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THE RELIGIOUSjOUTLOOK IN FRANCE. *
By Paul Sabatier.
A tout seigneur tout honneur, says
our ’irovorb, and I propose to show
first the outlook in the Roman Oath
olio Church, tha Church of tha im
mense majority of the French. How
ever, I cannot begin without chron
icling a Protestant event which is
making a date in our
Your readers doubtless know that
when, in 1802, Napoleon I, concluded
his famous Concordat with the Ho
man Church, he took up an analo
gous position towards other forms of
worship, and, in the name of the
State, reorganized the Reformed
and the Lutheran churches.
One easily comprehends how pow
erfully this measure might contribute
to religious pacification, but, on tha
other hand, it is clear that by it the
churches lost a part of their liberty
of action. Soma or the pastors of
1802, who had lived when it wm a
crime punishable by law to hold
meetings in tha desert, forgot their
mission a little in the joy at taking
rauk in official ceremonies, and acted
more as functionaries of the Govern
ment than as servants of the Church.
From 1802 to 1872, deapite many
feeble desires of reaction, no one Os
the successive goversments in ou r
country dared to reconsider that
which was done by Napoleon I.; but
neither did any consent to give to
Protestantism its essential vital or.
gans—namely, its provinical ana gen
eral synods (I speak here only of the
Reformed Church, to which four
fifths of the Protestant population of
France belong).
In 1872, on the morrow of our
national disasters, it seemed as if the
Protestant Church were about to re.
conquer its autonomy. The Govern,
meat authorized the convocation of
a General Synod, which met at Faris.
The result of that sitting was de
plorable. The two tendencies in the
Church—the orthodox and the lib
eral—clashed. The orthodox people
(the Right), being slightly in the
majority, sought to impose a Con
fession of Faith on their brethren of
the Left. The latter revolted nois
ily, not so much because of tha dpe
tr nes put forth in the Confession of
Faith as because the others sought
o impose them. This Synod, which
ought to have given again to the en
tire Fro test ant family its center and
i-3 unity, seemed instead to have
crystallized the division. The ortho
dox party organized itself as if it
alone were the entire Church, the
liberal party did the same; and some
chagrined souls prophesied that the
separation was definitive and irrem.
oaHabla. But out of the excess of
evil God brought good. On both
sides there has been weakening and
lesseaing; the orthodox soon finding
that the house they had built was
doubtless quieter after the departure
of the turbulent liberals (who were
wont to receive ccmpromiting visits
and to drees unecclesiasticaily); but
on the other band, the house had
become dull; one saw mature mon
stray away more and more in paths
whore they would meet the scape
grace children of liberalism. The
latter, on their side, grew to man
hood, and remembered with a tear
of rogret those who had once scourg
ed them. I ignore—or rather choose
to ignore—the question whether,
from a dogmatic point of view, the
Synod of 1872 was justified: from a
heart-point of view it was not. The
heart finally triumphed.
In June, 1895, the General Assem
bly of Delegates of the Liberal Re
formed Churches invited the Right
(the orthodox) to fraternal confer
ences. In November the Assembly
of the Orthodox accepted the in vita
tion, and it was decided that the
reunions should take place in No.
veinbor, 1896, at Lyons. They have
just occurred, and the result has gut"
pamd the expectations of the most
optimistic.
At this time I will not enter into
the details of the resolutions adopted
I want only to indicate the enthusi
asm manifested. All the decisions
were unanimously adopted. There
were about two hundred and eight
delegates.
This is a great event. We should
deceive ourselves if we thought -it
the end of a mere family quarrel; in
reality this reunion of two tendencies
proves that French Protestantism is
at last rescued and reconquered.
The persecutions before 1789, the
imperial protection, the mischiefs of
the succeeding governments, had
ended by taking from our Church a
part of her vigor. Happy te have
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GA.. JANUARY 22, 1897.
something like liberty, she had not
dared proudly to unfnrl the Gospel
banner. That which thrilled all
hearts at Lyonais the fact that hence
forth we shall have the consciousness
of moral growth and force; the grain
of mugtard-seed has entered upon its
future and the duties devolving
upon it.
The outlook for Catholicism in
Franca has been, indeed, completely
modified in these latter days. Dur
ing twenty years (1870-1890) it
might have been thought that there
was a duel to the death between the
Roman Church and the new Govern
ment which France had given her
self. All the pulpits of our country,
from the greatest to the smallest,
were transformed into political trib
unes, from which only maledictions
and slanders of the government, and
appeals to revolt, were heard.
