Newspaper Page Text
IN THE SAME BOAT.
INTERESTS OF COUNTRY AND CITY
LABOR IDENTICAL.
Moro Men Employed at Better Wages
Means More Customers and Better
Prices for the Farmer.s
By John Davis, M. C. from Kansas.
It is only expressing a well known
truism to state that it is to the in
terest of every farmer that his cus
tomers be multiplied and enrichened
so as to create a large and better
market for his commodities. Hence,
the more men there are employed on
the railroads, in the mines, shops and
factories, in all the professions, in
every line of business, and in all the
non-farming industries, the larger
market the farmer has for his pro
ducts. The employment of more
men means shorter hours for wage,
laborers in the non-agricultural in
dustries. It is better for the farm
ers of America that wage-workers
have short time—that three men be
employed ten hours per day instead
of two men fifteen. It is better for
the farmers that, in all industries
where furnaces must be kept hot and
wheels and machinery in motion,
night and day, three shifts of men
be employed eight hours each, rath
er than two shifts twelve hours. It
is also to the interest of farmers that
the laboring men, agents and
clerks in all the non-agricultural in
dustries and employments receive
good wages. All wages thus paid
to the workers and operatives in
mines, shops and factories, and on
the railroads, enrich the farmer’s
customers and improve his markets
for all the products of the farm. In
order to show the unity of interests
in every nominal community, it
may be added that short hours and
numerous, well paid employes in
crease the business of merchants and
benefit every line of trade and every
mechanical employment, because we
are the consumers of each other’s
wages. No sensible business or pro
fessional man or intelligent farmer
can conceive himself benelited by
the oppression of labor through long
hours and small pay. But, on the
contrary, the more men there are
employed (that means short hours)
and the better the wages, the better
it is for the farmers and for the pro
fessional and business men who have
laboring men for customers.
This view of the case is plain and
self-evident. But there is another
phase of alleged antagonisms which
must have further attention. It is
claimed by the railroad corporations
that farmers on one side and rail
roads employes on the other have
antagonism toward each other
which can never be reconciled. They
justly state that the farmers desire
lower freights and fares on the rail
roads, while the men operating the
roads as employes are demanding
higher wages and shorter hours.
These demands, it is claimed by the
corporations, are on each side earn
est and persistent, and at the same
time incompatible. There is enough
of truth in this claim to give it a
show of plausibility. It is claimed
that lower rates cannot be permitted
on the railroads without lowering
the wages of the employes on the
roads. On the other hand, it is not
possible to grant the employes short
er hours and better pay without rais
ing the freights and fares which the
farmers and the public must pay.
Thus the corporations have drawn a
picture of an irrepressible conflict
with the public, including the farm
ers on one side, and their employes
on the other. They would have us
believe that the farmers and the
public generally are engaged in a
war to oppress the men who operate
the railroads and that this war is
merciless and endless. So earnest
and persistent are the corporations
in pushing this view of the case that
they have commenced organizing
their mtn into clubs with regular
newspaper organs to resist the grow
ing unity and power of the farmers
and people's movement!
The corporations are the ruling
power. They work with little noise
or friction. They lay their plans
carefully and secretly, and they carry
them out with certainty and con
scienceless precision. Laws, consti
tutions, court decisions, and public
opinions are brushed aside as cob
webs by the hands of a giant. The
men composing the corporations are
usually millionaires, and are spoken
of as “magnates.” Beginning busi
ness sometimes on the mouse-trap
plan, in a very few years their wealth
is reckoned by hundreds of millions.
