Newspaper Page Text
2
incendiary nature in it. Hundreds
of honest, fair-minded Democrats
heard that same harangue, and, like
the Democrats of Stellaville, though
they differ with Mr. Watson polit
ically, they would promptly and will
ingly acknowledge that there was
nothing of an incendiary nature in
the speech referred to. There was
nothing in that speech to turn any
negro’s head—unless something more
potent, powerful and persuasive had
already gained admission therein. To
give any degree of incendiarism to
this addresss of Mr. Watson’s is to
tally unwarranted and only conclu
sively shows that this man’s words are
construed beyond the warranty of
fair analysis—that political intoler
ance or political capital is the reason
therefor, and not the facts.
And not only that, but the ma
jority of reasonable men know that
Ramsey fell because of whiskyism,
and not because of Watsonism.
Now the nearer you get to whisky
ism the farther away from Watson
ism you get, and the nearer to Dem
ocracy. This is a literal fact. Every
body knows that whisky was and is
the great Democratic vote persuader.
Democratic “gin handing around”
frolics were going on in those days
continually, and a close ferreting out
would no doubt unearth and estab
lish the fact that Democratic, cam
paign, hit-your-mother-in-law whisky
crazed the brain of Henry Ramsey,
causing him to commit the heinous
crime, and not the remarks of Mr.
Watson. A whisky-soaked and un
reasonable individual, nine times out
of ten, bears the Democratic brand.
And, again, if my memory does
not serve me badly—and it is gen
erally reliable—on the morning after
the crime, in publishing an account
of the same, the papers distinctly
stated that Ramsey shot Marshal
Harris while he was attempting to
arrest him for beating his wife, and
that Ramsey was thrashing his wife
because she went to the Watson
speaking the night previous and
failed to perform certain domestic
duties devolving upon her. Com
pare this with the late statement. Os
course, a man crazed by the incen
diary harangue of a speaker would
go’ home and administer a sound
thrashing to his wife because she
neglected certain household duties in
order to hear the very same man
speak who had turned his head.
Everybody knows a drunken man is
It seems to a man
sip the tree that said drunken man
would be proud of her action, and,
maudling, commend and pat her on
the shoulder, instead of thrashing
her.
In fact, we have been credibly in
formed that Ramsey was a colored
Democrat. This makes explanation
easy.. Whisky is the argument that
helps to make a colored Democrat.
Loaded down with this Democratic
persuasion, it is easily understood
why he pounded his wife when he be
came aware that she had neglected
her domestic duties in order to go and
hear Mr. Watson speak. Naturally
Democratic persuasion in him would
not peacefully mix with Watsonism
in her. It will not mix now. Prin
ciple and oppressive bossism never
will.
These being the facts, wherein lies
the justice of the sentence we have
quoted above ? It has none. Like
Editor Gonzales’ attack on Governor
Tillman, that sentence emanates from
political intolerance, and not from
the facts. If it had not been good
political capital, that sentence would
never have been written. Fair and
open opponents will not intentionally
fight a man in this manner, for they
would do themselves injustice and
acknowledge therein the weakness
of their stand.
By giving such a cause for the
heinous crime committed on that
beautiful Sabbath day is assuredly
nothing more nor less than scandal
repeated or reprinted for the sole
purpose of robbing Mr. Watson of
his goed name and popularity. Here
in the Herald fails to observe the
sermons contained in both the edi
torials we have mentioned, and as
sumes the cap she so carefully manu
factured for some other head. The
cap fits perfectly and the people will
see that she wears it.
The Herald should practice what
she preaches —or quit preaching.
Fail to practice what you preach and
the preaching goes without the
requisite force to impress. Fail to
practice and you might as well fail
to preach. Continue to preach with
out putting into practice and your
teachings will be looked upon as
hypocrisy—and the epithet that the
populace will designate you by will
• nos be “traitor,” but hypocrite!
Diogenes.
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA. GEORGIA. FRIDAY, JUNE 2. 1893.
A DISCOURAGED DEMOCRAT.
The disappointment of some of
the leading Democratic papers crops
out occasionally in brief sentences
which portend a rocky road for the
administration in its efforts to head
off the public demand for relief.
The St. Louis Re}nublic, lor example,
puts the caustic this way:
“Where one Democrat has been
appointed to office since March 4
last at least a hundred Republicans
have been retained. And what is
infinitely worse, the financial policy
of the Harrison administration has
been retained also without the
slightest change.”
