The People's party paper. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1891-1898, December 09, 1892, Page 4, Image 4

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4 PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE People’s Paper Publishing Company. 117 1-2 Whitehall St. THOS. E. WATSON, - - President D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas R. F. GRAT, - Business Manager This Paper Is now and will ever be a fearless advocate of the Jeffersonian Theory of Popu lar Government, and will oppose to the bittei end the Hamiltonian Doctrines of Class Rule Moneyed Aristocracy, National Banks, High Tariffs, Standing Armies and Formidable Na v es: -all of which go together as a system ol oppressing the People. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. TERMS—SI.OO PER YEAR. Bend Money by Postal Note or Money Order DO NOT SEND STAMPS. CLUBS : In club* of 10 we will send the Paper at 75c. OUR OFFICE ii up stfiira In th» elegant new McDonald building 117 1-2 nitehall street, where our friends will always And the latch string on the outside. Get Up Clubs. w e want the Industrial Classes to feel that this Paper is THEIR FRIEND. It is conduct ed by men who are intensely interested in the Reform Movement, and have been battling for it maoy years. The price shows that the Paper is not being run for money. If the People support it lib erally it will pay expenses. It cannot do more. As long as I am President of the Company, the Paper will never be found on any other Une of policy than that w hich I sincerely be lieve is best for Georgia, best for the South, and best for the country at large. THOS. E. WATSON, President People’s Paper Publishing Co. TO ADVERTISERS. The circulation of the People’s Party Paper is now 13,000 copies to actual sub scribers. No better medium could be found for reachihg the farmers of Geor gia and of the South, and advertisers are requested to consider its merits . The circulation is steadily increasings and most advantageous arrangements can be made for space. Write for ad. rate card. Watch the Yellow Label. Look at the date on your address label. It tells to what time your subscription is paid. If there is any error, write at once and the correction will be made. If your subscription has expired, WHY DON’T YOU RENEW? And assist in making the People’s Party Paper the great medium of in formation for the party in the South. The P. P. P. family now numbers 13,500 Help swell the number to 25,000. don’t put it off. If your time is nearly out send in your dollar and you will not miss a single number. It saves time and trouble and will pay you in the end. TO CLUB GETTERS. In clubs of ten, the People’s Party ,/aper will still be sent for 75 cents per year. Where it is possible have all sent to one address, and thus avoid delays. NEVER FORGET, In ordering a change of address, to give your former address as well as the new one. SEND US A DOLLAR! YOU HEAR? Friendsl For more than a year we have furnished you a good paper. Every fifty-cent subscriber got what cost us seventy-five. Every ten-cent subscriber got what cost us niore than fifteen. We have bore the ex pense for the good of the cause. We now want your co-operation. Please send us your renewal and send one other subscriber along with it. Don’t renew for three months. Renew for a year. Don’t send us a quarter. Send us a dollar. This will save trouble, save book-keeping; will be a source of comfort to you and of benefit to us. OUR WASHINGTON LETTERS. Congress will soon reconvene, and Mr. Watson will again furnish this paper with a letter every week, giv ing the inside workings of the politi cal world. If you want to keep up, subscribe at once. These letters alone will be worth a year’s subscription. Send in your names. PREMIUMS?" In another column will be found notice of the handsome premiums we offer. This generous aid conies .to us through the liberality of the CHEROKEE NURSERY COMPANY of Waycross, Georgia. Get up a club and win a supply of Georgia grown fruit and ornamental trees. The stock is guaranteed to be strict ly first class. RENEWALS. It is most convenient to receive a renewal of subscription before the date on the tag shows it to expire. This enables a correction in the stand iDg type to carry the paper on with out delay or error, and with least labor at this office. Patrons will con fer a favor by sending in their re newals two weeks before expiring, distinctly stating in the order that it is a renewal. This guarantees that it will not be entered as a new sub scriber. The selling price of Mr. Watson’s book, “Not a Revolt; It is a Revo lution,” has been reduced to 50 cents. It is also given as a premium for clubs of five full-paid annual sub- B criptions at $1 each. PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY. DECEMBER 9, 1892 JAY GOULD. Yesterday he was one of the rich est men that ever trod the earth. To-day his spirit is as much a tramp as that of the dead beggar at the poor house. Yesterday he stood among the social fortifications of the money-king, and no law could touch him. To-day he is as helpless as the least of us ; he has not a dollar. This man was a type of what our modern system can do. He was a living