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TflE PEOPLE’S PARTI PAPER. Established October 15, 1891. ATLANTA, GEORGIA. OUR PUBLISHING COMPANY. THOS. E. WATSON, - . - President. MACKIE STURGIS, - - Becty-Tre»surer. AUSTIN HOLCOMB, - Advertising Mgr. Office 84 1-2 South Forsyth Street. SUBSCRIPTION. One Tear SI.OO Six Month, GO Always in Advance. Steve W. Floyd, Special Eastern Agent, No. 1313 American Tract Society Building, New York City, for all business exclusive of Southern States. Money may be sent by Express Order, Poet Office Money Order or Registered Letter. Do not send stamps. Orders should be made payable to THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. Subscribers desiring to change the address of their paper will please give the old ad dress as well as the new. We must have your old address to find your name on the mailing lists. Official Organ People’s Party State of Georgia. OUR BUSINESS PLAN. The People’s Party Paper gives no chro mos, puffs no swindlers, inserts no humbug advertisements, and does not devote one-hali its space to telling how good the other half is. It is published weekly and is furnished to sub scribers at one dollar a year, postage prepaid. Any reform book or publication furnished at wholesale cost to our subscribers. Terms, cash in advance. THEY ARE RELIABLE, We believe through careful inquiry, that all the advertisements in this paper are signed by trustworthy persons, and to prove our faith by works, upon complaint of a subscriber against an advertiser, that shows on its face an irreg ular transaction we will use our best efforts to protect the subscriber’s interests, and if the advertiser proves unreliable, he will in future be debarred from the use of these columns and be promptly exposed. Rogues shall not ply their trade at the expense of our subscribers who are our friends, through the medium of these columns. Total Copies Issued 1896 - - 735,080 Average (Sworn) Per Issue - 14,136 Average (Estimated) for 1897 - 21,000 Duns jR We keep no accounts wi‘h subscribers. The dat*» on t»e je low lab-Is hows th»- time your subscription expires You should ren- w two weeks in advan- eso as n»t to mis« an issue Wnen y- u r» new get a fri-nd to send his sub scription in he ame letter. If you are receiving the p. p p. and did not subscrib donotheeita e to tak* it and r*«d it—ome f iend has paid so it in the hope that you will help in the cause < f reh rm—und-r no circum-tanc* s will you receive a dun as we send out no oil s for subsc i ptions If rou like the PPP. show your appreciation by order ing it for some f iend of yours who needs tuore light OUR CLUB LIST. The following papers, magazines and publications are furnished with the P. P. P. at the rates given below. Papers may be sent to one or different addresses as may be desired. Club rates are for a full year. For any other paper, magazine or book, write for pricey F F World 81.00 Express [oiimiii.y] 1.25 HSgSfcvlia rt. >n Barker) Buzz Saw ]monthly]. 1.00 “ New \ark World ..... 1.40 “ Equality •• 1.50 (Bellamy’s new book) “ Storv of France 1.00 (Watson) “ Roman Sketches 1.00 (Watson) “ National Platforms 1.00 (Raynolds) Don’t send Stamps— We can’t use them and will return at your expense Delays sometime occur where parties fall to write name, post office and state plainly Don’t send Private Checks— unless you add 10 cents extra for exchange—we have to pay exchange on them Send full amount of the club offer In regis tered letter, money order, or express order, or checks on New York City or Atlanta banks only. Address National Paper Club, Atlanta, Ga. The Populist party EARLY bein & largely com posed of farmers and tillers of the soil, ACTION. active organization should be inaugura ted. From now till February is compara tively idle time on the farm. He has gathered his corn, nearly picked out his cotton crop, sowed his wheat and nearly ready to put in his oats. He can readily spare time to attend the district, county and state meetings of his party in November and Decem ber and do a good deal of missionary work in January and February. County meetings should be held in November and the Sta’e Convention not later than December 20 di. The Democrats are trying to steal all our timber and unless we have an early convention they will not leave us enough splinters to make a platform plank. There are no division in the ranks of Georgia Populists. Every one of them stands by the Nashville Convention and is ready to mount when “to saddle’’ is sounded. Toot the bugle chairman Cunning ham, and the enemy will be surprised at the army of veterans which respond, and the veterans will be cheered and strengthened by the influx of recruits that will enlist when our banner is unfurled. Mac. The “menwhocon- HUNTINC troi” the Democratic machine in this state have kept the hotel PIE COUNTER, corridors and capitol lobbies astir this week. Although the election of Governor and State House Officers will not