In a leading editorial of the same
date, the Republic says:
“A few weeks ago it seemed to be
with the Democratic party only a
matter of triumphant progress from
victory to victory. Now it is a ques
tion of what can be done to prevent
the party from being driven back.
During Mr. Cleveland’s retirement
from public life the Democrats
gained the Mississippi Valley. This,
though it promised to Democracy
continued ascendency in the coun
try, filled Tories, Plutocrats and
Pharisees with the greatest alarm,
and they have been more anxious
for nothing than that this magnifi
cent work should be undone—that
Democratic chances should be staked
on New York; that Democratic en
ergies should be expended in trying
to make in Massachusetts all gains
which, under such leadership, it is
thought advisable for the party to
have. All that these people could
do to turn the party back to the
politics on which it has been defeated
for so many years has been done,
and it is now plain that without
united Democratic action the party
will be utterly unable to continue its
advance.”
While the people at large care lit
tle for the complaint that the Repub
licans who have been removed are
few, and the number of disappointed
Democratic aspirants many, they
realize that the grievance stated in
the second quotation is real, and the
facts fairly given, This is the chief
burden of the Democratic cry. And
it is apparent that while Mr. Cleve
land’s well known indisposition to
make discrimination in positions as a
reward for party service deadens his
influence with the workers of the
party machine, his evident sub
serviency to Eastern interests and
Eastern demands is rapidly weak
ening his hold on the confidence of
the mass of voters who were de
ceived into voting for him by the
very workers who now fail to re
ceive their reward. >■
Truly the Republic voices a popu
lar sentiment, and is doing its best
to stir the administration up to re
deem the party pledges.
The administration is fat and slug
gish, and seemingly has its good ear
turned another way.
Notice.
To the People's Party of Washiny
ton County, Ga.:
In compliance with instructions
from the Executive Committee, I re
spectfully ask you to meet in conven
tion on Saturday, June 10th, 1893, at
11 o’clock a. m., in Sandersville, Ga.,
for the purpose of deciding upon a
day to nominate a candidate for Tax-
Receiver to fill the unexpired term of
E. David Strange, deceased, and to
decide how yoa will nominate,
whether by mass meeting, by dele
gation or by primary, and to transact
any and all other business of impor
tance that may claim your attention.
A large attendance is earnestly
solicited.
Respectfully,
R. A. Kelly,
Chairman Ex. Com.
Gen. Weaver’s Christianity.
In the great debate at Philadelphia,
discussing the question; “Which
offers the best practical political
means for the benefit of the work
ingmen of this country, the Demo
cratic party, the People’s party., the
Republican party, or the church ?”
Gen. Weaver said :
The Master taught us to pray,
“Thy kingdom come, Thy will be
done on earth as it is in heaven.”
The church should be an organized
army seeking to establish God’s king
dom on this earth by every legitimate
means, of which legislation is one of
the most powerful today in civilized
countries. And I may say here that
just so long as the church of Christ
is in harmony with and gives coun
tenance to'‘an industrial system which
is at war with the principles of Chris
tianity, and just so long as the church
becomes yoke fellow with the god of
this world, and consents to cast lots
for the vestments of the crucified
poor, it may never expect the poor
to seek refuge at its altars.
You may not, you cannot deceive
the world though you may deceive
yourselves. They know that usury
is inconsistent with the teachings of
the Master and the Sermon on the
Mount; they know that corporate
greed that is wringing the very life
blood out of the poor, is not in har
mony with the teachings of Jesus
Christ, and just as long as the church
and church members set back in com
fortable pews and wink and become
the partner and share in the spoils
of the oppressor, they come beneath
the maledictions of the Master, and
must accept the visitations of His
wrath.
If I was to be asked today—be
liever as I am in the divinity of the
church, in the inspiration of the Bible,
in the divine mission of the church
on earth—if I were asked today what
the great need of the Christian church
is, I should say, the great want of
the Christian church is, to be con
verted to the doctrines of Jesus
Christ; a conversion so deep and
so thorough that it would put the
church to work for the salvation of
men and women in this world—to
rescue the poor from their cruel task
masters; that would put the mem
bership? to work in this world as the
best training school to fit them for
salvation in the other. * * * *
I say that a man who is not as re
ligious at his ballot-box as he is at
the sacramental board is an arrant
hypocrite, and I don’t care what
church it is that he belongs to.
