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MAJOR BLACK’S ARCADIANISM SYSTEMATIZED. A faint idea how Mr. Watson was defeated and Major Black elected in the city of Augusta, may be gleaned from the following description by the Chronicle of the recent election for councilmen from the third ward of that city: Mr. Sheehan’s forces were led by “Sonny” Collins assisted by Dan Bowles, Jirn Cushen, Mike Sullivan and others who have fought in every political battle of late years, while Mr. Austin’s follow ers were piloted by Will D’Antignac, Harry Casnen, Frank Cavanaugh, Joe Austin, Dan Looney, Ed Lyons and others not quite as old hands at the polls, but enthusiastic, and knowing just the same. • ' When the Austin line marched up, some of the opposition leaders tried to break it and two leaders hit out a few times without much damage before they were separated. Then came the voting. There are many complaints about the fairness of the election and some men do not know for whom their votes were cast. Not that they were intoxicated or crazy, but that when they offered their . tickets, they were informed that they had already voted and that once was enough. To say that the voter was surprised is putting it mildly, he was simply astound ed : but protestations were of no avail, and he w’as compelled to depart, not knowing which candidate his obliging substitute had supported. Charles Perry was the only negro ar rested on this charge, but a number must have committed the offense, if any thing is to be judged by the number of colored men who were refused the privi lege of voting, because some one had al ready voted in their names. Captain Austin was standing at the window when Perry presented a ticket under the name of Ansel B. Golphin. The vote was challenged by Mr. Austin, who knew Golphin personally. Perry insisted that he was Galphin and took the oath, lie was immediately arrested and escorted to the barracks, where he now has the opportunity and time for reflection. The Austin people claim a number of instances of this illegal voting, and one in particular asserts that their candidate allowed himself unknowingly to enter into a bargain whereby the system could not be stopped. The defeated party spare no words in denouncing the meth ods u-ed against them and say that they . would have captured the prize had there been a fair “tote.” Mr. bheehan voted for himself, while Mr. Austin added another ballot to his opponent's majority. While the principals are the best of friends, their lieutenants did a little fighting, and are not on such good terms. During the course of the day, Sonny Collins, who seemed to be the ap ple of discord, approached Captain Aus tin in a friendly way, but was quickly repulsed with the statement that no communications could be held between them. This was a contest between two friendly citizens of Augusta. Not between an Augustan and a country man, like Black and Watson, but the leaders of the contesting forces had become so accustomed to voting re peaters, and the repeaters had grown so habituated to repeating, in the late congressional race, that they just couldn’t help it on this occasion. It was all right with the sworn managers. They had got used to it in the congressional race, to beat Wai sou. It was all right with the repeaters. Didn’t they get paid to do it in the congressional race, so as to beat Watson? Nobody complained in this elec tion except Mr. Austin, and he didn’t complain muchly. Oh, no! He knew “how it was done” in the con gressional race to beat Watson. In fact, one of his friends is quoted as saying that Mr. Austin had “allowed himself unknowingly to enter into a bargain whereby the system could not be stopped.” Got it down to a “system,” you see. Augusta has systematized “vote repeating” and the politicians “bargain” with the heelers for the illegal vote. Aint that nice J Aiut that Arca dian ? Wonder if Mr. Black’s whis ky vote was part of the ‘ bargain” price, when he secured the heelers’ influence against Watson ? Mr. Austin got mad with Sonny Collins (the boss heeler for Sheehan) and had a negro arrested. He ac tually did ! Collins is a heeler from afar back. Austin knows it. There fore, Collins is alive and the nigger is in the lock up. An Augusta poli tician knows who to tackle. Austin does, you bet. Austin was defeated by 83 majori ty, but he’ll be revenged in that lone nigger, Perry, alias Golphin. Not on Collins, you bet. Alf, it was cruel to repulse “Son ny” with the statement that “no com munication could be had” with him. All right to jug the negro, though. You held close “communication” with “Sonny” when he wanted you to run on the Bob May ticket, but the bank oflicers and anti-Boy-May ites wouldn’t let you. Now, didn’t you ? Sonny is squaring accounts with you fellows that went back on him and Uncle Robin. MR. BLACK VOTED FOR WHISKY. A dozen or more liquor dealers of Augusta opened their bar-rooms on the day of the late city election, contrary to law or the city