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4 PEOPLE'S PARTY PAPER. PUBLISHED WEKKLY BY THE People’s Paper Publishing Company. 117 1-2 Whitehall St. THOsTe. WATSON, - - President. D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas. r. F. GRAY, - Easiness Manager. Paper is now and will ever be a fearless advocate of the Jeffersonian Theory of Popu lar Government, and will oppose to the bitter ©nd the Hamiltonian Doctrines of Class Rule. Moneyed Aristocracy, National Banks. High Tariffs, Standing Armies and Formidable Na vies: -all of which go together as a system of oppressing the People. terms of subscription. TERMS—SI.OO PER year. Bend Money by Postal Note or Money Order DO NOT SEND STAMPS. CLUBS: In clubt of 10 we will send the Paper at 75c. OUR OFFICE un stairs In the elegant new McDonald nhlldlng 117 I' 2 W nitehall street, where our friends will always find the latch string ou the outside. Get Up Clubs. We want tho Industrial Classes to feel that this Paper is THEIR FRIEND. It is conduct ed by men who are Intensely interested in the Reform Movement, and have been battling for it many years. . . ~ The price shows that the Paper is not being run for money. If the People support it lib erally it will pay expenses. It cannot do more. _ Aslongaslam President of the Company, the Paper will never be found on any other line of policy than that which I sincerely be lieve is best for Georgia, best for the South, find best for the country at large. THOS. E. WATSON, President People’s Paper Publishing Co. TO ADVERTISERS. The circulation of the People’s Party Paper is now 13,000 copies to actual sub eerfbers. No better medium could be found for reachihg the farmers of Geor gia and of the South, and advertisers are requested to consider its merits. The circulation is steadily increasings and most advantageous arrangements can be made for space. Write for ad. rate card. Watch the Yellow Label. Look at the date on your address label. It tells to what time your subscription is paid. If there is any error write at once and the correction will be made. If your subscription has expired, WHY DON’T YOU RENEW? And assist in making the People’s Party Paper the great medium of in formation for the party in the South The P. P. P. family now numbers 13,5UU Help swell the number to 25,000. DON’T PUT IT OFF. If your time is nearly out send in your dollar and you will not miss a single number. It saves time and trouble and will pay you in the end. TO CLUB GETTERS. In clubs of ten, the People’s Party a APER will still be sent for 75 cents per year. Where it is possible have sll sent to One address, and thus avoid delays. NEVER FORGET, In ordering a change of address, to give vour former address as well as the new one. SEND US A DOLLAR I YOU HEAR ? Friends I For more than a year we have furnished you a good paper. Every iifty-cent subscriber got what cost us seventy-five. Every ten-cent subscriber got what cost us more than fifteen. We have borne the ex pense for the good of the cause. We now want your co-operation. Please send us your renewal and send one other subscriber along with it. Don’t renew for three months. Renew for a year. Don’t send us a quarter. Send us a dollar. This will save trouble, save book-keeping; will be a source of comfort to you and of benefit to us. OUR WASHINGTON LETTERS. Congress will soon reconvene, and Mr. Watson will again furnish this paper with a letter every week, giv ing the inside workings of the politi cal world. If you want to keep up, subscribe at place. These letters alone will be WQHb a year’s subscription. Send in Vou r names. PREMIUMS. In another column will be found notice of the handsome premiums we offer. This generous aid comes to us through the liberality of the CHEROKEE NURSERY COMPANY of Way cross, Georgia. Get up a club and win a supply of Georgia grown fruit and ornamental trees. The stock is guaranteed to be strict ly first class. THE INDUSTRIAL LEAGUE. I find my name published as one of the officers of this association. It is proper for me to say that this was done without consultation with me and without my even knowing that such an order was to be formed. Upon the merits of the new or ganization I express no opinion, be cause I am not in possession of any facts upon which an opinion could be safely based. But it will not be possible for me to accept the position assigned to me in it. I have made up my mind to give my best energies to the People’s Party Paper, and to the building up of our party in Georgia. This will require all my time. Scatters tion does not pay. Thos. E. Waton. PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1893. DOODLING. What this world needs more than anything else to-day is old-fashioned truth and honesty. The greed for gain has brought many an evil in its train, but none so bad as the perver sion of truth and the increase of the forms of dishonesty. Take the Panama canal scandal as an illustration. In that case we have a gigantic enterprise headed by De Lesseps, one of the most eminent men in the world. Enlisted in the com pany were lawyers, editors, legisla tors, bankers, and a motley