The “coming billionaire,” it is pre
dicted, will soon arrive by railroad,
floated in by the floods and forgeries
of his own watered stocks. Where
did these millionaire corporations get
their wealth ? They acquired it from
the men with whom they have been
dealing. They acquired it from the
laboring men who operate the rail
roads, and from the farmers and the
general public! These magnates
crowd their employes down—-down,
down into the most merciless slavery,
utterly unknown in the annals of our
once peculiar institution, chattie
slavery. They work men, it is said,
ten, twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty
hours at a stretch, as suits their own
sweet will and pleasure, until, in
orae cases, engineers and conductors
are too much exausted to be proper
custodians of a train. Many lives
and much property have been sacri
ficed by the inability of men to keep
awake. The corporations do not drive
men to their tasks with whips, shot
guns and blood hounds, but through
hunger, distress, lack of fair wages
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY OCTOBER 14, 1892.
for fair work, and threats of discharge.
That is the millionaire treatment of
employes!
On the other hand, as described
by Mr. Garfield in June, 1874, “these
modern barons, more powerful than
their military prototypes of the mid
dle ages, own our greatest highways
and levy tribute at will on all our
vast industries !”
Senator Windom, in an official re
port to Congress in 1874, described
our present masters and oppressors
as follows:
In matters of taxation, there are to-day
four men representing the four great
trunk lines between Chicago and New
York who possess and who not infre
quently exercise powers which the Con
gress of the United States would not ven
ture to assert. They may at any time,
and for any reason satisfactory to them
selves, by a single stroke of the pen, re
duce the value of property in this coun
try, by hundreds of millions of dollars.
An additional charge of five cents per
bushel on the transportation of cereals
would have been equivalent to a tax of
$45,000,000 on the crop of 1873. No Con
gress would dare to exercise so vast a pow
er, except upon a necessity of the most
imperative nature, and yet these gentle
men exercise it whenever it suits their
supreme will and pleasure, without ex
planation or apology. With the rapid
and inevitable progress of consolidation
and combination, those colossal organi
zations are becoming daily stronger and
more imperious. The day is not distant,
if it has not already arrived, when it will
be the duty of statesmen to inquire
whether there is less danger in leaving
the property and industrial interests of
the people wholly at the mercy of a few
men, who recognize no responsibility but
to their stockholders, and no principle of
actiom but personal and corporate ag
grandizement, than adding somewhat to
the power and patronage or the Govern
ment directly responsible to the people
and entirely under their control.
In all cases they act on the rob
ber’s rule when he sets out to get
rich by his calling. From the labor
ing men who operate the roads, the
corportions require all that flesh and
blood can stand (and more) at the
lowest living or starvation wages!
Os the public they require “all that
the traffic can bear,” regardless as to
the financial embarrassment, the loss
of homes, or the means of life by the
individuals who compose the public.
Having raised freights on the one
side and suppressed wages on the
other until the margin of profits is
large, then comes the opportunity to
swell “capitalization” by the sale of
manufactured or forged stocks and
bonds. These are known as “watered
stocks.” An agent of the company
orders printed blank stock certificates
and blank bonds. These blanks,
which cost merely the price of print
ing, are then filled out with large
amounts, signed, and sold for cash in
the market at the market price—at
par, more or less. If sold at only
fifty cents on the dollar, the trans
action is bold robbery. A bit of
paper costing the company . only a
cent may be sold for $50,000 (cash
to the corporation). Then, after
that sale there will be 8100,000 more
of water.
As the amount is increasing over
half a billion annually, it is within
the truth to call the present total
burden ten billions. According to
the best railroad authorities one-half
of this incomprehensible fund is
fraud—watered stocks! Five bil*
lions of water! If sold at par it
brought enough money to make five
thousand new millionaires! At 4
per cent per annum the income is
enough to make two hundred new
millionaires each year from this wat
ered capitalization, which represents
no honest value.
Letter of Acceptance.
Washington, D. C., Sept. 21, 1892.
Hon. W. R. Gorman, J. W. Wilson,
and J. W. 11. Russell:
Gentlemen —Yours of the 10th
inst. is to hand notifying me of my
nomination as a candidate for the
Fifty-third Congress by the district
convention of the People’s party of
the Fourth Congressional district of
Georgia.