The word Catholic was in that
period a synonym es Royalist. Most
priests considered the introduction
of the tri-colored flag as profanation.
When ths 14th of July was declared
a national holiday, a vast number of
official reports were made concern
ing priests who had locked their
churches rather than permit the mu
nicipalities to decorate the church
clock-tower with the national flag on
the national fete.
Maiters ware in this condition
when, in 1891, the Republic crushed
the famous Boulanger conspiracy, a
conspiracy countenanced by the
clergy and by all the discontented.
The result proved that the Republic
was well and duly seated, and that
those who sought to overthrow it
would only loose their time.
Fancy the astonishment of Franca
when the Pepe instructed the epis
copate that henceforth it would be
forbidden to combat the form of gov
ernment. Both clergy and people
saw in this an invitation to give their
adhesion to the Republic.
This brusque change, and' the
unanimity with which the bishops of
France conformed to the instructions
of Rome—did not these things throw
a notable light on the state cf Cath
olicism ? Here were a hundred
bishops and thousands of priests, a
part of whose life had been devoted
to fight the government. Suddenly
it pleased the Roman pontiff to make
a sharp turn, and immediately those
men did the same; they caused the
Marseillaise to be played, and flung
out the national banner alongside the
pontifical, aye,aven in the sanctuaries!
Ono must be a Catholic to understand
how conscience permitted iu 1890
that which it had forbidden in 1889.
Catholic apologists &re always re
peating that the papal infallibility
proclaimed by the last Council hss
only to do with dogma and morale;
here, however, it had to do with
neither one nor the other, but solely
with a question of Surely
the unanimity with which the Cath
olic clergy attacked the Republic was
not more troubling or dangerous
than the unanimity with which it ac
cepted the Republic. Its resistance,
like its submission, was the obedience
to an order from outside.
But why do people persist in say
ing that the Papacy has changed it 8
attitude because, after indirectly aid
ing Boulanger’s abominable venture,
it now comes rallying to the Repub
lic? The reply is simple. For
twenty six years Rome has been the
capital of- Italy. Except certain
sacristy-rats, there is not an intelli
gent Italian who would go back to
the old, order of things. The ques
tion has been settled by the will of
the valiant Italian people, too little
known, alas! in Europe and else
where. During the years which the
future Leo XIII. passed at the head
of the diocese of Perugia, he came
into contact with a people the most
Catholic of any in Italy, yet could
assure himself that, despite their re
ligious submission to the Apostolic
See, they would never dream of re
storing its temporal power. Never
theless, iu Vatican circles the ques.
tion which takes precedence of all
others is that of the possession of
Rome. To prevent Italy’s enjoying
her conquest in peace, the Vatican
would employ the most Macohiavel
ian proceedings; it would ally itself
with the Turk if the Turk would
only disturb the new kingdom.
In lending his support to the Gov
ernment of th’c French Republic, the
Pope. forced that Government
towards a certain reserve. A dis
possessed sovereign, he appealed to
those chivalrous ssatinienta which
rise to easily in our land. Than the
Vatican press turned towards Italy,
and made much of the manifestations
of those sentiments. AU that the
French said about a venerable ruler is
worth much to the Roman pontiff,
whoever he may be; the clericals try
to fancy that the French have said
these things to a temporal sovereign-
By the thousand methods by which
the priests mold public opinion,
Catholic Italy has been almost per
suaded that France frowns on the
occupation of Rome.
What shall we say of this policy
of a child of Italy ? Every year,
when the anniversary of his corona
tion return?, he is carried in triumph
through the crowd of invited guests
filling his palace, and when he ap
pears in his glory, an immense cfy
rises, “Long live the pope-king!
Down with Italy!” I was present in
1895, a«id I saw two foreign cirdinais
marching at the head of the proces
sion, and trembling with cold, per
haps, but I prefer to believe with
shame, on account of the cries of hate
against a country which is, neverthe
less, that of poor Joachim Pecci.
It is, then, an alliance against his
country which the Pope would con
clude with France. Is is necessary
for me to add that it will fail?
Simple and good people, who be
lieved that the adhesion of the
Catholic clergy to the Republic was
sincere, are already edified. The
clergy may cry, “Long live the Re
public!” but they add to themselves,
“On condition that it become cleri
cal.”
For a long time the clerical news
papers have been loudly demanding
the protection of the Common Law.