occur until October 1894, the “men who con trol” are exceedingly active at this time. They recognize that the voters of Georgia are restless and dissatisfied with the Democratic party and its methods—if it has any—and that the policies advocated by tne People’s Par ty are gaining lodgment with many of their former folio ”ers. They also recognize that their politi cal party is divided upon the financial question, while the People’s Party is as solid as Stone Moun'ain and the mass of the people of the Slate are with the Populists upon that question. Consequently the "men who control' the Democratic pxrty are trying to harmonize their differences by the dis tribution of offices. Any of them will eat crow now if by so doing they can feast at the pie coun ter in October. Mac. Lying to one side A LAW upon the table at which we are writing i B a bundle of papers which we have been asked to examine, as a law yer. We have done so. We have patiently read the pleadings, and we find within these folded documents, fresh from the Court House, a story which, if a novel ist had told it, would have been voted a wild freak of the fancy. An old couple, man and wife, owned a farm of 322 acres in one of the Wes tern counties of Georgia. It had no special value so far as the record shows. There were several children of this aged pair, and to one of these children the old father gave, in writing, the custody and control of all his property, upon condition that the son should comfortably support the old people during their lives and after their death divide the estate equally among all the children. Reasonable enough, one would say. • Well, time passes, and the aged wife dies. The old man is left alone He is very infirm, needing a nurse. It is claimed that his mind was almost gone, and that he was become the easy prey of the designing. At any rate, he marries aga'n ; and to this new wife the old man deeds the 322 acres of land. Whereupon the son, who had been put into possession by the former in strument of writing, brings a suit against his father, his stepmother, and a third party who had concocted the scheme of this second marriage, accord ing to the son’s accusation. The son alleges that this third party, the schemer, procticed upon the feeble mind of the old father, and decoyed him into the marriage in order that he, the schemer, and the new wife might get the old man’s property. The son alleges that ths said schemer moved upon the land, after the mar riage, and began to convert things to his own use about as fast as he could lav hands upon them. These allegations were denied. The old man contended that his son, after getting possession of everything, had neglected him, failed to provide for him, &c.—the old story with which we are so familiar, and which is so often the simple truth. Every member of the family, includ ing the second wife, seems to have got hold of at least one lawyer. The son had his lawyer, th* father his, the wife hers, the other children of the old man theirs. Whatever else was lacking, there was a “God’s lavish” of lawyers It may be that in war the more troops there are the bigger the battle, but its not so in law. Whenever the litigants are fools enough to load down a case with law yers there’s almost certain to be a poor fight The best way on earth to manage a piece of litigation is to choose one good honest lawyer, put the whole responsi bility on him, let him choose his own local counsel—and then, if you’ve got a ease, you’ll see a fight Too many lawyer* divides the respon sibility, and lessens the interest THIY TAKE IN THE CASE. By actual count, we find that nine lawyers were in the skirmish over this little piece of land. There was no trial, no real contest, no actual work in the case that one hundred dollars would not have liber ally paid. Hut the lawyers all got together and prepared a settlement. They took a •'consent verdict.” By the terms of this settlement both the deeds which the old man had made were to be cancelled. The land was to be the old man’s, just as it had been before, and he was to use and enjoy it during his life, and at his death, it was to be divided equally be tween the widow and his children by the former marriage. All fair enough—but stop 1 Tnis “Consent Verdict” goes further, it provides that the pay of all the law yers shall come out of the land. The old man’s lawyers must get pay out of land. The wife’s lawyers ditto. Like wise the lawyers of the children of the former marriage ! And how much were these fees ? Fifteen hundred dollars I Think of it I The case had never even reached a jury. There had been absolutely no adjudication of the issues involved. The lawyers simply get to gether, put part of the title in each of the litigants and then assess their own fee at a sum which they must know will sweep away every foot of the land. And so it proved. The lawyers lev ied on the land, sold it at public outcry, and bought it in for themselves. The old man