ordi nance. A few faithful policemen re ported them, and they were sum moned before the court for trial. A police sergeant testified that he told PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1892. such of the barkeepers as asked his opinion that he thought they could open up at 6 o’clock. The law cleariy prohibits it. The court thereupon dismissed all the cases. It is not related that the faithful policemen were fined for discharging their duty. It would perhaps be safe to say, however, that other policemen will walk their beats in the near future. If Major Black, superintendent of the Baptist Sunday-school —the lead ing moralist of the community, the great and only Arcadian politician— was, and is, in favor of selling whisky to his Sunday-school class, his next door neighbor, and all his Arcadian followers, why should not these puritanically fanatic policemen be made to suffer for their unholy interference with the religious traf ficers in whisky ? That pohee sergeant will be a lieu tenant soon. STAND TO YOUR COLORS, BOYS. A full county ticket, for every office, from sheriff to constable, should be put out in every county. If you have but ten votes in the county, put out a ticket and then vote for it; every man of you vote for it. Fraud and corruption at the ballot box may defeat you when you should be victorious, but make the fight nevertheless. Having made the fight, you have discharged that much of your duty toward elevating citizenship and evincing your manhood. In 1866, ’67, ’6B, ’69 and ’7O your State was completely in the power of the Republicans. The Demo cratic party was much weaker then than you are to-day. The election machiney was in the hands of the dominant party then, as it is to-day. The Democratic party was more helpless then than you are to-day. They had right on their side then. You have right on your side to-day. They had courage then. You have courage to-day. They resolved and pledged them selves to stand firmly together until victory was won, at any and all risks. You can do the same to-day. Bayonets and prison bars couldn’t deter them from contending for their rights at the ballot-box thdh. Why should intimidations and jeers deter you to-day ? Men faced death for freedom then. Why shouldn’t you face opposition to-day ? The country boys won the Demo cratic victory then. Why shouldn’t they win it to-day ? Your county ticket may not suit you in all things. Their tickets didn’t suit them in all things, but they voted it to a man. Why not you vote yours ? There may be bad men (in your opinion) upon your ticket. There were bad men on their tickets then, but they voted for them to a man. You do the same. It took every public speaker in Georgia, the combined power of the national and State Democratic com mittee and upwards of three thous and imported voters to defeat Tom Watson in the Tenth district, be cause we fought the enemy at every point and- on every occasion. You do the same. The Tenth is ready for another battle. Get yourselves in fighting trim for the next. Stand firm, every man I Whether congressmen ever get into the condition described by Mr. Watson last year when they have to ask “Where am I at ?” or not, it is certain that the question has to be asked much too often concerning many of them. They are habitually “at” some other place thr-n then post of duty. Absenteeism is a vice. In any occupation except statesman ship it would cost its practitioner his place, and justly, too. No man has any right to take pay for attending to a business which he does not at tend to. No man is obliged to accept a place in Congress. If he does ac cept it he voluntarily assumes the duty of attending the sessions. If he habitually neglects that duty, as some of the most respected men in Congress do, he dishonestly takes pay to which he is not entitled. He deprives the country of the services the ojuntry has paid to render, and he robs his constituents of the rep resentation to which they are en titled. At times absenteeism is a sore embarrassment to legislation. At times it even threatens disaster to vital interests. It can never have excuse where it is habitual. No man has a right to accept a seat in Con gress whose private affairs do not permit him to attend to congres sional duties.