With this platform they have had a
certain success with the liberals who
are numerous in all political camps.
Here is Catholic France called to
Rheims by Cardinal Langenieux to
celebrate the centenary of Clovis’
baptism. Throughout tha long weeks
pious lay-folk, high and low clergy,
monks of all colors, and Christian
Socialists have held solemn services
which throw a singular light on the
state of the Catholic .party; Now,
the conclusion which wc must draw
from these manifestations is that, if
these people would use the Republic
for their profit, there is nothing but
to. bid good-by to our most elemen
tary liberties. For it has been already
declared that tha Catholic Apostolic
and Roman Church is not an ordin
ary society, because God has confided
to it his storehouse of religious, moral
and political truths. It must there
fore be treated befittingly. In a w-'.-li
organized State, it has a right not
only to liberty, but also to privilege.
Its teachings, its worship, its proces
sions, and ail its manifestations ought
to be protected at need by the secu
lar arm. Thus it is that, in the year
of grace 1896, in cur beautiful land
of France, the clergy long for the
return of the Inquistion and of ma
terial coercion in matters of faith.
The frankness of the delegates at
Rheims commands our gratitude.
Their words have been heard, and
the lesson will be of profit to an im
mense number of Frenchmen, whe>
without finding that everything has
been perfect since 1789,- are not yet
weary as liberty.
May this lesson serve to warn
others also. The Atnsrican prelates
whom I had the hofior to see at
Rome resembled those cf the P.ip?J
court hardly more than in costume.
Their carriage, their eyes, were de
ferent; their hearts, their consciences,
their wills, had not struggled through
the same paths. I shall always re
member the long conversation which
I had with one of them. He had
taken hold of my arm, which he
pressed almost with violence, and
measuring his palor with great strides,
repeated in his stranger Italian: “Zet
non sipuo immaginare quanto quei
cardinali sono erctini" (You can’t
imagine how many cardinals are
idiots), and he narrated all the secular
abuses of which the Court of Rome
is still the dwelling-place, in spite of
the measures of Leo XIII. He told
me of the odyssey of a northern
bishop, who had come to pay his visit
waiting for eighteen days
in antechambers without being able
to be received by the Holy Father.
At last a pitying diplomat (who also
told me abaut this) advised him to
buy three tobacco-boxes, one of gold
and two of silver, and to leave them
forgetfully on the chimney-pieces of
Monsignor X, of Monsignor Y, and
of Monsignor Z, It iyas so done,
and the day after the bishop pros
trated himst ls at the feet of the Sov
ereign Pontiff.
Another time I will speak to yoa
about the situation of Catholism. The
picture will be almost luminous, for
there are admirable characters among
our French clergy; and later I will
discuss the Protestants asd tha new
life which stems to auirqate our
churches.—The Outlook.
AN APPEAL
To The Populists of The United
State 8>
We are to be congratulated upon
the growth of our party and the fact
that in the recent election nearly half
the voters of the Union indorsed
much of our platform. No party
ever achieved more brilliant success
in so brief a time. * Although handi
capped in the late we
emerge from the contest stronger
than ever. Our party alone has a
voting force larger than that which
elected Lincoln and an able, effective
reform press of nearly two thousand
papers. We elected several governors
as well as hundreds of other State,
county, and town officials. We hold
the balance of power in the United
States senate and have four times as
many congressmen as ever before.
We united" with the silver forces in
the recent campaign,—not because
we believe free coinage of silver is
the solution of the financial problem,
bat because it would better existing
conditions, would meet with the least
resistance and become the entering
wedge tor our main issue, viz,, full
legal tender paper money, issued and
regulated by ths government alone.
Having proved our loyalty at the
polls, wo are free to act separately
on advanced lines and to emphasize
the real issues our party was born to
advocate. We cannot in honor lay
down our arms and cease our activity
until the war for which we enlisted
had ended in victory for our cause.
The Democratic party proposes to
continue the silver fight Two parties
cannot exist on the same issues. The
greater absorbs the smaller. There
fore, if we remain mere camp follow
ers of another party, disintegration
will result. Our party success alone
forced the Democrats to adopt the
Chicago platform and, nominate a
Popacrit for President. Converts
made by party regularity cannot’ be
trusted with the reforms of the future.