In reply allow me to thank you for
the distinguished honor you have con
ferred upon me. As you very well
know, when I have been approached
upon the subject of accepting this
nomination I have declined the honor,
for the reason that I could not well
accept without great personal incon
venience to myself, occupying as I do
position of great honor and trust
already in this reform movement;
but feeling as I do that it is the imper
ative duty of every citizen at this
particular time, when the very exist
of the republic is threatened, to faith
fully discharge every trust commit
ted to his hands, I can do nothing
less than accept this nomination so
generouly tendered.
In accepting this nomination I feel
it my duty to briily give you my
reasons for so doing. I was one
among the very first who joined the
Farmers Alliance in Georgia, having
joined the second lodge that was or
ganized in the State as a charter
member. I did not join the order
through idle curiosity, or for the pur
pose of self-aggrandizement, but
from a deep-seated conviction “that
the conditions surrounding the
producers and business men of
our country would have to be speed
ily changed, or this republic would
very soon resolve itself into an aris
tocracy more exacting and tyramcal
and a peasantry more degraded and
humilating than ever cursed Europe.
More than five years have passed
since that time, and every returning
season has proven beyond doubt that
my .convictions were based upon
facts, as the experience of thousands
of wrecked business men and home
less farmers will attest.
It is true our plans have been ridi
culed and denounced as visionary,
yet our critics have failed to offer us
anything better. We have gone
upon our suppliant knees to both the
old political parties, and when we
asked for bread we have ibeen given
a serpent. We have asked them in
the name df justice to put us upon
an equal footing before the law u ith
the banker, the bondholder, and the
whisky maker, and they have replied
in solemn tones that it owould be
unconstitutional. With, such treat
ment of our just and reasonable de
mands, in my opinion, there is noth
ing left for the common people
but to array themselves in ceaseless
warfare upc-ix the existing conditions,
as our forefathers did upon the con
ditions of Seventy-six, ttntil every
American shall be a freeman and no
usurer will dare demand his pound of
flesh.
That which our forefathers accom
plished with the bayonet can be ac
complished by us with the bollot, if
we are but to begin in
time and make the'proper use of the
means of defense feft us. We
have been taught one of the old
political parties high protective
tariff would to every
home; the other "ba j taught us just
the reverse, while ftfeatfonly attempt
ed to reduce Jbe
If the tariff be the great robber as
pictured by The party,
instead of cutting Eidown seven per
cent, every Vestige Os it should be
blotted out have found
the great trouble with this party on
this subject (o lie in fact that the
controlling element bf the party be
ing in these protected in
dustries, are just as Minch in favor of
protection as the Republican i party
itself. There is no perceptible dif
ference, so far as theTecord goes on
this subject, between an Eastern
Democrat and an Eastejin; Republican.
This sham battle over tariff has been
going on for more than- a half cen
tury. The people have been arrayed
on either side, loyally, and I might
say blindly, following their leaders
with a devotion unparalleled in po
litical history, while both sides have
been systematically Tabbed by a sys
tem purposely kept in the background
and almost entirely Ignored as a po
litical issue. I refer .- to the financial
system which has : so ruthlessly
snatched away the and hap
piness of so many- 1 of our business
men, and brought and ruin
to the once happy homes of so many
farmers and
In proof of the above statement as
regards the business men of the
country, I submit Jie following from
Bradstreet’s •' Con*merical Bulletin:
“In 1865 fliere were 520 failures,
with liabilities 817,625,000. In
1875, after sflyer has been demone
tized and of the coun
try had been contacted from $52.01
per capita in 1863 io $14.04 in 1875,
there were 7,740 failures, with lia
bilities $202,0.00,000, and in 1889
number of failures 13,277, with lia
bilities $12,496,742.”
These continually increasing fail
ures of the business men of the
country is a continual harvest for the
money gamblers' 6f this country and
Europe. As proof I submit that
twenty-five years ago the million
aires of this countiy could be count
ed on a man’s fingers. Now they
are numbered by £s e thousands.
