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Road Monopoly has created more of
them than all the other branches of
business combined.
We have no fanner millionaires—
a fact that may be worth digesting at
your leisure.
We have few merchant Millionaires.
■We have scores of manufacturing
Millionaires.
We have many among the Nation
al Bankers.
But it is in the Corporate Monopoly
in its woist form, that we have indi
vidual fortunes climbing up into the
hundreds of millions.
Consider the half dozen men who
have grown so fabulously rich from
the Standard Oil Monopoly—a cor
poration which in its march to power
has committed almost every crime
krown to the Code !
It has subsidized newspapers., cor
rupted the ballot bax, bribed judges,
used Rail Roads as accomplices in
felony, driven individual property
owners to beggary and ruin ; —and
today has its Attorneys in the United
States Senate to guard its interests.
Go read the record of the methods
by which Jay Gould, and Stanford
and Huntingdon, and Vanderbilt
made their fortunes. The story is
ever the same ; Monopoly.
And in nine cases out of ten it is
Rail Road Monopoly.
No nation ever allowed such mag
nificent robbery as we have permitted
to the railroad managers since the
war.
Os the public land, which was paid
for m the money of our tax payers
and in the blood of our soldies, cor
rupt legislators have given these cor
porations an empire of 224,060,000
acres, besides such aids in money as
almost beggar surprise and slupify
indignation !
Special privileges, worth millions
of dollars, have been granted by ser
vile legislatures at the instance of
well paid lobbies Exemption from
taxation, have been voted with cruel
disregard of the rights of other prop
erty owners.
Insolent in the strength of such
wealth, such pdvileges and such con
sciousness of what it can do with our
law makers, the Rail Road Monopoly
defies the Government, oppresses the
laborer, plunders the shipper, dis
trOys a market, rums a city with dis
criminating rates, and utterly bank
rupts the small business if paid, to do
so by the large one.
Not satisfied with their stupendous
power as Rail Road Monopolies; they
are reaching out their octopus arms
to take in other tributaries. They
are partners now with the Standard
Oil Trust, they are the controlling
spirits in the Coal Combine; they are
taking in the mines and the quarries
arid the timber supply. How on
earth is the Government to deal with
corporations so much richer, so much
stronger, so much shrewder, so much
greedier tbact its If.
No law against them can pass the
Senate—for their tools have seats in
that highest of legislative chambers.
No Federal decision will ever be
against them—for they either keep
the sons of the judges employed as
their lawyers (as for instance the son
of Judge Jackson of Tennessee) or
they secure the appointment of their
Attorneys to the Beach—as for in
stance Stanley Mathews, late of the
Supreme Court. He was Jay Gould’s
lawyer.
But not only do they guard their
interests in these directions, but. they
make terms with party managers,
previous to elections, and it is upon
these terms that the campaign boodle
is supplied.
THE DREADFUL FUTURE.
Who does not shrink from a future
dominated by such influences?
What remedy shall we apply ?
The plain simple treatment which
was applied by our fathers to so
many other agencies which were too
dangerous to be trusted to private
individuals —Nationalization I
Let the Government take charge
of these highways of commerce and
operate them for the benefit of all the
people.
In no other way under God’s skies
will you ever do it!
Either you must trust the Govern
ment to operate your Railways, as it
does your Post-oilice, or you must
submit to the financial despotism of
uncontrolable corporations.
And what is true of Rail Road is
likewise true of those iniquitous mo
nopolies, the Express, Telegraph and
Telephone service.
GOVERNS! ENT OWNERSHIP.
To all reflective men, the rail roads
themselves are making out our ease
for us.
C. P. Huntingdon, Jay Gould and
all the other magnates have urged
the benefits of consolidation. They
sav that all the vast rail road in
tersts should be managed from one
central *point, under one central au
thority.
Very well We concede it. But
the blindest citizen can see that if
one corporation controlled every one
of the million men who serve the
rail roads, directed with the unity of
consolidation, every dollar of the
nine billions at which they are capi
talized, held every city, every town,
every individual industry at the
mercy of their tremendous power of
discrimination, menaced every pound
of cotton, every bale of hay, every
bushel of grain, every barrel of pork,
every foot of lumber, every piece of
merchandise, with a centralized and
inaccessible privilege to tax, through
freight and passenger rates :—the
blindest citizen, I say, w'ould appre
ciate the startling truth that onr gov
ernment would be a puny, helpless
rival to such a colossal combination.