DEMOCRATS TRIED TO ABSORB THE
populists;
While chairman of the Chicago
branch of our executive committee
daring the campaign, imy contract
with the chairmen of the Democratic
State committees revealed to ma the
fact that in many cases they .were
more anxious to elect their' State
tickets and absorb the Populists than
they were for the success of Bryan
and the Chicago platform, but this
does not apply to the chairman and
officers of tho National Committee
We are not Dem aerate and cannot
be classed as such. We simply united
for a single campaign. The Demo
cratic party is but the rear guard of
our own. We do not stand for re
demption money, but for a scientific
dollar, kept invariable by proper re
gulation of the money volume. Then
why should a high sohocl graduate
re-enter the intermediate grade? Our
grander achievements are in tho
future, if ,We inspire the people
through separate party action with
our chief issues, and hold our forces
together by taking the lead which be
longs to us in pressing to Buecass the
reforms of the day.
The millions of -converts to'silver
during the recent campaign must ad
vance. They will not remain where
they are. We must educate them
up to the main issue, and the Jime to
do it is now, not just before a presi
dential election. We must also hold
the Democratic party to its present
position or compel it to advance.
SEPARATE PARTE ACTION PROPOSED.
History teaches that to achieve
conservative results, a radical position
must be taken. The eubstutition of
our main plank for a subordinate one
as the fighting issue of the next four
years, is in line with the best senti
ment of our party and requires no
change of front, no abandonment Os
principle, no new platform. The
main, army merely moves us to oc
cupy the position held by the skirmish
line.
President Cleveland supplies us
with frash incentive for renewed
effort, in his official demand for the
retirement of the greenbacks and the
issue and control of paper money
(except coin certificates) by the
banks. Senator Quay say a this should
be made an issu , by the Republicans
and advocates tho substitution of
United States note?, payable in gold,
for the greenbacks.
Here we have a living issue with
both wings of the gold forces, which
brings our main question to the front
—Shall the paper money of ths
country be issued and regulated by
the people or by the banks? This
will precipitate a hot‘debate nr Con
gress that will focus public attention
upon the relative merits of scientific
and redemption money, which will
become the absorbing question of the
day, just as the silver movement fol-
lowed the silver debate a year ago,
and will afford our sentinels in con
gress an opportunity to measure the
true attitude ot the silver, Demo
cratic, and republican leaders, on an
issue vital to our party and the wel
fare of the country, and to determine
to what extent our recent allies can
ba depended upon.
Again, the fact that the railroad,
telegraph, and telephone companies
became the willing tools of a cam
paign committee in the recent elec
tion furnishes us with another striking
argument for the government owner'
ship of these great monopolies. We
are not a free people so long as they
can be utilized for campaign pur
poses in the interest- of trusts and
combines.
The proposed retirement of iltt|
greenbacks and the discussion of th|
Pacific Ra lroad question will bring
before Congress the two strongest
measures of cur platform; and what
ever issues the other parties may
adopt, the logic of events will so
force upon both congress and the
people the consideration of these
meaeures as to overshadow ’ll others)
and win to our thousands of
voters from both the Republican and
Democratic parties.
LIVING ISSUES FOR THE PEOPLE.
These are living issues upoii which
we shall grow. The urgent necessity
for them will appeal to the people,
groaning under the weight of “Mc-
Kinley prosperity,” “restored confi
dence,” and the enforced idleness and
extreme poverty attending them.
They appeal with equal force to the
business man, coirc-d by tho banks;
to the wage earner, the halpless vic
tim of corporations; and to th&farmer,
cursed with mortgages and extor
tionate freight rates. They are issues
free from tho charge of mercenary
motives, to enrich a portion of our
constituency.
Let us act with patriotism, courage,
and sagacity. Let us lose no time
If any lack incentive, it will ba found
in the intense suffering everywhere
and in the increasing arrogance, law
lessness, and heartlessness -of the
trusts and monopolies. Against their
power we put principle; agaiusi their
money wo match manhood, and urge
afl Populists to continue this contest
during the next four years and then
hold an early natio’nal convention, to
strike ths key note of the next presi
dential campaign, or, if desirable
establish 'an honorable alliance on
leading issues.
I also suggest that a national con
ference of party leaders and workers
be hold as soon sb practicable, that
wq-may have a full and free expres
sion of opinion regarding our future
work, We hope, therefore, that tho
reform press will give the fullest pos
sible exposition of their views on this
important subject; and our friends
are invited to write mo or our na
tional chairman,expressing their iaaas
on the independent party action here
in proposed.
Shall we march to victory under
our own banner, or continue as strag
glers under anothet?