had a home—and it is gone. The wife had a shelter—she has lost it. The children had a heritage—it passes away. Nine lawyers came to the defense of these family litigants, oath bound to serve justice and do right; and when they get through defending their cli ents, every lawyer has colluded with every other lawyer to strip every client in the case of every acre of land that was in di-pute. What shall we say of a system under which people can be robbed of their homes in this way ? What shall we say of a Judge who allows a pack of lawyers to assess a fee of SISOO against a little farm of 322 acres? Brought into the market the property brought less than the fee —upon what rule of law, or decency, can a transac tion of that sort face public investiga tion and public judgment. We have told the unvarnished story, just as the papers on this table tell it We have not sought to personate nor denounce. Reader, ponder on the facts, as we have set them forth, and answer this question—lsn’t a transaction like that a disgrace to the lawyers concerned in THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER; ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1897. it, a reproach to the Judge who- sanc tioned it, and a startling illustration of the method by which respectable men can commit, under decorous forms of law, that deed which’when commit ted by indecorous toughs is called Robbery? T. E. W. P. S. Names given if necessary. Hello boys I How HERE’S a re you? Been some time since I talked MY c j with you, or fired a HAND. paper bullet at the “men who control” the Democratic machine, as well as the ■udiciary of the State, politically. I use the qualifying word “politically” because I believe there are judges and solicitors now serving your state who are mentally and morally superior to the “men who control” the machine, but the infernal rotten system by and through which they are selected results in submersing their mental and moral worth to such a degree that it requires extraordinary friendship and powerful magnifying glasses to tell tother from which. That’s a fact. If you doubt it examine the list of Jury Commissioners, Registrars and Notary Publics appointed in your coun ty by any of these judges, and if you don’t find cloven-footed partisanship •tamped upon every appointment, drop me a line of correction and I will ex ■ empt that judge certain. I’ve got an idea in the back part of my head that the judiciary of this State needs reforming, and that the reform can never come so long as judges are selected by political caucuses and elected by political caucuses; and elec tion by the General Assembly means that and nothing else. And I am going to hammer and hammer on that line until I work that idea from the back of my head into the front of a good many good folks—even Democrats. I know counties in this State where the Populiats have three white votes to the Democrats one, and out of the six Jury Commissioners for such coun ties the Populists may have one com missioner and that one may have got there by accident These commissioners select the men for the jury box, and the men from the jury box control your county affairs, your property, your rights and your liberty. I have heard of Jury Commissioners revising the jury box and leaving out the names of men who had made ex cellent jurors until they became active against the “men who control.” Poli tics may have had nothing to do with it, but in nine cases out of ten it had all to do with it. The Registrars have charge of your franchise—your right to vote—and I’ve beard of names being stricken which should not have been, and name* added that should not have been added. Pol itics may not have caused the name to be stricken or the name to be added but in nine cases out of ten it had vvery thing to do with It. ~ What is the remedy? Make your judges responsible to the people over whom they preside and not to a polit ical party, corporation, or the “men who control.” How? Change the mode of election from the Legislature to the people. Mac. Atkinson would not “THE be Governor of Geor gia had he not re- CALLED JADE th(j bulk of ” the nejfro vote. He begged for it. He prayed for it. He sought it by le gitimate and illegitimate means. He appealed to their baser pa»sions through his infamous “rape circular. ” It was a ground hog case with him and the Democratic party. They had to get the negro vote or the Populists would get control of the State. A ne gro could get anything from Atkinson and his Democratic friends —from a pint of popskull whiskey to a certifi cate of good character and recommen dation for Federal appointment if he would vote and work for the Demo cratic ticket. They played Cuffee for all he was worth, and reckoned not of the mor row. But the morrow came, and with it came a few sensible far-seeing negroes, who bad played Atkinson and his Democratic friends (the “men who control,” you know.) Having been reared among Southern gentlemen