Os course thee above figures,
coupled with the fsbt that cotton is
selling at six cents per pound and
wheat at fifty bushel, are
not very reassuring,. to the busines
men of the country, and do not
make them; content with present
conditions. lam -satisfied that when
the business men of the country find
time to investigate the true causes
of the depressed Condition of their
business they will be as willing as
we are to lay aside their blind parti
san zeal and unite;with the pro
ducers of the country in one supreme
effort to rid the country of the causes
that have produced stich direful ef
fects.
Let us now examine into the con
dition of the farmers and working
people of the country.
We find from the census bulletins
of 1890 that there were 9,000,000
mortgages recorded between 1880
and 1890 on the homes of the peo
ple. From statistics already given
out, estimates fairly made show that
from $9,000,000,000, to $15,000,000-
000 yet remain Repaid. This sum
at 8 per cent interest would amount
to $720,000,000 th'At" must be paid
from the products of labor annual
ly into the coffers of the usurer.
Allowing 8,000,905. bales of cotton
for an average'Mip, it would take
three entire'crops of cotton to pay
this interest'aloha. How long will
the farmers hnd business men of the
country continue to Vote to continue
in power politieal? .parties that pro
pose to present condi-
tions? .w-diH
nxtnr i .1 f>-
John C.‘ said: “Why
compel the people to pay interest on
through the bank
when said credit'could be extended
direct to the people without in
terest '• J£irn< L> tn
Thomas Jefferson said: “Our
only resource—an ample one for any
emergency —Treasury notes bottom
ed on taxes.”
The financial plank in the People’s
party platform is Calhoun, Jefferson
and Jackson’s remedy for present
conditions.
I shall next “notice the land ques
tion upon which the second plank of
our platform f bears. The every day
observations of every intelligent man
must convince him that present con
ditions are this coun
try a landlord and ( tenant system
more disgraceful, if possible, than
that which purses Ireland.
Os the lauds of the United States
aliens own, outside of railroad grants,
61,900,000 acres; railroads corpora
tions own acres which,
added to the amount, owned by
aliens makes 253,242,385 acres, a
sufficient amount, if reclaimed by
the government to provide a com
fortable home for every man, woman
and child in the United States who
is to-day without a home. It is the
home owner that develops the re
sources of a country, defends its
laws, builds its schools and makes
society contented and happy. The
history of all countries and times
teaches us that when the lands of a
country drift into the hands of the
few and the many are made tenants
and serfs, bloodshed and revolution
have been the invariable results.
Are the people of this country
to stand idly by and permit their
homes to be absorbed by aliens and
corporations simply because the po
litical boas says that it would be
communism to offer a protest? If
the people would not see their chil
dren the tenants of alien landlords,
let them put their protests in the
ballot-box, which is the only remedy
left except the musket.
Both the old political parties
are so -completely dominated
by these corporations that
they dare not open their mouths on
the land question. Examine their
platforms and see.
The transportation question is one
of the most vital that is now engaging
the attention of the American peo
ple. Railroad corporations have be
come so exacting that almost every
State in the Union has been com
pelled to create a railroad commis
sion, and the National Government
an interstate commission, in order to
protect the people, and they are still
unprotected, as everyone knows who
has endeavored to investigate the
matter. According to the price the
people are receiving for their pro
ducts, the railroads are charging more
to-day for passenger and freight traf
fic than they ever did since there was
a railroad m the country. It will
take twice as many pounds of cot
ton or bushels of wheat to carry a
passenger one hundred miles or a
carload of freight one hundred miles
than it did twenty years ago. For
example, it would then cost 5c per
mile or $5 to ride 100 miles. The
$5 would cost 25 pounds of cotton
at 20c per pound. Now it will cost
only 3c per mile or $3 for 100 miles.
The $3 will cost 50 pounds of cotton
at 6c per pound.