George F. Washburn.
Member People’s .Party National
Executive Committee.
Boston, Mass., Jan. 11, 1897.
PITY FOB THE POOR.
With Protectionists it Takes the Form
es Taxing His Necessit as.
The McKinley politicians and mo
nopoly organs are opposed to revenue
taxes to meet the treasury’s deficit.
Already they have begun their old
outcry against taxing “the poor man’s
beer” or the “poor man’s breakfast
table,” meaning small duties on tea
and coffee.
Wkat humbug! Au additional tax
of a barrel on beer (31| gallons,
or nearly 500 glasses, counting froth)
could not be added to the retail price.
It would be divided between the rich
browns 'and tha dealers.
The refusal of the protectionists to
restore or increase internal revenues
taxes is due wholly to their desire to
increase the tariff taxes which streng
then their monopolies and add to
their bounties. Wholly! Wholly!
If they were really concerned for
the poor man, would they—in this
bitter weather—be planning to in
crease taxes on his woolen clothing
or on his coal, his window glass, his
lumber and his nails and his market
ings? Would they?
To exempt wealth and luxuries
and tax necessaries is the high protec
tionist’s measure of pity for the poor.
—New York’ World.
In certain parts es China, tha
young women wear their hair in a
lorg, single plai‘, with which i.i in
tertwined a strand of bright scarlet
thread, which denotes them to te
marriageable.
CfRCDMSTAXTIAL EVIDENCE.
Congressman John Alien And a Tramp
in a Railroad Wreck.
Private John Allen of Mississippi,
is not an advocate of conviction on
circumstantial evidence. Mr. Allen
was a passenger on the Southern
train that came near being wrecked
on the bridge east of Birmingham but
was averted by the rare presence of
mind of Engineer Hawes, who
brought his train to a standstill just
as the pilot hung two feet into space
off of the high bridge. M”. Allen
was in the rear sleeper, and on pass
ing out to see what had happened he
discovered a'tramp, who had been
stealing a ride on top of the sleeper,
getting down and preparing to take
to the woods.
K “Where are you going?” hailed Mr.
QLllen,
“I am gbing to get out of this,”
responded the tramp. “If the trail
crew catch me here they will "abuse
me, and I prefer taking chancss on
the next tram”
“Come back here,” cried Mr. Allen
excit -:dly. “You fool, you, don’t you
know the officials will be here within
an hour to investigate the cause of
this trouble and nine to ons they may
bring with them a pack of blood
hounds to trail down tha culprit.
Then what will become of you? Sup
pose those doge should strike your
trail leading off from here and you
should be captured? You would be
swung to a limb in she rt order. Come
back in this train; this is no time for
crew abuse and no time for a tramp
to put his life in jaopardy!”
This tramp crawled bask in tho
aleeper and Private John Allen,
turning to a fellow passenger, re
marked: “I don’t believe in convic
tion on circumstantial evidence no
way.”—Birmingham S’ate Herald.
SHE MARRIED HER ELF.
Bev. Caroline J. BarletOfficated
at Her Own Wedding.
Rev. Caroline J. Bartlett, minister
of the People’s church at Kalamazo?,
Mich., sprung a surprise on the
church people the other evening at a
reception.
During the rendition of a musical
programme Miss Bartlett disappear
ed, and a few moment later appeared
io bridal costume and marched
ward tha altar, while Dr. Augustus
W. Crane, her betrothed came for
ward from the opposite direction.
Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jone?, pastor of
All Soul’s church of Chicago, ap
peared on the platform. Miss Bart
lett and D.-. Crane, in accordance
with a ceremony which they hid ar
ranged, then married themselves, and
Rev. Mr J ones pronounced tha ben«-
dicion.
The bride has been a minister for
eight years, and through her efforts
the People’s church was built. Dr.
Crane is a native of Adrian, a gradu
ate of the Michigan university and a
practicing physician.
The couple did not leave tha oity
and will not change tither es their
professional careers.—Chicago Times
Herald.
There ia ao moie fruitful source of
corruption in politics than that which
comes from corporate ownership of
railroads.
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of the largest seedsmen of the South,
visited my melon crop while growing
and pronounced it to be thewnly one he
had ever seen that did not have a Hy
brid in it. The following is taken from
the Atlanta Constitution:
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but for standard excellence and every
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grown by Mr. Branch are the best
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Price, 1 ounce. 10c.; 4 ounces 35c.; B
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