The People's party paper. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1891-1898, November 25, 1892, Page 4, Image 4
4
PEO LE’S jpT¥ PAPER.
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FEvFLets FAKTY FAFER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 25. 1892
THE POLITICAL SITUATION.
The able editors of the great daily
newspapers are very much inclined
to dismiss the subject of the late
elections by publishing a picture of
a rampant rooster and by giving a
brief account of the various ratifica
tion meetings. This will, possibly,
satisfy the idle reader, who believes
just as much as the able Democratic
editor chooses to tell him. It will
not satisfy that large number of
readers who begin to see new agen
cies at work in politics, and who
wish to keep abreast of the real
causes and effects of American
progress.
Two years ago, the Republicans
held sway in every branch of the
government. Drunk with power and
position, they carried their domina
tion to extremes. The protective
system was pushed to high-water
mark in the McKinley bill. At the
door of every shop in America the
purchaser was met by a heavier
price laid upon every article he
wished to purchase. For once in
our history the facts were too clear
to be contested. Every shopper be
came a zealous advocate against the
McKinley bill.
Then, again, extravagance in pub
lic expenditures was not only ad
mitted, but was claimed as a merit.
The tax-payers, who paid everything
and could save nothing while the
millionaires paid nothing and saved
everything, was comforted by the
assurance that a Billion Dollar Con
gress was all right—“it was a Billion
Dollar Country.”
Then, again, the force bill was
pushed to the front—threatening to
centralize our election affairs. The
evil aimed at was great and grow
ing, but the remedy proposed vio
lated the principle of home rule.
To these causes for the reaction
which set in against the Republicans
may be added the autocratic manner
in which Mr. Reed presided over
the House of Representatives and
the new rules he established and en
forced.
The reaction amounted to a revo
lution. It reached from one end of
the country to the other. As Mr.
Disraeli once described a similar
land-slide in English politics :
“It was like a convulsion of nature
rather than any ordinary transaction of
human life. I can only liken it to one
of tbo j e earth-quakes which take place
in Calabria or Peru. There was a rumb
ling murmur, a groan, a shriek, a sound
of distant thunder. There was a rent, a
fissure in the ground, and then a village
disappeared; then a tall tower toppled
down ; and the whole of the ministerial
benches became one great dissolving
view of anarchy.”
From California to Massachusetts
Democrats had victories where they
never had them before. The Repub
licans were annihilated. They had
barely a sufficiency of members in the
House to make a decent protest.
Then the intoxication of power
passed from the Republicans to the
Democrats. They seemed to think
that the country elected them
merely to abuse the Republicans.
This they did, and nothing else.
Their campaign pledges were scorn
fully repudiated. No taxes were
lowered; expenditures were not
reduced; the McKinley bill was not
touched. Some free trade bills were
passed the House as a pretense, but
were never pressed in the Senate.
The Democratic leaders never in
tended that they should become
laws. Free silver was shamefully
defeated in the midst of its pre
tended friends. The sugar bounty
was left in the full vigor of its in
justice. Corporate privilege and
power was left unchanged, and no
attempt whatever made to lay any of
the burden of taxation upon those
most able to bear it.
This was the situation when Con
gress adjourned, but the great
organs of the Democratic party took
good care not to let the people know
it. Such lies as these papers con
stantly keep before their readers
were almost superhuman. They
actually made the people believe
that the Democratic bosses were
continually and copiously perspiring
in the effort to give us the reforms
we needed.
Harrison had in the meanwhile
split his party into fragments. He
had quarreled with Quay, Dudley
Blaine; he had estranged Reed,
Henderson and scores of others.
Learning no lesson from the tre
mendous popular uprising which had
driven his party from the House of
Representatives in 1890, he pursued
his individual views, his likes and
dislikes, as if he had but to stamp
upon the ground and the army of
Pompey ■would rise.
Mr. Cleveland, on the contrary,
carefully knit together every strand
of the Democratic hank—or rather
whisky did. He went to see Nir.
Hill. He made friends with Gor-
man. He patched up a truce with
old Dana, of the Sun, who had been
abusing him for years. The World
was mollified; and even Burke
Cockran was induced to carry his fat
figure and somewhat clumsy elo
quence on the stump.
The platform Mr. Cleveland ran
on was all thiiigs to all men.
To Tom Johnson and Henry
George it meant free trade.
To Gorman, Whitney, Brice and
the other Democratic protectionists
it meant “high duties carefully re
adjusted.”
(Oh, ain’t that sweet 1)
To the Democratic manufacturers
it meant free raw materials with sub
stantially the same protection on the
manufactured article.