illustration of its awful injus tice. At different periods of his life he put into successful practice every species of that peculiar rascality which the world condemns, and which the courts cannot punish. He wrecked railroads and then gobbled them; he wrung tribute from labor upon fraud ulent issues of stock; he silenced the protests of those who suffered with Pinkerton assassins; he bribed news papers, politicians, courts and legis latures ; he manipulated panics like that of 1873 in order that the “Black Friday,” which carried ruin and des olation to a million firesides in Amer ica might bring the robber’s booty to his. There was none of the rough bru tality of Rob Roy about this man— all social forms he strictly observed. A more gentlemanly villain never sat high up in church. A more polished scoundrel never offered a bribe. No man in all the world’s history ever filled the streets with beggars and broken-hearted outcasts with more decorous cruelty than he. Vanderbilt, with his coarser nature, might say, “ Tne public be damned;” Mr. Gould was too well bred to do so. His contempt for the people who crouched before him he restrained himself from expressing. There can be no doubt that he felt it. How could he fail to despise a public wnich allowed him to trample ou its laws, despoil its laborers and levy illegal tribute upon its every field of in dustry. This man will live in history as one of the great oppressors of the human race. By his control of the stock market, by his compelling labor to pay profits upon fraudulent and fictitious issues of stock, by his con solidations of competing railways into vast monopolies with irresistible power over freights, he has put out the light in thousands of happy homes, beggared millions of men and brought distress to the fireside of nearly one half of the people of America. This man loved his wife and his children. But it was a love which did not throw open the doors of his heart to others. No thought ever seemed to enter his mind about the wife or child of his neighbor. The cry of the hungry or the homeless did not reach his ear. The love of his home was not of that noble kind which took in all men’s homes. The love of his wife was not of that lofty type which created kindly considera ation for all good wives. The love for his children was not of that hu manizing kind which kindled affec tion for children everywhere. It did not mar the pleasure of his <‘ evening at home ” to reflect that a thousand men had. lost their homes by his “ Black Friday ” deal. In the smiles of his own children it did not come home to him that some other man’s children would smile no more; but would give their youth and health and strength to the terrible task which he had brought upon them— the task of giving two dollars in labor for one of money. The system which he grew rich on does not die with him. It lives all the more vigorously because he has shown how unlimited are its possi bilities. His imitators are to be found on every hand. He has taught the world again the old les son that the “law is made for the weak; it does not punish the strong.” His life is but another ex ample of the fact that the great rob ber, like Alexander or Napoleon, has nothing to fear in this world. It’s only the poor devil who steals a pig that we can handle. Before the great white throne of the just God, Jay Gould may come to repent himself bitterly that he cannot exchange places with the hungry wanderer who stole food to eat. It is infinite comfort to believe that there is one High Court where each case will be tried on its merits. T. E. W. IT WAS GRAND. The Thomson mass meeting was grand. The boys were there. They came from every county in the dis trict, and from Greene, and Screven, and Johnson, and Wilkes, and Hart. At least 5,000 people were assem bled to show their fidelity to the cause and to express their indigna tion at the frauds perpetrated upoi them. A large delegation from August: tramped thirty-seven miles througl the country. The meeting itself wa; due to a suggestion of our August: friends. They helped us nobly t< make it a success. Resolutions were passed to pusl the contest. A splendid beginning was made in getting up the neces sary funds. There can no longer bt any doubt that a sufficient sum foi the purpose will be raised. Our peo pie all feel that the issue at stake it not only this election, but all othei elections; not this year only, but al other years; not the question as tc w r ho is congressman only, but the question who rules this country. Indeed it was a grand meeting, The good old town of Thomson never saw its equal. The State ol Georgia never saw its superior. If any further proof was needed that the fight for the next two years was already begun, it was furnished. The campaign is begun. We are stronger than on the Bth of Novem ber. We are more resolute than ever. The great heart of the people throbs and thrills with the holy mis sion to which they have set their hands, and they move forward to the future with an absolute faith, which is the sure basis of magni ficent triumph. T. E. W. IT DOES NOT DIE. Not by any means. It has come to stay. Until its mission is done the Democratic bosses may snort, but the