The idea of being sanctified at
church and at the same time a yoke
fellow with the devil on election day!
I would rather you would play the
devil 364 days in the year and then
join the army of Christ on election
day. Ah, my brethren, this relation
of man to man is a sacred matter.
The question asked by Cain, the mur
derer, “Am I my brother’s keeper ? ”
must be answered right, the world
over.
Money and Sovereignty.
St. Louis Republic.
The chief attributes of sovereignty
are the power to issue money and
the power to levy taxes. Os these,
the one is the complement of the
other, and whoever exercises them is
the sovereign, no matter wheAer so
called or not.
The reason is obvious. The tax
ing power is the power to take away
the earnings of labor and to deter
mine how much or how little of what
he has earned shall be left to the
earner for his own use.
The power to issue money is the
power to determine the conditions of
the exchange of the products of
labor, to increase the toll taken dur
ing the exchange, to decrease the
portion of its own product which
labor has as the reward of produc
tion.
Exercised together, these comple
mentary powers involve as complete
a control over the earning of pro
ducers as was exercised over the
earnings of slaves under the chattel
system.
It follows, therefore, that any peo
ple which desires to maintain free
dom and justice must never delegate
either of these powers to any private
person or corporation, or number of
private persons or corporations.
When such delegation has been made,
sovereignty has departed from the
people. They are subject. The
control of their earnings under the
taxing system and the control of the
medium of exchange by corporation
are conjointly sufficient under mod
ern systems of acquiring property
without earning it to render it im
possible for the actual producers of
the country to accumulate any sur
plus. On the contrary, they are
forced deeper and deeper into debt.
Under this system of direct and
indirect delegation of these sovereign
powers the producers of the Missis
sippi valley have been forced into
debt to the almost inconceivable
amount of over two thousand million
dollars. This debt is largely held in
Boston and New York, and as a re
sult the plutocrats of those two cities
are desperately determined to main
tain their control over the finance of
the Union.
Without a perpetuation of the
National deßt (which they are deter
mined to bring about, if possible),
the National bank note circulation
cannot be * maintained, and the sov
ereign power involved in the issue
of these notes for circulation as money
must be resumed by the people them
selves.
Anticipating the possibility of fail
ing to perpetuate the National debt,
the plutocracy is preparing to force
through Congress a law for the Na
tional control of banks of issue char
tered by the State, to issue notes for
local circulation, based on State debt
and other evidences of lack of cash,
including railway stocks, farm mort
gages and other “securities” more or
less capable of holding water.
The direct or indirect control of
State banks by a National banking
act would be unconstitutional, but
we need not stop to argue now
against the Federalism and centrali
zation involved in the step it is pro
posed to take. It is better to stand
on the unassailable proposition that
the sovereign power of the people
ought not to be delegated to any cor
poration 'whether chartered by the
States or the United States.
It was a barbaric custom to sublet
both the taxing power and the power
of issuing money. We have ceased
to farm out the taxes as was done
several thousand years ago; that is,
we have ceased to do it except by
the indirection of a protective tariff.
But we are still openly subletting to
corporations the not less far-reaching
and not less sovereign power of is
suing notes with a view to controll
ing and profiting by the circulation
of money.
If we perpetuate this system we
perpetuate in a few hands the power
of controlling the people, and we
make it certain that in the future, as
nor-L the wealth of the people will be
diverted from its natural channels to
increase - the importance of a small
plutocratic class which is without
doubt the element most menacing to
the peace and stability of our Gov
ernment.
When it is remembered that the
immediate cause for this movement
jn favor of local inflation through the
issue of private notes as money un
der authority granted to corporations
by the States is a determination to
force the contraction of the National
currency, to prevent the coinage of
silver, to make gold the sole money of
National and interstate account, and
to convert the silver money now in
circulation as cash from an asset of
the people into a liability, a part of
the National debt to be redeemed in
gold raised by taxation on the people,
it is possible to have some idea of
the audacity of this conspiracy ; of
the skill the men engaged in it; of
the immense importance of the is
sues involved in it, and of the abso
lute necessity that those who would
maintain popular liberties should
mass themselves to resist at any cost
the success of a desperate undertak
ing which, if successful, would result
in incalculable injustice and oppres
sion.