—New York World. Remember, that the price of Tom Watson’s book, “Not a Revolt; It Is a Revolution,” has been reduced to 50 cents. It goes to the getter-up of a club of five full-paid annual subscribers. COL. C. 0. POST. Ills VIEWS ON THE EDUCATIONAL - CAMPAIGN. Keep the Alliance at Work as a Con servator of the Liberties and Eights of the People. Daytona, Fla., Dec. 10, 1892. My Dear Ellington—l reached home safely a little more than twenty four hours after leaving your hospit able dwelling, and found Mrs. Post hanging on the front gate and gazing down the sireet through the gloam ing. She said she was watching for me. We had fish for supper. Since my return I have harvested my crop of Irish potatoes, planted in September soon after my advent to this place. There was nearly a water bucket full of them. Several were nearly as large as hen eggs, and in some cases I got as many as three smaller ones out of the same hill. I was afraid at one time that there would be more than the bucket full, which would have necessitated my making a second trip to the patch, but luckily about one-third of the hills at the farther end of the patch did not have any potatoes at all, so I was not obliged to return. The cut-worms have also done me quite a favor during my absence in Georgia by eating off about one hun dred of my cabbage plants, thus ob viating any further necessity for hoe ing that much of the ground. I should have regarded this as a loss, but that the colored man that I brought down here with me has re turned to Georgia, thus leaving me to hoe my own garden. He left be cause there was more water here than he could see any use for. He could have stood the river, which is three fourths of a mile wide, although some of its inhabitants, as the porpoise and sharks, rather staggered him, but the ocean, between which and the river is but a bare half mile of land, was too much for him. He could not un derstand what kept the waters of the ocean, which he declared stuck up above the land like a mountain, from letting go and sweeping over the whole country; and he fled for safety to the hills of old Georgia, where he was born. Perhaps he was wise. Who knows ? If Professor Buchanan’s prophecy comes true, and the whole Florida coast takes a drop of a few hundred feet in 1900, going down like the lost continent of Atlantis, the hills of Georgia will be a mighty comforta ble place to be in comparison, in spite of Bourbon Democrats and the low price of cotton. And speaking of Bourbons and low prices, reminds me of my promise of to give you in writing my views of the situation and the work to be done, which was, in truth, the purpose for which I seated myself at my desk and took my pen in hand. That I was not able to get down to business on first sitting down, but instead wandered off into the extrav agancies of small talk, is due possibly to the exhilarating influences of the sulphur water which we have to drink here, upon a man accustomed for years to the cool, clear and healthful waters of the springs and wells of the Georgia hills. Dropping pleasantries and coming down to the serious affairs of life and the situation of the country, the party and the Alliance, I see no reason for discouragement, but, on the contrary, much to congratulate ourselves and our people upon, and to rejoice over. We did not accomplish all that we hoped, but we accomplished a hun dred fold more than our enemies said we could do. They said the West would not stand true to the promise made to overthrow the Republican party. There are nine States in which we elected the Governors and State house officers. Our enemies said we would not get an electoral vote tor our candidates for President and vice- ITesident, and we will have thirty electoral votes. They said we wonld lose every one of our thirteen repre sentatives in Congress and the Sen ate, and we have increased their number to thirty. They said we would make no showing whatever in the South, and they were compelled to resort to all manner of frauds to prevent the carrying of several of the Southern States for the party of the people and the principles of the Alliance. They said we would turn the South over to negro domination. We compelled them to appear before the country m their true light—not as patriots, not as statesmen, not as true men jealously guarding the rights and privileges of the white race, but as politicians simply, using the negro to overthrow the will of a majority of the whites in order .to put them selves in position to enjoy the spoils of office. The victory which they gained by such practices is not a victory. The defeat which our principles suffered from such cause is not a defeat, and the sober second thought of the peo ple will so decide and so declare at future elections as surely as God is God. My advice for the future can be given in a single sentence : Appeal to the people. Trust them. Appeal to their intelligence, to their sense of justice, to their love of home and country and wife and child. Many of them have deep seated prejudices, but these can be removed. We must not forget that such education as they have had upon economic ques tions previous to the coming of the Alliance had been the false teachings of men who wrote and spoke in tlie interest, if not directly in the pay of the plutocrats; who, however, so plated their pot-metal theories of economics and statesmanship with the nickel of partisanship and the silver of a pretended love of the peo ple as to deceive all of us for a time and most of us until very recently. Remembering that we ourselves were not too quick in accepting the truth, let us be patient with others who perhaps have not had the truth as forcibly presented to