crew of fortune hunters. The object in view is a grand one—but perhaps an im practicable one. At any rate, people do not seem disposed to put their money in it. The fish are slow to bite. The lambs hesitate to come up for the shearing. Everybody .in France knows that immense sums must be risked, and that the scene of operations is distant. Confidence lags. Something must be done to “boom” the project and draw cash. So they go to work to create pub lic opinion. They hire the newspapers. They bribe legislators. They corrupt offi cials. Enormous sums are spent to debauch the public in order that it may be robbed. The greatest news paper in France sold out, just as the smallest one did. The main differ ence was in price. The highest offi cials sold out just like the lowest. It was only a question of how much. The work was successful. The “boom” started, grew flourished— went on to a magnificent success. Cash flowed in by the bushel. The fish bit faster than the hook could be thrown in. The lambs rushed tu multuously to the shearing. Mer chants emptied their accumulated treasures into speculation. Farmers hastily ran to town to buy precious shares. Even the poor old peasant woman got her woolen stocking from the chimney-corner and put her every cent of painful saving into the won derful company which all the news papers said was going to pan out so well. Are these facts denied? By no means. Neither is it denied that the gang of scoundrels who engineered this colossal game of confidence all got rich, while the canal work was a farce, a pretense, a swindle from the very jump. Millions of the money of honest paople—many of them humble, hard-working men and wo men—disappeared forever, and there is nothing to show for it except a few pieces of rusty machinery and a use less hole in the ground along the Isthmus of Panama. The men who manipulated the “boom” live in splendor. The thousands of victims live in homeless misery. ✓ Usually such cases excite a little casual talk and then pass away; but this one was so stupendous, was so very barefaced, insolent and persist ent in its violation of common hon esty, its victims were so very numer ous, that public opinion, from very shame, cried out for exposure and punishment. The exposure has been had. The punishment will never be had. We punish poor devils who steal a pig, pick a pocket or break in a smoke-house. We take off our hats in admiration to the men who steal railroads, plun der a community by illegal freight rates, or rake in a million on a fraud ulent “boom.” That’s the sort of folks we are. These things are not confined to France. We’ve had them in Georgia, When Joe Brown wanted to plun der the people of $2,400,000 on the State road lease, the first thing he did was to bribe the Atlanta Consti tution, the Augusta Chronicle, the Macon Telegraph and the Savannah News. Nobody will deny it. The sworn proof is on record. Yet these news paper men, instead of being in the penitentiary, are the most shining supports of triumphant Democracy. And Joe Brown, instead of being in a coal mine, is the lessee of those poor devils who stand in water all through the long day, down in the bowels of the earth, 300 feet below God’s sunshine, their crime being that they didn’t steal enough to com mand the respect of the world. T. E. W. SUNDAY. Yes, they’ve about knocked it out. A few more years and the charging columns of traffic will have stormed the ancient battlement of the sacred day, and the steady stream of gam*- seekers will flow on unimpeded by its barrier. Already the beer gardens, the dance halls, the baseball teams, the railroads and the newspapers drive right through its hallowed precincts. Already the busy contractor in. the great city makes the hammers ring while the church bells chime. Al ready Congress is besieged to have the Chicago fair open upon all days alike; open on Sunday as upon Mon day for gin shop, gambling hell and every money-making device known to the human mind. Well,lam an old-fashioned man— simple in some things, I reckon. God knows I am little fitted to ser monize, but I am not ashamed to say that I feel a profound, reverence for that old land-mark—the Sabbath 1 To see it go down under the hurry ing feet of mere selfish money hunters would in my eyes be a far reaching calamity. This is said in no spirit of narrow sectarianism. Far from it. But I believe a periodical rest-day is so very needful to the world; so true an economy of time, of energy, of strength ; so moral and elevating in all its tendencies, that were religion entirely removed from the debate, I would as a law-giver vote to compel a weekly halting of the human hordes. » I have read somewhere that in crossing the plains, in the emigrant days, the teams which halted for Sunday always caught up with and then passed those which had trav elled on without the halt. I do not doubt that such would be the case in any similar test. The French republic, in their gen eral reforms, undertook to eliminate the seventh day Sabbath and to make every tenth day the Sunday instead. Historians tell us the at tempt was a failure ; that men and beasts wore away