It would have a greater patronage
lhau the government, a greater in
tome than the government, and its
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA. GEORGIA. FRIDAY, JULY 7. 1893.
mighty hand, unchecked by popular
votes, unassailable by popular indig
nation, unsympathetic with the
popular needs would take its M all
street greed for its impulse, its unlim
ited stretch of opportunity for its
field, its Pinkerton Mercenaries for
its guards, and would loot this con
tinent, all its States, all its Territo
ries, all its trades, all its professions,
all its cities, towns and hamlets, to
the Vanderbilt motto of
“THE PEOPLE BE DAMNED!”
Not only have they made out our
case for us on the point of consoli
dation, but also on the point of gov
ernment operation. They have fallen
out among themselves, the glutton
ous thieves, and scores of the roads
have been thrown into the hands of
the United States Courts. The gov
ernment is running them.
They have asked the Federal
Courts to take the laborers by the
neck and hold them to the engines.
The courts have done so.
Very stupid is that citizen who
will not conclude that if consolida
tion be a good thing, if' government
management, when asked by the
capitalists, be a good thing, if govern
ment control of the tvdns, engines
and laborers (when asked by the
capitalists) be a good thing—then
government management asked by
the laborers, asked by .he people, is
equally as good a thing, and will
forever settle this eternal strife be
tween unscrupulous corporations and
the subjects of their rapacity.
JEFFERSON OPPOSES STANDING AR
MIES AND NAVIES IN TIME OF
PEACE.
One of those points upon which
Mr. Jefferson most earnestly and
constantly insisted was thjft a large
military and naval establishment, in
time of peace, would be subversive
oi our liberties. He never lost an
opportunity to warn the people
against it. He also opposed the cre
ation of numerous offices and the
extravagant expenditure of public
moneys.
Let me quote from Thomas 11.
Bentoji’s great work, “Thirty Year’s
View
“The total number of men in the
(naval) service in 1841 was a little
over 8,000 ; the total cost about $6,-
000,000.”
Mr. Benton protests against this
naval establishment as altogether too
large and too costly. He shows
how it has been doubled since 1833
in direct opposition to Jefferson’s
views, and the demands of the
country.
The population of the country at
the time Mr. Benton speaks of (184.1)
was 17,500,000.
The Naval establishment cost SB,-
000,000.
To-day our population is 60,000,-
000 and the navy costs us nearly
thirty millions of dollars, and they
are building new battle-ships all the
time.
For twenty-five years we have
had profound peace. The Ocean
waters that surrounded us, and the
teeming millions of our population
make us absolutely secure against
foreign attack. Especially as every
European nation has its enemies at
home, who would profit by such an
opportunity ds an invasion of this
country would furnish.
Then why this eternal building of
battle-ships costing about $5,000,000
each ?
Simply to get upon the same foot
ing of class rule and class power
which prevails in Europe, which
our snobs and cod-fish aristocrats are
trying to copy and which they know
can only be maintained by strong
military equipment.
MODERN ECONOMY.
According to Mr. Benton, the cur
rent expenses of our government
during Jefferson’s administration
were about $3,500,000. The popu
lation was then about 6,000,000.
The cost of covernment was there
fore slightly less than sixty cents
apiece.
“At the end of Monroe’s adminis
tration” (says Mr. Benton) “the ex
penses had risen to $7,000,000.”
This was in 1825. The popula
tion was about 11,000,000. Tiw cost
of government to the people was,
therefore, less than seventy cento
each.
“In the last year of Van Buren’s
administration” (says Mr. Benton)
“they had risen to about $13,000,-
000.”
This was in 1841. The popula
tion was about 17,500,000. The cost
of government was, therefore, about
seventy-five cents per head.
To-day, the regvlar annual ex
penses of carrying on the govern
mental machinery is $400,000,000 !
The population being 60,000,000,
the cost of government is now nearly
secen dollars apiece.
More than ten times in excess of
the Jeffersonian standard, fixed by
Jefferson himself.
Eliminate pensions altogether, and
our expenses are still five times
greater than the Jeffersonian stand
ard, even after allowing for the in
crease of population 1
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, NOT DEM
OCRATIC.