them. Now that the excitement of the campaign is over, thousands will listen with interest and judge calmly of what they condemned unheard before. Let us do nothing in the way of retaliation for wrong's done. Let jio one do this. As we have done noth ing in the campaign just closed of which we are ashamed; as we have neither bought nor sold principles or votes; as we have sought to main tain the purity of the balbt-box and the right of every man, rich or poor, black or white, to the untrammeled expression of his political convictions, conscious .that only so can the liber ties of the common people of either race be preserved—as we have done this, let us take courage and continue the work of educating others as we were ourselves educated in economic principles, having full faith in the justice of our cause and the ultimate triumph of our principles before the country. No matter what course the incom ing Democratic administration may pursue, the need for a fuller educa tion of the people upon economic questions remains the same. If the Democratic party grants the legisla tion which we demand, well and good; it will then be necessary that the people be s*o educated that they understand the principles underlying that legislation in order that they may continue the Democratic party in power and hold it to its work of legislating in the equal interest of all the people. If it fails, as we fear it will fail, to give the relief needed, then the people must be educated and prepared to smash that as com pletely iu the next election as our Western brethren mashed the Repub licans out there. This work of education can best be continued as it was begun, largely at least, through the Alliance, and I congratulate you that the direction of this work is largely in your hands. Your power to do good to the people of Georgia is greas. I doubt not it will be used wisely. You will, I fancy, find the work somewhat difficult. It is, in one sense, to be regretted that the Alli ance has become so nearly identical in the pnblic mind with the People’s party. This was, however, unavoid able, for while the Alliance was not and is not partisan in any true sense, yet, inasmuch as by a union of all industrial organizations of the coun try upon a common platform of prin ciples resulted naturally in the forma tion of a party pledged to carry those principles iuto effect, tp followed that the Alliance and Alliance men and women would naturally be regarded as pledged to and desiring to be counted with the party adopting its principles. This fact will stand in the way somewhat of the further upbuilding of the order by the taking in of new members for a time, but it ought, on the other hand, to draw still more closely together those already in, and as those outside become convinced that we seek the common good of all, we may hope to see many added to our roll of membership. Whichever course the party in power may pursue, it can not sup press discussion. In fact, it is com pelled by the condition of the finan ces of the country to lead in the dis cussion and thus throw open to us the direct road to the public ear. Our Alliance lecturers must take advantage of this, and every Alli ance hall and country school house should be made a place for discus sing in a friendly and non-partisan manner the economic questions un derlying our theory of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. In these discussions the Demo cratic party should be treated fairly and given credit for any good it may do; but partisanship of whatever kind or name should be denounced and its baneful effects pointed out. No man can be a partisan and a patriot at the same time. To be a patriot one must be so far from par tisanship as to be able to see with equal clearness whatever good may be in any party. Our people must be encouraged to protect themselves from imposition of all kinds. This right to vote as their judgment dictates must be held as sacred, and the man or men who seek to interfere with that right, either by bribery or intimidation, must be held up as unworthy the namejof a true citizen. And come weal, come woe to our own organiza tion, we must preserve the same purity m it and in ourselves that we demand in ou» opponents. Only build up a public sentiment that will hold it a crime to deprive a citizen entitled under the law to his ballot of the right to cast that vote with out improper influence of any kind, and the people will be safe in their liberties, their homes and the fruits of their labor. Until such a senti ment is builded they will be safe in neither. To accomplish this, and also to secure some immediate financial re lief, I would urge that men in busi ness who have used their relations with planters to compel to vote against their inclinations be permitted to trade with others like themselves so far as possible. A man in trade who has simply exer- cised his right to vote by voting the Democratic ticket has not thereby forfeited any portion of his right to be