It cost just as many days’ work to
produce a pound of cotton twenty
years ago as it does to-day, but a j
pound of cotton then would buy i
twice as much railroad service as it ;
will to-day. Railroad control, as |
now practiced, is a sham and a fraud,
and the experience of some of the
wisest railroad men in this country
and the old country teaches us that
the only way to control railroads is
for the Government to absolutely
own and operate them in the inter
est of the people. “Poor’s Manual’'
for 1892 is just out, and is recog
nized authority on railroad statistics
all over the world. It gives the
number of miles of railroad in the
United States to be 170,601 ; actual
cost, $4,809,176,651; watered stock,
$5,956,449,390; total valuation,
$10,765,626,041. By fictitious or
watered stock they are compelling
the people to pay more than twice as
much for service as they should pay
in order thsA they may reap divi
dends upon fraudulent investments.
I find in the same manual that the
gross earnings of the road is $1,138,-
024,459. Cotton at 6 cents per
pound, it would take 42,149,054 bales,
or about five entire crcps, to pay this
enormous sum. Wheat at 60 cents
per bushel, it would take 1,896,707.-
431 bushels to pay it. The net earn
ings are $356,209,880. At the pres
ent price of cotton, it would take
12,192,958 bales, or about one and
one-half crops to pay these net earn
ings. In other words, about 20,000,-
000 Southern cotton-raisers are re
quired to produce cotton at a loss
that a few hundred railroad magnates
may become millionaires and squan
der it going to Europe every year.
I find from a thorough investiga
tion of the management of the cor
porations of the country that it is a
mere matter of time until they will
own the Government, unless an An
drew Jackson rises up and lays the
strong hand of the Government upon
them as he did upon the national
bank.
The annual earnings of the four
principal classes of corporations in
this country are as follows:
Railroads . . • .
Insurance . * . . 115,453,258
Banks .... 75,763,514
Telegraphs .... 25,947,606
Total . . I . $573,374,348
A large amount of stock of those
corporations is owned by aliens
whose dividends and interest must be
paid in gold, and this fact accounts
largely for the heavy shipments of
gold from this country to Europe.
This vast sum paid in cotton at
the present price would require 21,-
236,086 bales of cotton, or about two
and one-half crops.
The wheat crop for 1891 was, in
round- numbers, 400,000,000 at 60c.
per bushel, the price that the farmer
is now receiving, would amount to
$240,000,000.
The earnings of these corporations
paid in wheat would require 955,-
623, 913 bushels, or two and one
fourth crop. If an entire cotton
and wheat crop should be applied to
the payment of the the earnings of
these corporations it would lacksll7,-
374, 348 of paying it. I give these
facts to show how the products of
the country are being consumed. It
accounts for the thousand of failures
among the business men and the
universal bankrupty among the farm-
ers. Both of the old political par
ties claim that it would be unconsti
tutional for the Government to lav
its hands upon these corporations,
and have entirely ignored these
issues in their platforms; therefore,
I accept your nomination pledged, ii
elected, to do all in my power tc
remedy these evils and rescue the
Government from the hands of these
corporations and restore it to the
people, if the Constitution has to be
changed to do it.
Yours truly, and fraternally,
J. H. Tubneb.
AN EYE-OPENER."
All the way from San Diego, Cal.,
comes a little pamphlet, by F. A
Binney, which is an excellent cam
paign document. The silver argu
ment he makes is first rate and very
plain :
The writer has made a comparison
of the selling prices of wheat, corn,
cotton and hay ia this country from
1873 to the present time, which
shows that the prices have fallen, have
been constantly below the average of
previous years to 1873. These di
minished prices just mean so much
loss to the American farmers, and I
have summed up the total loss to ten
thousand millions of dollars. Is it
any wonder that the farmers of
America are over head and ears in
debt, their farms mortgaged and
themselves becoming tenants instead
of owners ? That this is due to the
Silver Bill of 1873, 1 can easily prove
to you.