Jefferson, and all the early fathers
of democracy, opposed Internal Im
provements ; and denied the consti
tutionality of the system.
I may remark, *in passing, that
Senator Toombs, of Georgia, always
opposed River and Harbor grabs,
and 1 think Mr. Stephens did also.
In 1871 the River and Harbor
Bill carried $3,445,900.
By 1873 it had reached $5,588,000.
By 1879 it had jumped to $8,000,-
000.
In 1882 it Biiatched $11,451,300.
In 1883 it climbed to $18,738,000.
By 1889 it had reached the alarm
ing size of $22,000,000.
And in 1891 this publican sat in
the 'House of Representatives and
saw the enthusiastic disciples of
Thomas Jefferson take nearly fifty
millions (directly and indirectly)
and dump it into the greedy maws
of contractors and shipping com
panies—to carry out the Internal
Improvements system which Jeffer
son abhorred and condemned!
THE LETTER TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
At the beginning of this Address
I quoted Jefferson’s Inaugural, which
is usually referred to as embracing
his theories of government.
Pardon me for saying that his let
ter to Elbridge Gerry seems to me to
be even more clear, more explicit,
and more admirable.
“I am for preserving to the States
the powers not yielded by them to
the Union. * * * I am for a
government rigorously frugal and
simple; applying all the possible
savings of the public revenue to the
discharge of the public debt; and
not for a' multiplication of officers
and salaries, merely to make parti
sans, and for increasing by every de
vice the public debt. * * * I am
for relying, for internal defence, on
our militia solely, till actual invasion,
and for such naval force only, as may
protect our coasts and harbors from
such depredations as we have expe
rienced : and not for a standing
army in time of peace, which may
overawe public sentiment; nor for a
navy which, by its expenses and the
eternal wars in which it will impli
cate us, will grind us with public
burdens, and sink us under them.
“ I AM FOR FREE COMMERCE WITH
all Nations ; political Connections
with none ; and little or no diplo
matic establishment. I am for
freedom of Religion, * * * and
freedom of the Press, * * * and
1 am for encouraging the progress of
science in all its branches.”
These were his matured views in
1799.
“A Government rigorously frugal
and simple ” : not one which would
give nearly $5,000,000 to a greedy
Chicago Corporation ; spend nearly
$50,000,000 upon Rivers and Har
bors; or donate $8,000,000 annually
as a Bounty to the Millionaire Sugar
Planters
“ I am for applying all possible
savings to the payment of the pub
lic debt ” : not for hunting new ave
nues of waste, so that the public
debt may last forever, and be a per
petual blessing to the favored classes,
while it curses the Tax payers!
“ I am not for the increase of offi
cers and salaries, that partisans may
be made for the Party ” : hence he
would be lost in wonder if he could
see the army of useless officials who
now crowd every department of the
service.
“ I am for relying solely upon the
Militia until actual invasion ” : hence
he would have doubted his ears, hau
he been present in the last House,
when a Committee of enthusiastic
Jeffersonian scholars brought in a
Bill to nationalize all the volunteer
troops, put them under national con
trol, drill them under national direc
tion, and thus raise, indirectly, an
army of 150,000 men, fashioned
upon the model of the German Land
wehr.
'Who defeated that well laid
scheme ? <»
A publican; a sinner: a Populist.
“ I am for such naval force only,
as will guard our coasts and forts.
* * * not for a navy which, by
its expenses and the eternal wars in
which it will implicate us, will grind
us with public burdens, and sink us
under them.”
Oh that the fervid apostles of Jef
fersonianism who are now running
this Government would ponder these
precepts : would cease to build battle
ships and Gunboats at enormous cost
in order that our navy may compare
proudly with Queen Victoria’s or
the Emperor Williams’!
And would never again spend
SIOO,OOO on mere naval display, to
show bow fast we are drifting to im
perialism.
“1 am for Free Commerce with
all nations! ”
Read that, ye ardent enemies of
the McKinley Bill! Read it slowly
and distinctly, and then tell us why
a Tariff passed under Harrison is a
withering curse ; while a Tariff pass
ed under Cleveland will be a sumpt
uous and overflowing blessing?