considered a good citizen. He who while voting ‘any ticket has used his power to compel another to vote with him has forfeited that righty and should be made to feel the condemnation of our pfeople by being let alone in trade. Where an hon orable dealer, either Democrat or People’s party man, is in trade, one who has exercised his right to vote as he pleases and left others to do the same, discussing principles and parties fairly and courteously, he should receive the trade of our peo ple. If none such exist in any com munity, then the Alliancemen or People’s party men, or citizens gen erally who favor fairness in politics and trade, should club together and start a co-operative store. The time is fully come when we can no longer afford to furnish clubs for our enemies and the ene mies of good government to break our heads with. “Stand by your principles, and stand by your friends, giving no aid or comfort whatever to any one who does not recognize and seek to pro tect all men in their right to vote as they choose,” ought now to be our motto. But in doing this we ought also to be careful not to arouse or permit a spirit of revenge to creep in. What we do should be done from a higher motive—the highest of all motives—a desire to protect all alike, to purify politics, to build up a spirit of manly independence and a love of liberty in its true sense. Very truly and fraternally yours, C. C. Post. A CASE IN VIRGINIA. In the national election Hon. J. Thomas Goode, of Mecklenburg county, was the nominee of the People for Congress in the fourth district of Virginia. A great many precincts were thrown out—enough to change a majority of considerably over 2,000 for Goode to several hun dred for Epes, his Democratic oppo nent. But two of all the precincts rejected were Democratic, the two together reducing Epes’ majority by 24- The Democrats managed all the boxes, and found informalities enough to put in their man. Col. Goode, in a lettter to a friend, printed in the*Virginia Sun, says : I cannot answer your question as to the ultimate chance of obtaining jus tice. If there is any conscience at all in the old party, which we once con sidered so honest ami pure, I cannot see how I can fail to get the place to which I have been, beyond all ques tion, fairly and honestly elected by a large majority. But I could never have believed that the Democratic party would have resorted to such unholy means of subverting the will of the people as to disfranchise a large percentage of the sovereign people of this district; to refuse them any voice in the election of President, vice-President or Congressman; to take from them on the merest pre texts the right of suffrage guaran teed to all citizens by the constitu tion of the United States; to rob them of their only means of defence for life, liberty or the pursuit of hap piness ; to utterly ignore them and trample into the dust their most sa cred rights, for no other purpose than to perpetuate the power of their party. If this can be done with im punity and not arouse the indigna tion of all good -citizens of any and all parties, then I tremble for my country. We can no longer boast of a free republican government —a gov ernment “ of the people, by the peo ple and for the people ” —but are brought face to face with the fact that the minority manipulates and controls the majority; that favored classes and monopolies rule this land. How long the American people will submit to this great wrong is more than I can say, but I greatly under rate their manhood if they can ac cept it as the rule of our country. Alex Stephen’s Letter. Monroe Popupst, Brent, Gr. Liberty Hall, Crawfordvile, Ga., June 18, 1871.—Mr. C. F. Tur ner, Thomson, Ga.—My Dear Sir : Your letter of the 15th instant was received this morning. I agree fully with you that one of the worst ten dencies of the times in this country is the concentration of capital in or ganized bodies, combinations and “ rings,” as they are popularly called. We have the gold ring in New York, the banking ring and road rings all over the country. We also have the bacon rings, corn and cotton rings, the tobacco rings, and they are all in hostility to the rights of the industri ous producing classes everywhere. They constitute a huge evil every where, and should be denounced and extirpated if possible. As Jackson warred against the United States bank that was a gigantic moneyed monopoly, dangerous by its corrup tions to the liberties of the people, but it was a small affair‘compared with some of the monopolies of this day- These rings are now controlling the politics of the country by corrupt ly, through money dealings of politi cal rings *to subserve their pur poses. The honest masses every where should set their heads against all these rings. The Grachii, my dear sir, were both right. They have been, by historians, denounced as agrarians. They, however, asked nothing but right and justice for the plebaens in the enjoyment or partici pation in the public lands. I cannot say any more now. lam very feeble. What I have said is for youself only, not for the public. In the “ Atlanta Sun,” of which I am now one of the editors, you will see my views of public questions. Wrice to me when you have leisure or feel like it. Yours truly, Alexander H. Stephens. P. S. —The above letter came promptly as requested from the grand old statesman. He says the Grachii were both right. They asked for only justice, only such things as the laws of their country promised them, Mr. Stephens always had the courage to stand for right and justice. He was not afraid to champion the cause of the weak when they had justice on their side.