reform movement will prance right along. Not a single daily newspaper was our friend. Not one of them would even give us the benefit of a hearing. All the machinery was against us; all the power of “the ins;” all the force of old habit and old thought; all the unseen but terrible cohorts of ignorance and prejudice and section alism. All the money was against us ; all the concentrated hatred of capital, special privilege and class legislation. But against them all we made a fight which compelled the admiration of the world. We stormed the heights of monopoly, of unlawful gain, of pampered and insolent plu tocracy, with a dash and determina tion which has stirred our enemies with the profoiindest fears for the future. ' Lost the OcttJjer election, did we? So they say—by some 71,000 ma jority. Who believes it? Not the Democratic bosses who stole the bal lots. Not the managers who threw out returns. Not the newspapers who have to “cook” their news with such care. Not even the candidates who receive the stolen goods. Nobody believes it. Least of all do we of the People’s party believe it. Therefore we did not die after the State election. Democratic prophecies upon that subject went to seed. To the amazement of the riugsters, w r e decided that if any party should die it should be that which committed frauds rather than that which suffered by them. We decided that if we allowed the Right to die as a victim of the Wrong, we would be contemptible in our own eyes and in the eyes of the world. So we marched right along to the November election. We met the combined power of National, State and City Democracy. They killed us again—so they said. But some how or other the Democratic majori ty in the State had dwindled down to some 30,000. What went with balance of the 71,000? Where is the Democrat who does not know that even the 30,000 majority is purely fictitious ? We knew it then and we kn<Tw it now. So we decided, again, not to die. We unanimously postponed the fu neral. We certainly did—and the Democrats now realize it. They be gin to grasp the facts. They are slowly and somewhat painfully try ing to chew the rock in the hay. The rock is there, boys, as sure as you live. No, indeed, it does not die. It gathers strength from eve/S fraud its foes commit. The crimes of the Democrats prove the necessity for reform. The fears they have of us and our future are better proven by the impossibility of getting a fair fight out of them than by anything else. If we are so weak, why not give us a fair fight ? Why steal our votes and suppress our returns ? Why use so much whisky and money ? Why tell so many lies ? The reason is plain. They are afraid of us. They know that we have more than half the votes in this State, and they know we will fight them to the end. No, indeed, it does not die. In every cotton patch the pledge has been made that it shall not die. In every corn field, in every shop, in every mill the deep determination exists that it shall not die. The truth of yesterday is the truth of to day. The right of last year is right now. Y e swore to carry the banner through and we swear it again to day. Its the war of the man against the dollar; of the people against the ring. When we surrender, we base ly give up our liberty and our man hood. We would despise ourselves and our enemies would scorn us. Our children would heap reproaches upon our memories. No; the duty is clear. The world must be shown that we meant no holiday parade when we started on this march. The People’s party is dear to us as our lives, and it shall not die. T. E. W. THE SILVER CONFERENCE. The Rothschilds are known as the the money-kings of the world. For several generations they have had almost despotic control of national finances. One of their great banks was established at London, another in Paris, another at Vienna and another at Frankfort-on-the-Main. No war is undertaken without their having more or less to do with it. -It may be said, with much truth, that their aid is necessary before any European government would dare to incur the expenses of war. Few great national loans are negotiated without their co-operation. In all the stupendous robberies of funding and refunding they have never failed to have a royal share of the spoils. They virtually own the Suez Canal and the land of Egypt. The English government maintains Egyp tian authority in order that the officials of Egypt may collect the taxes of the wretched slaves of the Nile Valley and pay it over to the Rothschilds. On a big scale, it rep resents the English government as a constable of the Rothschilds, taking possession of mortgaged property and paying over the rents to the creditor. Such being their power in the financial world, it is little wonder that they oppose thp free coinage of silver. One of them is in attendance upon the monetary conference now in session at Brussells. Naturally he wants to boss the job. He makes a proposition which is a good thing for the money-kings. It is that the nations all enter into an agreement to limit and restrict the coinage of silver to a still greater extent than at present. He further proposes, in effect, that the price of silver shall never be allowed to exceed 86 cents. Thus