Up to 1873 the French mint
coined all the silver that was brought
to them at a fixed price of fifteen
and one-half ounces of silver to one
ounce of gold, and France became
wealthy on it. Why ? Simply be
cause every silver mine-owner, know
ing he could get that price for his
silver, refused to sell for less else
where, consequently the price could
never fall, whatever silver he sent to
France to be coined, he got in ex
change five franc silver pieces. These
coins he could not use anywhere out
side of France, consequently he was
obliged to take payment in French
goods, and that stimulated French
trade, and France grew rich on it.
Up to 1873 we also kept open
mint for silver, but when France
closed her mint this country was
foolish enough to do the same at the
instigation of American, London and
German bankers, who had cornered
gold and who knew that if they
could only exclude silver from com
peting with gold, they would increase
the value of their gold. No sooner
did the mints close their doors than
silver owners, having lost their best
customers, had to lower their prices,
and this is the why
fore of the decline in t: „ Jlndia
is a nation of 200.000,0 f people,
using exclusively silver coinage.; Be
fore 1873 their silver rupee was
worth fifty cents (roughly speaking),
and a five dollar British gold piece
could only exchange for ten rupees,
consequently could only buy ten ru
pees worth of Indian wheat or cot
ton.
Now, when silver declined, the
value of the silver metal in every
rupee depreciated also until a five
dollar gold piece was worth thirteen
to fifteen rupees. Consequently a
five dollar British gold piece could
buy thirty per cent more wheat and
cotton in India and all other silver
using countries, like Russia, China,
Mexico, Egypt, South America, etc.
Finding they could get more for
their money in India than in America,
the British cotton and wheat buyers
began importing wheat and cotton
from silver using countries and the
American farmer had to cut down
his prices to suit this competition !
I hope I have now made it clear
to every farmer why the fall in the
price of silver has meant the fall in
American produce and the ruin of
the Amirican farmer. If this be so,
do you not see that for this country
to reopen our mint to the free coin
age of silver would mean to raise the
price of silver to its old level and
keep it there—to take thirty per
cent off the price of Indian and
Egyptian wheat and cotton and add
thirty per cent to the profit of our
farmers and to stimulate trade with
all countries who sent us their silver
and would have to take our goods in
return.
If the old parties legislated to se
cure the happiness of the greatest
number instead of pandering to the
selfish interests of a ring of million
aires, the people of this country
would be the most prosperous in the
world, for the assessed value of the
property is sixty thousand million
dollars to a population of sixty mil
lions, showing $4,000 for every
family of four. Reader, would you
like to have your share ? Are there
not millions without ten dollars to
their credit whilst millionaires are
numbered by thousands?
Perhaps you live in an irrigation
district and have land that is unpro
ductive waiting for water that you
cannot get because the bonds can’t
be floated. You may have read an
article in the San Diego L T nion lately,
congratulating us that British capi
talists were on their way out here to
investigate these securities. Now, I
ask you, in view of the fact that the
people of this country have the sup
ply of money entirely under their
own control, with abundant silver
produced in their own mines, which
the two old parties refuse to let them
coin, is it not enough to make any
American with an atom of spirit in
dignant and disgusted to think that
we should be such ignorant fools as
to go, cap in hand, to British capi
talists and ask them to be so good as
to help us to that which we have
abundance of within our grasp ?
i Cannot you see that the ten thou
sand million dollars onr farmers have
lost in diminished prices on wheat
and cotton exported to England is
England’s gain ?—has helped to feed
and clothe her workmen at less cost
and helped her to produce cheap
goods, and now forsooth we must
beg them to be kind enough to loan
us some of the#’. money
our folly has helped them to make.
Where is your patriotism ?
Again, do not forget this import
ant truth : Neither gold nor silver
are necessary for our money. We
have at the present moment three
hundred and fifty million dollars in
greenbacks in circulation, to redeem
which there is not a cent in the
treasury. They are as good as all
the gold and silver in the world.
Why ? Because they are backed by
the credit of sixty millions of people.