If the Democrats of the valley al
low their flank to be turned by the
plutocrats at Boston and Wall street;
if they surrender the principle of a
bimetallic currency, freely coined;
if they fall in with the Northeastern
plutocratic policy of contraction of
the National currency; if they sell
the birthright of the people for the
concession of getting into local cir
culation a lot of stuff counterfeiting
money and passing as money with
the ignorant, though under the Fed
eral Constitution a wagon load of it
cannot be to pay a dollar of
the enormous debt we owe to the
Northeast—if this is to be done and
the sovereignty of the people is to
be delegated to corporations which
with such a delegation will be the
people’s masters, then we will have
in the United States such a condition
of complete collapse and ruin as will
show what folly it is to try to divorce
finance from common sense and com
mon justice.
The Struggle for Gold.
Atlanta Constitution.
In discussing the financial situa
tion the other day, the Constitution
undertook to show that the root and
basis of the whole trouble is to be
found in the fact that gold is con
stantly increasing in value. We un
dertook to show that the disturbance
in Wall street, in London, in Ger
many, and wherever the single gold
standard is supreme, marks another
step in the upward movement of
gold and in the downward move
ment of all other values.
The constantly increasing value of
gold is the natural and inevitable re
sult of the struggle that is going on
among the European nations for its
possession. This struggle is not a
mere matter of commercial rivalry.
It goes further and strikes deeper. It
is in the nature of a contest against
the forces of bankruptcy.
Let us see what these forces con
sist of. Take the case of individuals
first. ■ There are, say, a dozen per
sons who debts falling due amount
ing in the aggregate to $1,200,000.
These debts are payable in gold, but
the only available supply of gold
amounts to $300,000. There will, of
course, be a constant struggle on the
part of each of these individuals to
secure a sufficient amount of gold
to maintain his credit and pay his
debts. In order to secure it, each
individual would fre willing to pay a
stiff premium, and this premium, en
hanced by competition, constitutes
the increased and increasing value of
the only available debt paying com
modity.
The illustration we have given is
intended to simplify and make clear
the real condition of affairs that ex
ists to-day among the European na
tions that recognized gold only as
the money of final payment. We
invite the careful attention of our
readers to the figures we shall lay
before them. These figures have
been gathered from official sources
by Mr. James H. Monroe, and w r ere
recently presented in the Financial
Record:
In 1850, all Europe had a circu
lation of $355,000,000 in paper in
excess of their metallic reserve. In
1860, the excess had more than
doubled. In 1870, it had risen to
$1,215,000,000 ; in 1880, to $1,458,-
000,000, and in 1890 to $1,754,
000,000.
We ask the thoughtful reader to
ponder and digest these remarkable
figures. They constitute not the
paper currency of Europe, but the
excess over and above the reserve
of both gold and silver. Since 1890
all these nations, with the exception
of France, have ceased to recognize
silver as money of final payment.
Their notes are redeemable only in
gold.
In 1890, the European banks had
only $754,000,000 in gold. Deduct
from this the $224,000,000 held by
France, and but $530,000,000 is left
in all the other countries of Europe.
Excluding France, which recognizes
silver as debt-paying money, the pa
per notes in circulation in 1890 ag
gregated $2,462,000,000, while the
the banks had only $530,000,000 of
gold with which to redeem them—
the excess of paper notes over gold,
the money of final payment, being
One Thousand, Nine Hundred and
Thirty-Two Millions ! This showing
is enough to make some of the ad
vocates of “sound money” shiver in
their boots. But this is not the
whole of it. We must now consider
the case of the United States. By
the Harrison policy, which was inau
gurated by Charles Foster, and ■which
is still in operation, our silver notes
and even the silver warehouse re
ceipts of 1890 are redeemable only
in gold, and the statement is freely
made by the goldolators that the sil
ver dollars are kept at par because
they are redeemable in gold. To all
intents and purposes this is a fact.
The Harrison policy recognizes gold
only as the money of final payment,
and all our currency notes are re
deemable in gold only. Let us see
where we stand with respect to our
ability to redeem these notes in gold.
On the first of May, according to
the treasury statement, the United
States had in circulation gold certi
ficates, silver certificates, treasury
notes of 1890, United States notes,
currency certificates of 1872, and
national bank notes to the amount of
$1,063,186,290, and the treasury
held for the redemption bf these
•notes a fraction over $100,000,000 in
gold.