Nowhere m Cleveland’s letter of
acceptance does he make any pledge
in favor of tariff reduction. Remem
ber this. His letter of acceptance is
a distinct back down from his tariff
reform message of 1888. Nowhere
does he pledge himself to any reform
of any sort. More especially does
he fail to say a word against the
special privileges now enjoyed by
certain classes under our financial
law?.
Now, what resulted? The busi
ness world saw that there was no
difference between Cleveland and
Harrison. On all questions touching
commercial, agricultural and finan
cial issues the attitude of the two can-,
didates was the same. Behind Cleve
land was Whitney, representing un
limited campaign boodle to help out a
united party which was flushed with
the victory of 1890. Behind Harri
son was a broken machine, disrupted
party and the defeat of 1890.
Between the two was the protest
of the industrial classes represented
by Weaver and + he People’s party —
with no money, no machinery and
with all the odds against them.
They had a platform of principles
—which the old parties did not have.
The great revolt against the Re
publican party, assisted by want of
cohesion within the party, • was still
sufficient to elect Cleveland over
Harrison. But at the same time the
Democrats lost heavily in the con
gressional elections. Somewhere be
tween forty and sixty Democratic
congressmen lose the seats they won
in 1890. This circumstance alone is
sufficient to show how precarious is
the Democratic hold npon public
confidence.
When Congress met one year ago
there was no sucl# thing as a real,
organized People’s party. An effort
to organize at Cincinnati had seemed
to be premature. Eleven congress
men, elected by Alliance votes,
agreed to stand outside the caucus of
the old parties. They did so, and
thus was formed the first distinctive
political body known as the People’s
party. Their influence grew. They
commanded the confidence of re
formers everywhere by deserving it.
They hewed squarely to the line on
all questions, independent of old
party affiliations. So favorably was
the new movement received that we
got a popular vote at the recent elec
tion which, so far, the Democratic
newspapers have been afraid to pub
lish. We more than doubled our
delegation in Congress. We elected
nine Governors. We elected hun
dreds of members of legislatures.
We cut down the Democratic ma
jority in Georgia to 30,000 by their
own figures. All this we did in
spite of every kind of fraud known
to political rascality.
What party ever carried so many
States into the electoral college on
the first trial ? At the first dash we
have carried at least six States for
our Presidential candidate, besides
carrying a popular vote in the South
and West and in the Middle States
which is so large that to escape it
the returns had to be suppressed by
the wholesale!
Ours is the only party which con
ducted a national compaign. We
were the same in all the sections*
In the West the Democrats with
drew their Cleveland ticket and sup
ported Weaver. In the South the
Republicans withdrew their Harrison
ticket and supported Weaver. No
where did we withdraw our ticket to
support either Harrison or Cleveland.
Where any surrendering was done,
the old parties surrendered to us.
In no instance did we surrender to
them. Therefore we stand intact.
We are the real victors. We have
stamped out the Republican party.
Why? Because all the favored
classes, all the monopolists, all the
protected industries, all the privi
leged capitalists see that Cleveland
means to protect them and has the
power to do it; while Harrison has
the willingness to do it, without hav
ing the power. Therefore such men
as Depew, Carnegie and Frick, hav-
ing identically the same in erest as
Whitney and' Brice and Gorman,
will just as surely come together as
the necessity for that union will
come.
In both the old parties are masses
of honest voters who yet believe
“relief” will come through those im
possible channels. No amount of
political trickery or newspaper lying
can long blind these men to the fact
that Cleveland stands pledged (if to
anything) not to “disturb” the “busi
ness world.” The robbers feasting
on special privileges are not to have
their banquet intruded upon. This
is virtually the contract upon which
Cleveland was elected. He will keep
it. He is compelled to keep it. He
is in the hands of men stronger than
himself.
Then when the masses of honest
Democrats realize that offices may
be changed, but that the laws are not
to be touched, there will be sure
enough popular wrath. The disaf
fected will seek a Party of Principles.
They will come to us simply because
there is no difference in principle be
tween the two old parties. The pop
ular element of both will come to us.
The aristocratic element of both will
fuse into the one Democratic party.
The Democratic party of to-day gives
a national banker all he wants. Gives
a manufacturer all he wants. Gives
a monopolist all he wants. Gives the
untaxed millionaire and bondholder
all he wants. Therefore the Demo
cratic party will gather in all the
classes, and the Republican party, of
fering nothing better to them, will
cease to be useful or necessary.
The Democratic party offers noth
ing but insult to the farmer ; nothing
but the privilege of being robbed to
the laborer; nothing but the luxury
of paying all the taxes to the poor;
nothing to the unprivileged and un
favored save the satisfaction of al
ways feeling on their necks the heels
of the privileged and the favored.