under the length ened strain and that they had to re turn to the old seventh day rest. They had to admit that God knew something about it after all. In the country we are threatened with a heartless, tireless, pitiless race for wealth such as the world never saw before. The great lines of duty are becoming dim. The grand ideas of moral responsibility are in danger of fading away. The sublime con ception of life as a trusteeship of noble powers, aspirations and oppor tunities, is battling for its very ex istence. Every year this maddening rush for money; this insane “get there” push for success, regardless of meth ods; sees us drawing nearer to the fatal limits over which so ' many nations have gone down to ruin. Whenever we lose entirely the belief in human accountability to Eternal powers; whenever we are possessed utterly by the creed that life enfls at the grave, and therefore we must “eat, drink and be merry;” then, in deed, are we doomed. Money will be the God we worship. The basest passions of our animal nature will assert supreme authority over thought and speech and act. From January to January there will be the rush, the roar, the march, the deadly combat, the shout of onset, the cry of the wounded, the cheers of these relentless civilized savages whose only care, purpose, effort, re ligion, is to get monpy. In this mad saturnalia, so very ruinous of the better attributes of manhood, the catchwords of the procession will be precisely the same as those under which all the old Pagan nations went headlong to perdition, “money, wine and women.” Strike Sunday out of the habits and thoughts and reverences of men, and we will have lost a priceless heirloom of the past whose value we did not know till it was gone. I confess to an instinctive respect for the time-honored halting day of our people—not necessarily the day of starchy dressing, idle gossip, sermonizing, formalities or gloom. That’s as may be—every man being his own judge of his duty. Least of all do I mean the day of “come-to stay” visiting. The only men I ever maim and murder, with malice afore thought (both express and implied), are these “all-day” Sabbath visitors. Meaning none of these, I yet have the day of quiet rest and reflection. With folded hands, one can stop and think. There’s no thought that rivals are passing while we pause. They are halting too. There is time to look back upon the road already traveled, and num ber the mile posts. On this day we are not afraid that somebody will drive by us and get ahead. There is time to think of the deeds done and the deeds undone ; of what we hoped, and of what we have ac complished ; of what we thought the world was, and what we found it to be. There is time to take the wife by the hand and to say those gracious words, which she so much merits, and which so surely and so quickly bring the warm color to her cheeks and the glad light to her eyes. There is time to take the children on the knee and talk to them of things they would not heed on any other day. And there is time to deal honestly with one’s self and to inquire with what cargo we are sailing on to the unknown seas. A most serious in quiry. There is time to look over the leaves of our “Brief of Testimony,” and to see what kind of case we are carrying to the great High Court. There is time for all these and for many things yet better than these; and when Monday comes, no man goes fresher or stronger to the un finished tasks of life than he who can say, “I remembered the Sabbath day and kept it holy.” Blessed forever be the old Sabbath of our fathers! No grander conception ever enter ed into the economy of the universe than that of a periodical rest. A rest which $ as it came among the children of men ever} week, should find the march halted, the work laid aside, the voice of strife hushed, the tired muscles of labor waxing strong again in repose; and the greedy rush of capital challenged and ar rested at the gates of the Seventh day. Blessed forever be the old Sab bath of our fathers! Let every man frame his own creed and be true to it —but to me it is a sublime thought that when the sun comes up on the Seventh day, he glances over a world of rest; that the allotted tasks have been done; that strife is hushed; rivalry appeased; the arm of labor still; the rush of capital arrested ? greed at bay; conscience alive; duty at her post, and the white tents of peace dotting every plain and val ley on all this great globe. T. E. W. THE NICARAGUA. CANAL. Two weeks ago the promoters of the Nicaragua Canal scheme held a convention in New Orleans. The intention was to influence public sen timent in behalf of the proposition, so as to secure the guarantee of the bonds to the extent of $100,000,000, as is proposed in the law pending before the Senate. By an oppor tune concurrence, the French gov ernment is just now engaged in ex amining into the Panama swindle, the greatest bunco scheme of mod ern times, surpassing in rottenness even our own Pacific Railroad and Credit Mobilier steals. The methods of Nicaragua and the Panama schemes are strikingly alike. Both call to their aid the newspapers in