In other words, the nations using
the single gold standard have $>630,-
000,000 of gold with w’hich to re
deem a paper debt of $3,525,000,000 !
A trifle over half a billion of gold
with which to redeem Three and a
Half Billions of paper notes!
Is it any wonder that the value of
gold increases constantly some
times with a sudden jump that peo
ple call a panic? Is it any wonder
that productive industry finds its
profits absorbed in this contraction
of values ? That the prices of all
products of human labor are falling ?
That debts and interest are increas
ing in value ? That prosperity is
brought to a standstill? That the
great arteries of commerce, the rail
roads, are in ticklish condition ? That
all forms of industry and all sorts of
enterprises are seriously if not disas
trously affected ?
There is nothing strange nor mys
terious about it. In the financial
history of the world there cannot be
found an exception to the rule that
low and falling prices and declining
values produce depression and stag
nation.
Until now, by reason of our recog
nition of silver, this country has
managed to escape the stagnation
and depression that is driving the
starving populations of the single
gold standard nations into anarchy
and socialism, but the Harrison
policy of redeeming the silver notes
in gold has demonetized our silver
dollars and the people of this coun
try will have an opportunity—unless
the Harrison policy is repudiated—of
facing the conditions that have aided
in pauperizing every European coun
try except France, which, next to
the United States, has the most pros
perous population on the globe.
Sane or Insane.
Dr. M. G. Ellzey, in National Watchman.
Certain editors keep by them some
pet-phrazes ready at moment’s notice
to be trotted out when facts are lack
ing and arguments fail. Sane and
Insane are a highly valued pair of
such epithets which have been to
many a doughty knight of the quill,
buckle and shield and sword. When
unable to cope with the arguments
of an antagonist and incapable of
seeing their w r ay through the ques
tion, it is so very easy to write the
adversary down insane. Those capa
ble of reading between the lines fail
not, however, to perceive that as
often as the able editor thus writes
his adversary down a lunatic he
writes himself down an ass. To
your stump orator the sole source of
his misinformation and malinspira
tion is your “great daily.” He is
but a brassy echo of the able editor.
Like the poor boy whom the evil
spirit tormented, oftiimes he foameth
at the mouth and teareth himself in
the midst of his frenzy. When
such a fellow denounces what he
knows nothing about, and is not
capable of understanding, as a wild
lunacy and dangerous heresy, what
of it ? To hear such a person de
nouncing a sensible and honest man
as a silver lunatic calls forth pity
and contempt. It is known that no
satisfactory legal test of insanity has
been proposed. But there are cer
tain proverbial tests, much relied on.
A man is often judged not to be a
lunatic on the ground that he never
had sense enough to go crazy. And
whenever anybody comes to the con
clusion that everybody else is insane
the evidence is that he is crazy him
self. Just now your able editor is
so overstraining his faculties to de
nounce that insane blunder, the Sher
man law, as to justify apprehensions
in his behalf. Daily he pours out
upon it the thunderous torrents of
his wrath. The only sane thing, he
cries, is for Congress to repeal this
insane blunder at once. But where
abouts is Congress at this moment ?
Hugely indignant is our able editor
that silver continues daily to be
ricked up in the treasury where the
vast and increasing pile is as useless
as so much rusty old iron. True,
Oh, King ’ And why don’t Mr.
Cleveland cause it to be coined and
paid out, and not ricked up like rusty
iron? The Sherman law itself directs
it to be coined at the discretion of
the Secretary. Our able editor con
veniently forgets to remember that
when this Sherman law, base subter
fuge and cowardly makeshift that it
was, became a law, he rather con
gratulated the country upon its pas
sage as being a saner and far safer
measure than free coinage.
President Cleveland alone, and no
body else, is responsible for the con
tinuation of the ricking up process.
He alone, and nobody else, is respon
sible for the existing situation, for
he alone, and nobody else, has the
power to take any effective steps to
remedy what is wrong.