these sensible negroes natu rally believed that the Democratic bosses who signed their recommenda tions for Federal appointments were gentlemen and men of their word, so at the close of the campaign, when Atkinson had been placed in the Gov ernors chair and McKinley in the Presidential seat, they put in their application—with Democratic endorse ments—for a few Federal appoint ments. McKinley being an honest careful magistrate, but unacquainted with Southern sentiment and Georgia Dem ocracy naturally gave great weight to “endorsements of character” written before election day, and appointed one of the applicants to an office in the country borough of Hogansville, a town of 518 inhabitants, located about 16 miles from Governor Atkinson’s home. If said negro is discharging the du ties of tbat Federal office today, it is because his hide is tougher than Dem ocratic bullets, and his feet swifter than minie balls. Our authority for making this state ment is found in the following resolu tion introduced in the Georgia Legisla ture : “Mr. Hall of Coweta, introduced the first measure of the session, a red-hot resolution on the shooting of the Ho gansville postmaster. It was as follows: “Whereas, In the town of Hogans ville, State of Georgia, the president of the United States has seen proper to appoint to the office of postmaster a man whose appointment was opposed by 99 per cent of the property owners and responsible citizens of that com munity; and, "Whereas, In no other section of the United States would the president make, or permit to be made, an appoint ment of like character—on the Pacific s’ope the president would not dare appoint as postmaster of any town a Chinaman over the protest of 90 per cent of its property owners and res ponsible citizens, nor would he dare in any town in the North or East appoint to a local office one who was opposed by 90 per cent, of the best people of the locality, and, “Whereas, On the night of Septem ber 10, 189’5, unknown parties are said to have shot and attempted to kill the said appointee ; therefore, “Resolved, By the House of R a pl*e- of the General Assembly of the State of Georgia, That if said -at tempt to shoot said appointee be true, which we disbelieve, then we condemn in unmeasured terms the lawless con duct of the would-be assassins. “Resolved, That we deplore this and similar appointments as exhibitions of petty spite and narrow sectional hate, unworthy the high office of chief mag istrate of this great nation. “Resolved, That we appeal to impar tial public opinion to enter its power ful protest against pres.dential appoint ments to office for the manifest pur pose of affronting and humiliating a community of American citizens for jio other reason thsn a difference in party affiliations.” Mr. Hall addressed the house asking the passage of the resolution without reference to a committee. He .said that he spoke as an American citizen, and without sectional feeling, giving his reasons on the line of the resolu tion itself. “Gentlemen of the house,” said he, “the time has come for the South xo take a stand on this question and notify the country of its position in no un certain terms. Since the war the South has been loyal to the flag and the con stitution, and deserves to be treated with the same consideration as otljer sections,. No true man would ask more, and no brave man would accept less.” Mr. T. D. Oliver, of Burke, opposed the resolution, saying it misrepresented the true southern sentiment. He thought it would be taken as endorse ment of a lawless act. Mr. B. H. Hill, of Troup, heartily en dorsed the resolution. He said: “This infamous negro was never shot at all. The prevailing opinion is that the wounda were inflicted with a knife and for the purpose of arousing a sen timent in his favor. ” The resolution was put under vjste and appeared to have been carried overwhelmingly, but before the result was announced a division was called for and Mr. Hill called for the ayes and nays. Judge Boynton said if this resolution by implication charged the people of Hogansville with assassinating the postmaster. Mr. Hall said it did not. Mr. Calvin wanted the resolution re ferred to the committee on the state of the republic. Mr. Hall said: “Kill it, rather than give it a lingering death.” He proceeded to cay that he would vote for a similar resolution on a simi lar appointment in Nebraska. He sail ed nothing mol's for Georgia 'tuafrifcr any other state. “It is time for us to meet this issue,” said he “and we should meet it like men.” Mr. Boynton, of Calhoun, thought the resolution’s language was inoppor tune, and ought to be referred to an appropriate committee. Mr. Oliver insisted that the resolu tion reflected on the people of Hogans ville, by implication charging them with a lawless act. Mr. Pisrce, of Houston, thought the resolution ought to be referred, as the house dia not understand it. Mr. Calvin was in hearty sympathy with the spirit of