advocacy. Just how the leading French papers were en listed is clearly shown in the recent investigation by that government. It is proved that the Petit Journal re ceived $50,000 ; Telegraphe, $48,000 ’ Matin, $10,000; Gaulois, $9,000 5 Leßadical, $20,000; L’Evenement, SIO,OOO ; Journal desDebats, SB,OOO. Tremendous sums were paid fo r deputies and officials. In the Nica ragua scheme, there is an evident imitation of method, and while it does not appear that the intended depletion is as great as in the French steal, it is impossible to foretell how many repetitions of the maneuver may result from its initial success. Behind the proposition to aid the Nicaragua scheme is an indirect interest which by this means will be fostered. The national banks pro pose to exert every influence pos sible to perpetuate their system. The bonded debt of the country will be come finally due in 1907, and with its extinguishment will necessarily go the national banks, unless new bonds be issued. The Nicaragua scheme is promoted by those who want the fifty-year bonds it pro vides for, and who care not whether the government sink money or not. This class of promoters, really the most influential backers of the scheme, will be found behind any plan which promises to perpetuate what they call “the best financial system the world ever saw.” The American people want no more bonds. They want no vast expenditure of money under a for eign jurisdiction. And when again it becomes necessary to undertake a great public work, the people should see to it that the enterprise is theirs, fully under charge of their govern ment, and conducted for their profit and convenience. J. T. S.j, writing from Jewell’s, Hancock county, says: We are as earnestly at work in our county as at any time. We are de termined to elect our county officers. We are going to keep organized and meet regularly, so as to keep all we have got, and we think we are gain ing ground now. NOTES FROM THE CAPITAL. Washington, Dec. 8, 1892. Congress has pulled its able limbs together again and is ready for gush, garrulity and grabs. The bar-room down stairs is also ready for business. Christian law making can’t navigate without the adjunct of the convenient saloon. There’s one congressman who will not idle away any time over “beef tea” this session. It is Cobb, of Alabama. I’ve made a painfully sober man out of him, sure as you live. You don’t catch him eating any more cheese. * * * The first day of the session we did nothing more than to hear each indi vidual Democrat tell exactly how it was that he elected Cleveland. Each man of them made it perfectly clear. I could only regret that Mr. ’Rastus Smith, of the Atlanta Journal, and Mr. B. M. Blackburn, of (I for- get the name of the place), were not here also. Each of these men (as is well known) is the identical man who “carried the State of Georgia.” It pains me to note that Mr. Smith still evinces characteristic obstinacy upon the subject of Mr. Blackburn’s claims. * * * Every time I look over to the seat occupied by the member from the Atlanta district, I can’t help but picture to my mind how happy Mr. ’Rastus Smith (of the Journal) must have been on the day he helped elect the late chief of Gideon’s Band. It isn’t every Democrntic city like At lanta which has the good luck to be represented by a man who took a solemn oath against the Democratic party. That’s the reason Mr. Smith is so happy. Atlanta Democracy is a right curious thing when you once unravel it. * * * The following clipping is from the New York Morning Advertiser, John Cockerell’s paper. It’s refreshing to find a bit of truth here and there in the organs of the old parties : If Tom Watson is expelled from the House it will not be because he has slan dered anybody so much as because it is inconvenient to have a man around who can see so much, and who cannot refrain from talking about it. A lack of dis cretion is the only charge that can prob ably be sustained against him. * * * Senator Colquitt, Mr. O’Ferrall and scores of other Democratic lead ers are clamoring for an extra ses sion. They take the honest position that rode into power upon a distinct pledge to give the country immediate relief from vicious Republican laws. This is true. But, all the same, there will be no extra session. There will be no relief. The country will be paid off, as usual, with promises. During the campaign the Democrats said “Give us a chance.” Now they say “Give us more time.” * * * Each Democratic leader, from Cleveland down, is trying to dodge this question, “What will he do with it ?” The country voted them in power. They hold every branch of the government in their hands after March 4. The country has given them a “chance.” It will give them reasonable “time.” But they must act. The responsibility is on them. The country is alive to the situation and is expectant. Thousands of honest Democrats voted with them “just once more,” and these honest men are holding the bosses to their pledges. They will leave the party the very day it becomes apparent that these pledges are to be violated. Yes, the Democrats have got the victory, the power, and