It is the first time in his whole
curiously remarkable career that he
ever had to face any really serious
responsibility, and how does our
much magnified Hercules and heroic
leader meet it? His magnificent
health and astonishing capacity for
work have been heralded to" the
country far and near. How is it
then that at the end of about six
weeks the labor of giving places to
some scores of place mongers and *
place hunters has broken him down
so that we now hear that he is going
to New York on a frolic, and thence
to Chicago to touch a button, and
afterwards to some other place to
seek much needed rest. In the
meantime every promise of the party
remains unfulfilled ; every ante-elec
tion pledge of every kind has been
dishonored ; silver is being daily
ricked up in the treasury ; gold daily
flows out; the “robber tariff ” plun
ders at -will. In the face of a situa
tion thus full of menace and peril
and acute distress the President
abandons his post, hesitates, and re
fuses to summon Congress, and goes
off to hide from duty, and leaves
the country to the events of fortune.
If it is hoped or expected that the
long suffering, often betrayed and de
ceived, but marvellously trustful and
patient people of this country are
going to tolerate such a shameful
abandonment of pledges and duty by
Mr, Cleveland and his party, some
body is the victim of insane delusion.
That ugly events are at hand, who
doubts? From what quarter the
storm will burst forth, who can tell ?
The week began with a forty million
bank failure in India followed by one
of nearly the same size in Australia,
and by the Steelton receivership in
the United States, and now the week
closes with about six million gold
shipments abroad.
It is in the face of such a situation
that silver continues to be ricked up
in the treasury in vast hoards as
useless as rusty old iron. In the face
of such a responsibility the heroic
leader whose magnificent courage
gave a policy to his party wilts up
like a worm on a hot shovel, hesi
tates, vacillates, is at his wits end,
and knows not what to do. The
policy now is, “needs must for the
Devil drives.”
France am! the Monarchies.
Whenever France shows signs of
her ancient potency in European af
fairs, England or Germany manages
to divert the energies of the Republic
by a sudden outbreak in some distant
colony. These tactics have marked
with almost recurring regularity
every recrudescence of French as
cendency since 1876. Just now
France and Russia, with something
like 5,000,000 armed men, are recog
nized as more than a match for the
triple alliance. Thisj attitude is a
menace far graver than war to Eng
land, Italy, and ultimately Austria
and Germany and Spain. Cabinets
and courts all over the continent
have intrigued against the Republic
since 1876, for the definite establish
ment of the democratic principle in
France must eventually result in a
tidal wave of self-government in all
the neighboring States. Bismarck,
in the early e years after the cataclysm
of 1870, encouraged the Republic as
the form of government least threat
ening to the new empire. He counted
upon the party dissension and ex
cesses of former democratic regimes,
until it was seen that the most radi
cal and wrong headed partisans in
France had learned caution if not
wisdom.
It was the intrigue and money of
other States that kept France in the
turmoil that preceded the fall of
Theirs in 1874; that maintained
MacMahon’s bootless struggle with
the Assembly down to 1879; that
compromised the Ferry ministry—
that made Gambetta’s cabinet helpless,
that forced Grcvy’s resignation and
brought on in swift succession the
paralysis of all the cabinets since
Grevy’s fall. England contributed
her part in keeping French states
men at home by concocting colonial
wars in Madagascar, on the banks of
New Foundland, in Dahomey, in
Tonquin, and now she has startled
the Republic by a cunningly con
ceived diversion in the French col
ony of Siam. A horde of freeboot
ing natives, armed by the British,
and it is said officered by them, be
gan operations against the French
commercial outposts, and the first
known of the situation in France is
that the whole colony is in peril.
This continually recurring scheme
has divided French statesmen into
two groups; one favors the relin
quishing of all or most of the foreign
conquests, while the other advocates
a still greater expansion. France’s
foreign possessions are onlv second
to England’s in extent, but are not so
rich or powerful as those of Holland.
The anti-colonists point out that it
was through her vast collonial pos
sessions that Europe and England
brought France to ruin in the "eigh
teenth century. It was in the de
struction of drench armies in India,
Canada and the Caribbean Sea that
Louis XI \ and Louis XV were
brought to bankruptcy and France to
exhaustion. Nearly all the colonies
in America and Asia now under the
British flag were originally civilized
and made habitable by French en
ergy> trench tact, French money,
and, until England stepped in, war
and bloodshed were hardly known in
settling the vast areas now gov
erned by England. The French
missionary and trader were always
more potent in the civilization of bar
barian peoples than French arms,
and it was largely because this peace
ful system succeeded that the French
lost their possessions. For, in every
case, England in time of profound
peace insinuated herself into the
coveted territories.
The people of Wilkes county have
been agitated on the mad dog ques
tion, and the curs have been thinned
out with poison. No dogs are now
allowed at large.