Not only is this true, but the Dem
cratio party has deliberately saddled
itself with the body-of-death of sec
tionalism. Never was the “bloody
shirt ” waved as it was in this cam
paign. Such me:i as Gordon, Black,
and so on, were sent abroad to undo
the healing process of twenty years
and teach the lesson of hatred again
where every dictate of prudence, of
patriotism, of common sense and of
Christianity pleaded for the recon
ciliation which the South had so often
said through the mouths of Ben Hill,
L. Q. C. Lamar, John B. Gordon and
Henry Grady she was ready for and
prayed for. Every speech of Gor
don in this campaign gave the lie to
the speeches he made ten or fifteen
years ago. Every speech of Black
in its bitter partisanship and reckless
abuse was a repudiation of Ben Hill
and Henry Grady—not only that, of
the plain, simple duties of ordinary
citizenship and religion
No party founded on the mere
holding of plunder illegally obtained
under class laws can long rule this
land.
That’s the Republicans.
No party founded on the continued
hatred of one section toward another
can long live in this country.
That’s the Democrats.
Success, just as surely as God rules,
is bound to come to that party
pledged to equal and exact justice to
all men, to the progress which is
founded upon Right.
That’s the People’s party.
The highest duty of every Re
former at this hcur is to be patient
and keep right in the middle of the
road. This is advice which I have
some right to give, for in the eyes of
the world I have more cause for dis
couragement than any one.
But I am to-day more certain we
are right, and more certain of our
success, than I have ever been.
And I am sure to do just what I
advise you to do.
“ Be patient and keep in the mid
dle of the road.” T. E. W.
CONTEST EVERY OFFICE.
It was apparent to all our party
that we labored under a terrible dis
advantage this year because of the
fact that the offices were held by our
opponents. They had the machine.
They gave us honest elections in
some places, but the general rule was
the other way. Men -who would
never defraud, lie or steal for them
selves did so for the Democratic par
ty. They refused to receive votes
which were clearly legal. They threw
out returns on flimsy technicalities.
They allowed open intimidation,
bribery and repeating. In some cases
they altered the ballots. In other
cases they stole People’s party ballots
and supplied their places with Demo
cratic tickets.
To avoid this we must fill these
places with honest men of our own
party. Contest every vacancy from
constable up. Let no stronghold be
left in the hands of our enemies.
This is the only way to build up a
party. T. E. W.
ALL AROUND.
The Democrats now have “a
chance.” What will they do "with it?
Will they repeal the McKinley
bill ? No.
Will they lawer the taxes ? No.
Will they pass a free silver bill ?
No.
Will they increase the currency
and give the common people a
chance to get some of it ? No.
What will they do ? They will
run over one another like a parcel of
hogs rushing to the slop-trough in
their greed to get the offices, and
principles and pledges will be forgot
ten as usual.
In Georgia alone there are already
enough applicants to fill every place
at Cleveland’s disposal.
# * *
The Democrats are having a high
old time in the Georgia Legislature
They want to cut down widows
pensions and the same time make
donations to the Chicago fair. They
want to save a dollar at the expense
of the helpless women, and yet throw
away ten by saddling the tax-payers
with that Atlanta job known as the
Soldiers’ Home.
Go it, Democrats!
Take from the widows of our
dead heroes and give to the specu
lators of Chicago and Atlanta!
That’s what your party is in the
habit of doing.
* * *
Some time ago the State bankers
of Georgia organized into a close
association, offensive and defensive.
The people will do well to keep their
eyes upon this money trust. Al
ready Mr. Calvin (who theoretically
represents the country people of
Richmond county), has introduced a
State bank bill which, for all-around
loveliness, is hard to beat. Accord
ing to the synopsis published in the
papers the title of Mr. Calvin’s bill
should be “An Easier and Quicker
Way for City Corporations to Get
Rich Off Country Producers.” The
main idea of the scheme is that the
State shall allow the bankers to
issue their notes to the full amount
of town and city bonds put up as
collateral, and that the poor country
devils who are obliged to have
something in the shape of money
shall pay the city capitalists 8 per
cent interest for the use of these
duebills of the bankers. Under this
lovely scheme every town in Geor
gia which could issue bonds to the
amount of $50,000 would at once
begin to fleece all the country pro
ducers in the neighborhood.
* * *
Why should a duebill based on a
town bond be called money ?
Why should I be allowed by law
to tax the community eight dollars
upon every hundred dollars of my
debts ?
When I can make the neighbor
hood in which I live pay me eight
dollars on the hundred for the privi
lege of holding my duebills, have I
not got an advantage over my
neighbors which will bring all their
labor as a tribute to my laziness ? I
can sit in the shade and get rich.