Tell us why a Tariff of forty-odd
per cent is not as vicious in principle
as one of fifty-odd per cent.
“ I am for little or no Diplomatic
Establishment.”
So speaks the Teacher. How do
the Scholars talk ?
“Give us Ambassadors: give us
Ministers Plenipotentiary, give us
Consulates—give us ail the fat places
Queen Victoria gives her pets. It
will be an eternal shame to the
American taxpayer, if we don’t
spend as much of his money abroad,
idling;, feasting, and parading at for
eign capitals, as is spent by the use
less flunkeys, titled deadbeats and
aristocratic loafers, who wear the
gaudy ciicus-ring uniform of the Di
plomatic Corps of the Kings and
Emperors. ”
For mark yoi\ my masters! When
you once set the dollar mark, as the
stamp of worth, you must obey the
logic of *he rule you make.
In any age where riches outweigh
character, the dress and the style of
living will decide the status of the
man. The uniform becomes more
important than the wearer : the hat
more influential than the head it
covers.
It is upon this line of reasoning,
that the scholars of Jeffersou have
adopted the Diplomatic System of
Europe, and with their Ambassadors,
royal receptions, and brilliant display
at foreign Courts, will prove their
veneration for Jefferson’s creed by
trampling it under their feet!
GO BACK TO OLD LAND MARKS.
Thus, Fellow Citizens, have I en
deavored to outline the principles of
the great friend of popular govern
ment, Thomas Jefferson.
On this day it is always appropri
ate to do so.
At this stage in the history of our
government, it seems peculiarly im
portant to do so.
For it does seem to me that the
old land marks of government of the
people, are being covered by new
doctrines and newer practices.
Surely no man wants a moneyed
aristocracy established in the land—
no class tyranny, no corporation rule.
“Resist the beginnings” is the pre
cept of profound wisdom, and at no
time did it ever deserve more atten
tion.
“A little patience, and we shall
see the reign of witches pass over,
their spells dissolved, and the peo
ple recovering their true sight, res
toring their government to its true
principles! ”
So wrote Jefferson in 1798, when
he was gathering all his strength to
rally the. people against the Federal
ist forces of Hamilton.
“A little patience, and the witches
of the night shall pass away ! ”
V e thank thee, O, spirit of the
mighty dead, for the prophecy—and
its fulfillment.
For Jefferson teas patient, endured
the storm of hatred, and the tempest
of passion, trod the fiery furnace of
piteless persecution, marshalled the
hosts of the plain common people and
led them in serried array against the
would-be aristocrats, the pampered
classes, the fatteners upon special
privilege !
And when the morning of the
nineteenth century approached, as the
year 1860 came rolling up, the sun
light was upon it; the foul witches
of the night had passed away, and
victory lit with its golden splendor
the advancing spears of triumphat
Democracy !
Then followed the sweeping away
of parts of Hamilton’s system; Inter
nal Revenue abolished, Army and
Navy cut down, offices diminished,
expenditures retrenched ; and the
way blazed out by which stern old
Andrew Jackson, who had taken the
farmers and their squirrel rifles and
troyed the veterans N c? at
New Orleans, should organize those
same farmers, and lead them to the
utter route of a still deadlier foe—-
the National Banks.
They refused to hear Jefferson on
the Slavery question, .and another
war came.
Then once more th au sea laid
their plans. Once more the old
game was played of buying up paper
money, and funding it into Bonds;
of destroying the currency of the
government to make way for the
money of the Bankers; for establish
ing National Banks to enjoy special
favors, to exercise tyranny over busi
ness, to coin fortunes at the expense
of the public, to corrupt elections and
dictate politics.
Jefferson and his immediate fol
lowers destroyed the National Banks
once. Jacksoj* destroyed them next.
Now they are here again—vultures
that have followed upon the track of
war—sweeping down upon the fields
made dessolate by conflict—to feast
and fatten upon the disasters of the
Fatherland !
Who shall deliver us from this
body of death? *
Who shall drive away the trooping
hoards of Federalism, of class legis
lation which once more have seized
our citadel and are rioting upon our
substance ?
The patriot citizen is bowed with
grief—filled with alarm and doubtful
of the future.
“A little patience, and the witches
of the night shall pass away and the
people will turn once more to the
true principles of their government.”
