. Go on.” It would be monotonous to repeat here the number of times and. places he in dulged in that piece of idiocy. Suf fice it to say. th-’ 4 -, 't. o«, ’ gave hbn , . . . . . the Democratic gentlemen on the stage, and there were many very nice gentlem • among them, became disgusted with him, and showed their disapprobation. The tumult, however, increased through die crowd to the end.] Mr. AVatson. What do you think, gentlemen of Rockdale county, of men that come one hundred miles to disturb your meetings. AVhat do you think of the Democrats that will not listen or let you listen ? What do you think of the men who have not only no respect for themselves or for you, but have no respect for your wives and daughters ? [The mob rushed on the stage in such numbers that the speaker was compelled to get up on the bench at the corner of the platform and cling to the corner post for support dur ing the remainder of the time that he addressed this mixed crowd of the most orderly and disorderly people that ever an orator faced. It is said that Demosthenes made it a rule to stand by the sea shore and rehearse his splendid orations in order to be come accustomed to a tumultuous assemblage. Demosthenes might be a howling success at the sea shore and a flat failure here.] Mr. Watson. Have I not debated these questions fairly ? [I fowling.] You may howl me down in Augusta, but you are now in the presence of the honest farmers of Rockdale county, and such conduct can not succeed. These men came through the rain to hoar these issues dis cussed. [To the farmers.] You come here and stand in the rain be cause you are interested, yet these city rowdies come here to prevent you from hearing. Now, listen ! AVe were denounced as Democrats twenty-five years ago, and I have no doubt but there are many men here who said as hard things of the Yankees as ever AVeaver said about the South. AVeaver probably said hard things, as men on both sides said. A voice. I’ve said as hard things as I could, but it is over now. Mr. AVatson. But AVeaver was too much of a man to fight your wo men as their leader, Mr. Cleveland, did. [Great cheering.] Any true man can honor a brave, manly op ponent, but no one can have respect for a man who, twenty-five years after the war, makes war upon wo man. And especially a man who never fired a shot in the war. [Tre mendous cheering.] Now, listen. But first look at the dry grins on those faces. [Laughter.] They look as battered as the old hats they have brought here through six weeks of tramping around after a baggage car bar-room. [Laughter, and looks of contempt at the movable contin gent, from the farmers.] Listen! Mr. Cleveland had ac cepted for himself and the ladies of his household an invitation from General Fitzhugh Lee, to attend a reception in Richmond, Va., and when he found out that Winnie Da vis, the daughter of the Confederacy, was to be there, he would not allow his women folks to go. That is what a Democratic paper says. Now, ain’t that proof ? [Howling.] Now, my foolish friends, don’t you know that the biggest coward on the face of the earth is the man who is afraid to hear the truth ? [The platform, as I said, before, was invaded and crowded to the ut most capacity, straining its frail bear ing powers. Now a new danger threatened. The gang began to clamber on top of the roof, which was made of very thin boards and supported by very light stanchions. Summary means were taken to get rid of this incumbrance. The cry went up, “Pitch the roof off!” Fear ing that would be carried out, they soon made themselves scarce in that quarter,] Mr. Watson. He quoted Mr. Phinizy, president of the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, and asked if he was here, as though he was present. I have not a word of disrespect for Mr. Phinizy, but two years ago Mr. Livingston was not receiving instructions from the Geor gia Railroad and Banking Company. [Great laughter and applause.] (howled down.) The movable contigent could stand to hear Mr. Livingston excoriated, because they took* him as a little child takes physic; but they could not stand to hear the President of the Georgia Railroad mentioned, not knowing what was coming.. Perhaps the visions of free rides and movable barrooms quickened their zeal. Os course . I do not pretend to say that tiie railroad furnished the liquors. It only furnish the cars at a very much reduced prices. A . strange feature about these meetings is, that the newspaper scav engers, while on the stand, seem very gentlemanly and fair. When the papers come out next morning, they reex with falsehood. Farmers of Georgia, this ought to be a warning to you to patronize your own papers A lying newspaper "in a family is a greater curse than a rattle snake turned loose. The Augusta Chronicle is very much disgruntled because “Boss Back” advised the Republicans to support the People’s party. How can that bring about Republican domination, Mr. Chronicle ? A most infamous lie is published in the Constitution about a colored preacher being threatened with drawn knives and pistols at Athens in the Feople s party meeting Monday, n ’ invention, and toe