They work in the fields and get
poor. Why ? What they owe they pay
interest on. What I owe I get in
terest on. Ain’t that a fat thing ?
I sit by the fire, my idle feet resting
on a Brussels carpet, and I feel good.
Why ? Because the more I owe the
community on my bank due bills, the
bigger my income is. I get rich on
the interest on what I owe,
Out yonder is a farmer who owns
good land, good stock, and has more
sense than I’ve got. Why can’t he
sit up and play the gentleman ? Be
csuse he has to pay interest on the
debt he owes, and also on the debts I
owe.
We skin him “ a’comin’ and
a’gwine.”
Why does he submit to it? Be
cause the Democratic papers tell him
it’s all right.
* * *
General W. A. Harris, a Confed
erate veteran, a Southern man, was
elected congressman-at-large from
Kansas by the People’s party. He
received an overwhelming vote.
How grand is this patriotism of the
Kansas farmers! How completely
it proves their willingness to forget
sectionalism and to found the hopes
of our new party upon the grand
principles of union, fraternity and
equality. In the light of such an
honor paid to a hero of the lost cause
by Western men who were once Re
publicans, how contemptible appears
the conduct of John B. Gordon, J.
' lii 141111 ill
in or<fl
deser
fight I
juiced ail over the
ar- the people going to
We have to-day at least one-nSH
the legal voters of the State. lIoaT
long will we allow the other half ta
rob the ballot box of our votes ?
# * *
By the way, let anybody count up
the votes as actually cast (by Demo
cratic count) in the Tenth district,
including the seven rejected precincts
in Washington and the three in Wilk
inson, and he will see that Mr. Watson
really got more votes than Crisp,
Moses, Tate, Lester or any other
congressman in Georgia.
Yet he gets no certificate. Why ?
Because a city with less than 6,500
legal voters stuff its ballot boxes till
they contain 11,000 ballots.
* * *
The Democratic bosses have a
hard time’trymg to settle the question,
“Who won the chief honor of the
campaign ?” I’ts easy. The men
who stole the ballots and repeated
votes. Ask us something hard.
* * *
The Democratic heroes of the late
campaign are numerous.
There is Hoke Smith—the man
who thanks God every morning that
his name is not John. It would
have been very hard on Hoke if his
name had been John, or Peter, or
’Rastus. No wonder he is thankful.
It was a narrow escape.
Then there is Joe James, who was
really surprised to find out how sud
denly he had become a great man,
His surprise gradually diffused itself
throughout the State and was shared
by pretty much all the people. Joe
never could exactly understand it.
Neither could the people. Joe
finally gave it up. So did the peo
ple.
Then there was that queer jackass,
W. J. Northen. His qualification
for the work was a happy and well
rounded ignorance of everything es
sential to the work—spiced with a
meanness and spitefulness which
were the best proofs of his 'littleness.
Starting out in the campaign with a
personal denunciation of a lady, he
followed it up with labored efforts
to prove Colonel Post’s eccentricities
on the vital issue of cabbage culture.
At this point his managers pulled
him in and shut his mouth for a
month or two. Then he broke loose
on the tariff, and perhaps made the
most laughable speech which was
ever made on that subject. Then he
was pulled in again. The boys just
couldn’t stand it. They saw that the
Governor’s feet struck a bee-line for
his mouth every time he opened it.
They made him shut it up for good
They put him in the wood-shed and
covered him up till election day*
Then they sent him down to Powel
ton to “carry that precinct.” He
“ carried it ” —to the People’s party.
At the home precinct of this absurd
creature he got some 16 votes. Peek
got 149. His neighbors know him I
T. E. W,
OUR WASHINGTON LETTERS.
Congress will soon reconvene, and
Mr. Watson will again furnish thia
paper with a letter every week, giv
ing the inside workings of the politi
cal world.
If you want to keep up, subscribe
at once. These letters alone will be
worth a year’s subscription.
Send in your names.
A Fayette county man boasts that
on November Bth he was over in
Barbour county, Ala., and cast dur
ing the day six Cleveland ballots,
receiving one dollar for each vote. In
Augusta wagons were loaded with
hired Democrats who spent the day
driving from one polling place to
another, thereby helping wonderfully
in piling up a majority for Cleveland
and the peerless, Christian gentle
man, J. C. C. Black. Great is Demo
cracy.
• Robert Pyne, editor of the Hart
ford Examiner, at the request of
earnest workers in the People’s
cause in Connecticut, has called a
conference for next Saturday, to act
on the proposition for a permanent
organization and the immediate
prosecution of the campaign of edu
cation. This means that in New
England the reformers are deter
mined to fight on, just as they are in
Georgia.