the power of gold to oppress would be continued forever. Good thing—for the Rothchilds and their class. Hon. R. P. Bland, who is a recog nized authority on this question, says that Rothschild’s proposition, if adopted, would cost this country $100,000,000 per year. How strange it is to see European money-kings ruling this country. T. E. W. A POOR NEGRO WOMAN At the Thomson mass meeting last Friday the collection was being taken up for the contest fund. A colored man, named Joseph Pearson, said “Here’s a dollar for me and here’s half a dollar for my wife, who is dead. She told me on her death bed that she wanted to give something to help Mr. Watson get his rights.” In the ninety day compaign I made in the Tenth district, memorable things happened ’almost constantly. Such devotion, such self-sacrifice, such enthusiasm, were never seen. On all hands, I had the most touch ing proofs of the attachment of the people, and hundreds of instances live in my recollection, and will al ways abide there. But I think I may be pardoned for saying that this message and this offering from the death bed of a poor colored wo man has something in it specially sacred. It stirs very deeply, very, very deeply, when I think of this good old woman, lying in pain and in the awful shadow of death, and yet having her heart so full of zeal in the cause as to make her last act on earth a proof of her devotion to it, and her last message one of cheer to me. Who would not be proud to work for such a people? Who would not be proud to fight their battles and share their fortunes? When the prayers of the living and the last words of those who die, strengthen us, inspire us, sanctify us to the task, how can we fail ? T. E. W. SCRAPS AND TAPS. Mr. Bill Fleming shows signs of becoming nervous. For an Augusta politician, this is a hopeful sign. We hope to hear from Bill again. Pow erful smart boy, Bill is. Too un assuming, though. * * * Cleveland is still on that island. Democratic office-hunters are trying to invent new cuss-words for the situation. Bob Lewis and Boykin Wright say they were only joking when they talked about wanting office. Os course. * * * Even Judge Twiggs wants an office. What is this country coming to anyhow? And Major Barnes wants to be assistant post-master-general. And Phil Carroll wants to be sent as special commissioner to anything that is run on the good old principle of “much pay and no work.” And then there are Major Gary, and Wilberforce Daniel, and Ed Hook. They all want something nice and easy. Sonny Collins seems to be the only patriot m the bunch. He deals out whisky and money, and he organizes bands of repeaters just because he loves to do the virtuous thing in be half of a virtuous Sunday-school exhorter like Nir. Black. Collins is good because he can’t help it. His purity is just in him, and you can’t root it out. ♦ * * We regret to see Mr. ’Rastus Smith, of the Atlanta Journal, show mg some jealousy toward Mr. B. M. Blackburn. Mr. Smith persistently contends that he carried this State for Cleveland, when it is well and widely known that Mr. Blackburn did it. Mr. Smith has shown a de gree of stubbornness upon this sub ject which almost amounts to mule headedness. This is wrong. Just because Mr. Blackburn is a comparative stranger from a country town (whose name I cannot at this moment recall), it is no reason why he should be run over in this high-handed way. We trust Mr. Smith will come to his senses. * * * The Democrats in the Legislature are still trying to find some decent way of violating the constitution in behalf of the Chicago fair. Our constitution is a world of truble to treasury looters, but they generally break in somehow or other. This Chicago fair donation would be a most undeniable setting aside of our organic law. * * * There seems to be some danger o that Joe James will fade from public remembrance. This would be the worst thing that Joe could do. Fading is a bad habit. Take mv ad vice, Joe, and do not fade. * * * The Democrats of the Atlanta district are piously studying the mys teries of Gideon’s band. Their con gressman is a member of it. How pleasant this is to Mr. ’Rastus Smith, of the Atlanta Journal. * * * Sonny Collins thinks of joining Mr. Black’s Sunday-school class. He says he never saw anybody who could run religion and free whisky together as well as Mr. Black did. * * * And so Jay Gould is really dead. The fact is, he never did recover from Northen’s refusal to receive an introduction to him in Atlanta. He pined away after that. He could not hold up his head unless he hired help. He took the thing to heart and moped over it and talked about it in his sleep. This may have been foolish in Mr. Gould, and I rather think it was. There are some few men who find it possible to live without knowing Mr. Northern It is hard on them, but they tough it out. Mr. Gould ought to have been one of these men, but he wasn’t; hence he died. Mr. Nor then is still living. Do not set your heart on getting an in troduction to him. You might not get it. Then you would have noth ing to do but dwindle away and die< just as Mr. Gould did. T. E. W. MR. FLEMING CORRECTS. The People’s Party Paper is in receipt of the following “correction” from Hon. W. H. Fleming, of Rich mond county: Several recent issues of your paper have not reached me, but the one for this week came duly to hand to-day. In the first column on page 5 there is an article headed ‘Change the Law” which mis states the facts in reference to myself. It says “fourteen People’s party mem bers of the General Assembly broke the ring slate by defeating Fleming fol speaker,” etc. Now the fact is that if there was a “ring slate” I was defeated because I was not on it. The alleged “slate seems to have succeeded without a sin gle break. Besides that, the Peoples party members, I am proud to say, were my friends and supporters in my race for speaker. The cause of my pride m their support is that although I had fought them politically, my fight had been an honorable one, and they said as much to me, and gave me their support because they had confidence in my hon esty and fairness. To the best of my knowledge and belief every member of the House from the Tenth district was my supporter for speaker. Therefore, the statement above quoted is clearly wrong. Again, in the same article occurs the following language : Get “Bill Fleming to quit visiting negro politicians at night to buy their votes or influence.” This statement is absolutely without founda tion. I have not the faintest idea to what visit it refers. I would not have you think that I am over-sensitive to criticism. It is not that. But people base their opinions on what they suppose to be facts, and a man who allows public misrepresentations of him self to remain uncontradicted will as suredly find that he is misjudged by others, and he will have himself partly to blame. He should let the truth be known. Yours respectfully, W. H. Fleming. P. S. As the article to which I refer was not signed “ T. E. W.,” I take for granted it was not penned by Mr. Wat son. W. H. F. The Augusta Chronicle and other Democratic organs, chafing under the defeat of Mr. Fleming, Boykin Wright, Bob Lewis and other parti zans; attempted to throw the blame of their defeat on the People’s party members of the General Assembly, some of them going so far as to say “the negro vote is less dangerous than the third party balance of power in our House of Representa tives.” Now comes Mr. Fleming, who says, “If there was a ring slate, I was defeated because I was not ou it. The alleged slate seems to have succeeded without a single break. Besides that, the People’s party members, I am proud to say, were my friends and supporters in my race for speaker.” “I am proud of their support.” “I fought them po litically, but honorably. They acknowledged it and gave me»their support because they had confidence in my honesty and fairness.” According to the Democratic press our boys made a slate and wiped up a Democratic Legislature. Accord ing to Mr. Fleming there was a slate but our boys didn’t make it, and he wasn’t on it; our boys supported him and he was defeated. Democratic newspapers will lie; they can’t help it, and Air. Fleming convicts them. And yet, they want the “law changed,” and base their wishes on a clear-cut home-made lie { What Democrat can believe them hereafter ? Mr. Fleming denies “visiting negro politicians at night,” etc. We with draw that portion of the article. We would not do the gentleman an injustice knowingly. When we wrote the article we did not know that Mr. Lamar Fleming (a kinsman of Bill’s) was one of Mr. Black’s campaign managers. We knew Bill was. It was the other Mr. Fleming that made the nocturnal visits to “negro politicians.” Bill wouldn’t do that. Boykin Wright did not go down into, the wire-grass to capture An thony Wilson, but Boykin’s pa went and induced Anthony to visit his son, Boykin, in Augusta. When you start on a hunt after a Tenth district Democrat’s dirty work, you scent the whole kith and generation. But Bill is clean. Now, Bill, you see the “foundation” stone of that “statement.” We return thanks to Mr. Fleming for calling our attention. We hope we have answered fully, fairly and clearly. Mr. Fleming is one of the brainiest young men in Georgia. He is an open foe. To his brain and manipulation Mr. Black owes more than he can every repay. In fact, Bill Fleming was the brains of Mr. Black’s campaign. We will perhaps have something to say on this line m the near future. We want to know why Mr. Black failed to keep his agreements and contracts with Mr. Watson during the campaign and at the ballot boxes. Mr. Fleming knows all about it, and if we should make any mistakes he will certainly call our attention to them. Mr. Fleming takes no exceptions to our assertion in the aiticle com plained of that ‘dt was the fear of a legal ballot and an honest count” that cleaned up the Augusta office seekers and lobbyists, so we presume we drove in a tack right there. Tuesday the people of Claytor county nominated a full county ticket and will keep in practice by electing it in January. For Ordinary, Judge Oliphant; for Sheriff, John W. Par ker; for Clerk, Will Mann*; for Treasurer, John C. Kemp; for Tax Receiver, J. G. Betsill; for Collectoi 1. A. Moore ; for Surveyor, B. Dean* for Coroner, James McMullin. The convention was composed of five from each militia district.