They are bills backed by Uncle Sam,
and there is no earthly reason why
we should not issue two thousand
millions more of them. This kind
of money would be the nation’s prop
erty. The gold and silver we coin
belongs to the mine owners. Do
you see the immense difference ?
No wonder they hate paper money
and do all they can to frighten you
against it. Think this great fact
over. With this money in hand, the
people could loan all the money we
want to irrigate California; could
pay off the national debt; could
build a new railway to the Pacific
and work it at one-fourth the present
freights ; could employ the two mil
lion tramps and bring the railroad
thieves to their senses or buy them
out at their real value.
If we were to go in for free coin
age of silver at a fixed price, and
coined one thousand millions in the
next five years, that would be so
much profit to the mine owners after
paying the miners’ wages. If the
miners were in South Africa or
Mexico, of course American work
men would get no benefit from the
wages spent there. Suppose these
capitalists built a new railway, that
would be their property, but there is
no guarantee that they would invest
it in this country at all. They might
subscribe to foreign loans.
If, however, the nation issued one
thousand millions in paper currency,
and built a railroad with it, we should
make sure of finding employment for
American labor and the people
would possess a railway whose com
petition would force down tho
charges of all othc r lines, put thou
sands of dollars in the pockets of
every farmer on the line, and give
abundant employment to any silver
miners who might be injured by the
disuse of silver money.
Look at the national bank system.
What is it in
huge fraud on the people. If.
people can make their own money,
why in the name of common sense
cannot the Government issue it direct
to the people, as the People’s party
propose, either in loans on good se
curity (as the sub-treasury plan in
tends), or in public works, buying
the railroads and paying the em
ployees, etc. ? Instead of this, what
do they do now? They lend the
money to tho national banks in big
amounts on deposit of United States
bonds security. They charge these
bankers only one per cent interest
[think of it], and the bankers loan it
out to you at ten to fifteen or more
per cent. And this is the people’s
own money I Do either of the old
parties propose to alter this? No,
indeed. Wall street bankers sub
scribe to their campaign funds, and
they dare not.
The Duly of the Hour.
Farmers Light, Harlem, Gb.
It is the duty of every People’s
party man to renew his efforts and
bring to bear all the influence he has
to further the success of the People’s
cause. But a few months ago the
People’s party was organized, and
to-day it is a leading political factor
in the North and Northwest, and it
is the duty of our people to make
this new party a leading factor in the
South; but how is this to be done?
By united action on the part of the
laborers of the cities and towns with
the farmers of the country. The
railroads and other large corpora
tions that have men employed try in
every way to make them subservient
to their will on election day. But
we are glad to know there are some
men who do work for big money
corporations who cannot be intimi
dated or influenced against their con
victions. Every laboring man should
stand by and vote as his honest con
science dictates, regardless of posi
tion or esteem of any one The duty
of the hour for the laborers and
farmers is to unite their forces and
vote solidly together.
All persons wishing to correspond
with the State organizer, Knights of
Labor, will communicate with J. F.
Foster, State organizer K. of L., Rox
ana, Ga.
THE’PEOPLE’S PROBIE
A Whole Library of Political Economy
on One Sheet of Faner.
The New Declaration of Independence—
The People's Problems Plainly Present
ed. By K. L. Armstrong.* Colored
Chart, 21x28 inches, printed on heavy
paper, suitable for framing. Price, 25c.
postpaid. Per dozen, by express, $2.00.
This chart shows, in colored diagrams, the
conditions which confront us, and teaches ata
glance the whole situation—Labor. Land, Fi<
nance and Transportation—and the remedies
as outlined in the Omaha Flatform, which is
printed in full in clear type. There tire also
portraits of Gen. Weaver and Gen. Field. Al
together, it is the most effective campaign ar
gument ever devised.
Agents wanted for this and other popular
publications. Address
E. J. SCHULTE & CO., Publishers,
298 Dearborn St.. Chicago.