—Ed. Populist. Another Credit Mobilier Scandal in Sight. New Nation. The bill before Congress for the loan of a national credit of SIOO,- t>oo, 000 to the Nicaragua canal com pany has in it all the elements of another credit mobilier scandal and ■is already developing a distinct odor. The congressman or able editor who, in the light of the experience of the government with its loans to the Union Pacific railroad, can advocate this Nicaragua bill, has need to ex plain his motives very carefully. The proposition is simply that the national government shall take all the risk and pay the entire estimated cost of the canal by indorsing SIOO,- 000,000 of its bonds, and in return shall, if the canal proves a success, be saved from loss on its advance of credit. Under no circumstances can the national treasury make any profit out of the undertaking, although it takes all the chance of losing the entire $100,000,000 it endorses for, if the enterprise fails. The whole scheme on the part of the private capitalists, who as stock holders propose to take all the profit, if there is any, while the govern ment is to shoulder all the loss if there is any, is strictly developed on the idea embodied in th6 phrase, “Heads I win, tails you lose.” While the government is only asked at present to endorse the bonds of the company to the extent of $100,000,000, it must be an ex tremely verdant person who im agines that this is the extent of the plot against the nation’s pocket. The canal will not be built for $100,000,- 000 on the familiar plea that unless more is spent, what has been in vested will be wholly lost. There is another aspect of the matter. The object of this canal, so far as concerns the public interest of the United States, is cheaper freights between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. There is a far cheaper, quicker and surer way to secure cheaper trans-continental freights— nationalize the railroads. If we had government railroads run a‘t cost, .no canal would be needed, or would pay if dug. Captain Hays’ Withdrawal. Captain John M. Hays, whose card w? 3 copied in this papqr last week, has been interviewed by an Augusta Evening News reporter to whom he repeated his statement that he is out of the race for sheriff of Richmond county. The following colloquy and comment is reported: “What are your reasons for with drawing?” asked the News. “On account of fraudulent regis tration,” he replied. “ Will you be a little more ex plicit?” “Well, I mean that 60 per cent of the negroes registered on the list are fraudulent in this respect: Many negroes have been repeated, and two or three have told me themselves they have been qualified fully fifteen times under different names.” Captain Hays says his friends who were going to support him did not feel that they could cope against such methods, and that if the people were willing to submit to such out rages he could stand it, and as no protest or objections had been made he quietly comes down and out of the race. Captain Hays, being a good Dem ocrat, simply submits. If he wei;e simply a good citizen, he might pro test and fight. What the real intent of the fraudulent registration is may readily be seen from the reporter’s comment: There is, however, a likelihood of the People’s party putting out a full ticket for county offices, but the votes their candidates -will receive will not amount to a drop in the bucket. Ah, there! One purchasable vote qualified to duplicate fifteen times, leaves honest men but a small show “But a drop in the bucket” when election day comes round ! Such is the great Augrtsta combine of ring sters and thimble-riggers. OFFER TO CHRONIC INVALIDS. After twenty years practice I am con vinced that every disease is caused and continued by its own Germ, or Microbe. Any person who has been in ill health for three months or longer, can send me history of their case, with ONE DOLLAR and receive a trial package making two gallons of medicine. This is ray own preparetion, basid upon the Germ Theory of Disease, and s not a paten t medicine. If no benefit received the money will be returned to you. I refer to any clergy man in Atlanta, or to the editor of thiv paper. J. W. STONE, M. D., (Late Dean of the Woman’s Medical College of Georgia) We knew Dr. Stone; he will do exactly as he agrees.—Editor. 3