God grant it!
This publican yields no man in
his love for the Republic; in his ven
eration for the creed of its founders;
in his confidence that no class Rule
will blight forever the prospect of
popular government.
I believe in the Jeffersonian creed
with all my heart, and think that all
the aims of good government can be
covered by that one sentence.
EQUAL AND AXACT JUSTICE TO ALL
MEN !
To the rich and to the poor, to the
farmer and the merchant; to the
Banker and the miner; to the scholar
and the ditcher. And I emphasize
here what 1 have been so misrepre
sented and blamed for saying before,
that this Republic will never reach
its true grandeur as long as a dead
line is drawn between one section
and another, one color and another.
I yield to no man in my pride of
race. I believe the Anglo-Saxon is
stronger, in the glorious strength of
conception and achievement, ihan
any race of created men. But from
my very pride of race springs my
intense scorn of that phantasm, man
ufactured by the political boss, and
called “ Negro domination” ’
Socially, I want no mixing of
races. It is best that both should
preserve the race integrity by stay
ing apart. But when it comes to
matters of law and justice, I despise
the Anglo-Saxon who is such an in
fernal cbward as to deny legal rights
to any man on account of his color
for fear of “Negro domination.”
“ Dominate” what ? “ Dominate”
how ? “ Dominate” who ?
It takes Intellect to dominate:
haven’t we got it?
It takes Majorities to dominate:,
haven’t we got them ?
It takes Wealth to dominate:
haven’t we got it ?
It takes social, financial, legisla
tive, military, naval, ecclesiastical
and educational establishments to
dominate: haven’t we got them ?
For a thousand years the whites,
the Anglo-Saxons, have had all these
advantages. Armed "with the gar
nered wealth of ten centuries, equip
ped with all the mental advantages
of school systems hoary with age;
holding all the land, all the avenues
of commerce, all the sources of polit
ical power, outnumbering the blacks
eight to one, and continually gaining
on them, what words can paint the
cowardice of the Anglo-Saxon who
would deny “equal and exact jus
tice” to the ignorant, helpless, pov
erty-cursed Negro in whose ears the
clauk of chains have scarcely ceased
to sound—upon the ground that he
feared
“ Negro domination.”
Away with such contemptible tim
idity of counsel!
For twenty-five years the Eastern
democracy has whipped Southern
and Western democracy into repul
sive positions by the threat of help
ing Republicans “ put the Negro
over us!”
In the name of common sense, let
us throw off this yoke and be men.
No power on this earth will ever
reverse the decree of God!
For these convictions I have bat
tled and have suffered. In their be
half I am ready to battle and suffer
again.
1 have an abiding faith in the
triumph of reason, of truth; and
the day will not fail to come when
the people of Georgia will appreciate
my motives, and do justice to my
work.
My enemies have pursued me with
a bitterness which made no allow
ance for honesty of conviction ; and
which has sought in every way to
make life unendurable. They have
given me many a bitter hour because
of the difficulties they threw in my
way, and of opponents they arrayed
against me even among those I was
trying to serve.
Ail this they have done, and they
are proud of it.!
But one thing they have not
done—nor will they ever do !
They have not planted one doubt
in my soul, one fear in my heart, nor
one recreant w >rd upon my lips !
With whatever strength it pleases
God to give me, the future shall find
me where past has put me, in the
vanguard of those who love Jeffer
son’s creed, and who denounce those
that surrender it.
The work that I did, somebody
had to do. The abuse I took, some
body had to incur. The losses I
have sustained, somebody had to
dare.
I did the work, took the abuse,
risked the loss; and I am proud
of it !
Proud of my record, proud of my
principles, proud of my friends !
Four years ago, the plain people
took me up, and bade me carry their
cause to the front, and plant their
banner where the fight was heaviest
As sacredly as man ever achieved
a task, I tried to perform mine.
At that time, the cause was ascen
dant and all men could see its merits.
To-day it struggles for existence,and
some of the very men it pushed to
power can see uo good to come out
of that Nazareth.
Comrades! Here is one man who
honors you to-day more highly than
in the hours of your greater prosper
ity, and who will share to the last
whatever fortune comes to you.