the opportu nity. Now “What will they do with it ?” A most alarming question to any party without principles. No wonder Mr. Cleveland ran away to Hog Island. No wonder the aver age boss who on one hand promised “relief ” to the farmer and laborer, and upon the other “no disturbance” to the national banker, monopolist and protectionist—no wonder such a boss breaks into a cold sweat and begs for “a little more time.” * * * I was greatly interested the other night (in reading the new history of the United States by McMaster) to see the accounts given of the Hon. James Jackson, one of the first Sena tors from Georgia. It was rich. We have in our good old State a very talented, distinguished, wealthy and somewhat exclusive family, by the name of Jackson. There was Gen. Henry R. Jack son, of Savannah, a poet, lawyer and diplomatist. He was Minister to Mexico under Cleveland and had a rippit with Bayard and old brother Thurman which, for a while, painted red spots on the moon. Then there was Davenport Jack- son, of Augusta, a most intelligent and promising lawyer. Then there is Capt. Harry Jackson, of Atlanta, and his son, Mr. Tom Cobb Jackcon. Then there was the late Chief Jus tice of our Supreme Court, Horn James Jackson. Now, these prominent citizens are all descended from the Hon. James Jackson mentioned in McMaster’s history. They are proud of the fact. Georgia books all represent this an cestor of theirs as a very able, elo quent and sensible statesman. Spark’s “Memories of Fifty Years” is full of praise of his character and achieve ments. One of these achievements was the burning of the Yazoo fraud records at Louisville, Ga., by means of a sun glass. Just think, then, how I had to hold my breath the other night when I discovered that the historian of the United States had put Senator James Jackson down as a regular old crank. It seems that he would bounce up to make a speech in the Senate when the clerk was reading a bill. The president of that august body would thereupon order the distinguished Jackson to sit down. Thereupon the honored ancestor of so many high and mighty folks had to sit right down and wait, just like he would have had to do if he had been the great-grandfather of any com mon Smith, or Jones, or Browm, or Tompkins. This is hard to believe, but history says its so. Then again, it seemed that this man Jackson believed in talking just as loud as he pleased when he made a speech. At that time the two Houses of Congress occupied rooms not far apart. When the distin guished Jackson balanced himself on his hind legs and began to marshal his troops of rhetoric to action, his voice was so loud that it got into the other House of Congress and stop ped business. This was awful. So the other House had to put down thq windows to keep out the “bellowing’ 1 of this Georgia crank. Just to think of the mode of speech of the ancestor of so many of our bluest blooded people being described in sober history as “bellowing.” No “spell-binding” about it; no “matchless eloquence;” no “thrillmg bursts of passion.” Nothing of the kind. Simply a loud, obstinate, self righteous, unvarnished, old-fashioned, homespun “bellowing” which blocks business in both Houses of Congress and imperatively demands the put ting down of windows. This is awful; but history says it’s so. * * * It seems from McMaster’s history that this distinguished Jackson had made himself very unpopular in Congress. They called him a “ran ter,” a “bellower,” a crank. The pre siding officer was rough to him, and would order him to take his seat. Why was he distasteful to his fel low-members ? Because he dared to speak his honest thoughts like a man. Be cause he stood in his place and de nounced national banks with all the burning vehemence of honesty and truth. He warned Congress then that the national banks would bring the very evils we now know they have brought. This was one hun dred years ago. I honor this brave, clear-sighted man who dared to stand up against Hamilton and his greedy gang of capitalists and fight for the rights of his people. What else did they hate him for? Because he denounced Washing ton’s administration for allowing the State of Georgia to be robbed in the Creek treaty of 3,000,000 acres of land which was hers under the con stitution. Bully for Jackson ! Why should he be afraid, even of Washington himself, if Georgia was being wronged ? No wonder he couldn’t sit still while the clerk was reading! Three million acres of land is a right considerable slice of dirt, and even if we did steal it from the Indians, that was no reason in Jackson’s eyes why it snould be given back to them without some previous conversation on the subject. What else did they hate him for ? Because he denounced Hamilton’s funding system ; the first of a long series of national plunderings under the form of law. Bully for Jackson! Brave man! Clear-sighted student! What else? He had denounced the internal revenue system. Bully for Jackson ! He saw that under Hamilton’s wily leadership, this country was being bound by all the bond sys tems, bank systems, funding systems, unequal taxing systems of England (