Right is everlastingly right. Wrong
is eternally wrong. No shifting of
electoral success can alter a princi
ple, and that man who flies the field
and abandons the cause at the ap
proach of danger and at the discour
agements of defeat, is at heart a piti
ful coward or an infamous renegade!
To-day—Jefferson’s day—let us
pledge ourselves anew to the holy
mission of bringing back the Govern
ment to the old landmarks. •
Let us go hence with new fires of
purpose blazing in our hearts!
Let our hopes, our labors all be
consecrated to the work for better
government and juster laws.
And the prayer of this Publican is
for a new era in the affairs of the
Republic; a reign of the best men
and the best laws, to the end that the
land may be blessed; that industry
may prosper in all her fields, com
merce in all her marts; that honesty
may be cherished in all her rulers,
justice in all her courts, equity in all
her statutes, purity in all her temples
and happiness dwell in all her homes.
If you are a People’s party man,
you should subscribe for The Peo
ple’s Party Paper.
r ii• 'H Tina
L_._^ 5 _.__Lt-_ =: ,
IT FOLLOWS AFTER X>
—a disordered liver—that you’re subject to
attacks of cold or chills 041 slight exposure.
You get “tired” easily. The feeling is ac
companied bv a “ tired ” digestion, which fails
to assimilate’the food. This often results in
what we call Indigestion or Biliousness.
Dr. Pierce’s Pleasant Pellets rouse the liver
to vigorous action, and this in tsirn starts the
machinery of the body into activity. Liver,
stomach and bowels feel the; tonic effect, ana
in consequence the entire system is invigo
rated. The processes become self-regulating,
and a reserve force is stored up against ex
posure to disease.
If you're too thin, too weak or nervous, it
must be that food assimilation is wrong.
This is the time to take Pleasant Pellets.
They permanently cure Constipation, Sour
Stomach, Dyspepsia, Sick or Bilious Head
ache, Dizziness and Jaundice.
Catarrh cured by using Dr. Sage’s Remedy.
$25 GOLD WATCH FOR sl.
If you want any kind of a
watch—Gold for si, Silver one
for 50 cents, or a Nickel one
for 25 cents ? write to us at once.
DON,T SEND ANY MONEY
till you write to us. Address
BARNES BReS., Raleigh, N. C.
DENTAL NOTICE,
DR. J. M. REESE,
THOMSON, - GA.,
Graduate of the Dental De
partment Southern ’ Medical
College.
Invites the Patronage of the people of
McDuffie-and surrounding Counties.
W>T. FLUKER & SON,
Machinery and Repair Shop,
Washington, Georgia,
Office ou Main Street Near the Square.
We Repair, Sell and Manufacture all
Kinds trf
MACHINERY.
We also manufacture the celebrated
FLUKER GIN,
We make a specialty of Gin work
A new and perfect assort
ment of
BRASS GOODS,
PIPING, INJECTORS,
PACKING, Etc.,
Just received and to be sold cheap.
J.F.WATSOH
THOMSON, GEORGIA,
Invites the people of McDuffie and
surrounding counties to call and ex
amine his
STOCK OF GOODS
Before purchasing elsewhere. They
will find everything usually kept in a
general store.
School Books, Literature and
Stationery a Specialty.
J. F. WATSON,
—MAIN STREET,—
THOMSON, - - GEORGIA,
tll —<
HAVING RECEIVED MY
Spring and
Summer
Stock,
I am now ready to supply my
People’s party friends with any
thing: found in a general mixed
Stock, comprising
Boots, Shoes,
Dry Goods, Notions,
Sugars, Coffees,
Flour, Meal,
and everything wanted in a
family.
I will guarantee to save any pur
chaser ten per cent in Boots and
Shoes against any ho”se in town ex
cept People’s party stores.
JULE C, WATSOBT,
Thomson, Ga.
' DR. J. N. CLIATT.
Having located in Thomson
for the practice of medicine, I
am prepared to answer calls
at any distance ; no difference
between day and night charges.
I also keep at the stand of J.
F. Watson, a small stock of
Drugs and Toilet Articles.
• J. N. CLIATT, M. D.
BUSINESS IS BUSINESS I
J. A. KENDRICK’S STORE,
SHARON, GEORGIA,
Is Headquartersfor Everybody.
The Finest Stock of
General Merchandise
In Taliaferro County,
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