the resolution, bat thought it would more comport with the dignity of the house to refer it io a committee. He moved to so refer it. Mr. Hall moved to amend by instruct ing the committee to report back at half past 12 o’clock. That was accept ed by Mr. Calvin and the resolution was referred to the committee on the state of the republic. Mr. Calvin got the matter into an un expected complication when he had it referred to this committee. It has six teen members, eleven of whom are Populists and Republicans. Mr. Hall who intaoduced the above resolution is the “member from Cowe ta,” Governor Atkinson’s home county and is also Governor Atkinson’s law partner. Mr. Calvin, who expressed hirr.self “in sympathy with the resolution” is the “member from Richmond,” a coun ty that voted sixteen or eighteen thou sand ballots with a voting population of about eleven thousand. The excess being obtained by voting squads of ne groes at one polling place and maLing them repeat their votes at every caber polling place in the city. Governor Atkinson and the “men who control “sowed the wind and must stand the reaping, while poor Cuffee who had confidence in Democratic promises must bury his Democratic re commendation or the Democrats will bury him. The resolutions were referred to a committee composed of nine Populists, two Republicans and four Democrats, who reported adverse to its passage, but the Democratic House passed it over their report. Next year will be election year. The Democrats will honey-comb the negro with all kinds of promises, recount bow many they pardoned for commixing rape upon white women, gurgle whis key down their throats, coddle ’.hem behind chimney corners, chaw backer with them in fence jams, lunch them at night, endorse them for federal offices and shoot the lights out of there for being such fools as to believe they meant it—after the election is over. Mac. Build up the confi- THE WAY dence of the people in the judiciary by TO STOP destroying the pres- LYNCHINCS. rotten system, by which men are placed upon the bench through barter and trade. Let the manhood of each circuit se lect and elect the judge who is to pre side over the destiny of their lives, liberty and property, and you will have few lynchings in Georgia. Under the present system it is sup posed that the Representatives in the legislature elect the judges and the solicitors. But the facts—the actual way in which they are elected—does violence to the supposition. If your Representative in the legis lature belongs to the minority political party he has no voice in the caucus which selects the candidates to be voted for, and the caucus crowds out competition, and narrows the election to one candidate. There are men serving as judges to day who never had the support or vote of a Representative from the judicial circuits over which they preside, until a Democratic caucus crowded out all opposition and thereby forced the Democratic Representatives from each circuit to vote for a man to preside as judge that they did not want, or quit their political party. ' Mac. How do you like 5 TO COLORED cent cotton, colored farmers of the South? VOTERS. Your race make the bulk of the crop, and your race com pose the Republican party at the South and your politicsl party is in complete control of the Government, but yc.u can’t get 5 cents net for the crops that you work 12 months to produce. Ain’t it about time for you to cut loose from such a political party and aid by your ballots to put the People's Party—a party that is organized to lib erate the industrial class from slavery to freedom—in control of the govern ment? Get your friends together and notify the chairman of the People’s Party in your county that you intend to vote with him until his party gets control of the government. You and he are in the same 5 cent cotton boat; you work side by side, in the same field, raise the same crops; sell in the same market, get the same kind of money, his interest is your in terest, then why not make his political party your political party and by vot ing together force the Democrat and Republican parties from power and in stall a party in power that will keep enough money in circulation to meet the increase of production and popula tion? Your ballot is the only weapon by and through which you can better the condition which surround your chil dren, and every time you vote a Dem ocratic or Republican ticket you take a step backward instead of forward. Mac. PAPER MONEY. Pennsylvania Paper Money—The Passage of an Act March C, 1723. On January 2, 1713, a petition was presented to the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania from a number of mer chants and others setting forth “that "mey w4re senaiuly aggrieved In their' estates and dealings to the great loss and growing ruin of themselves, and the evident decay of the province in general for want of a medium to buy and sell with.” The petition was re ferred to the Committee on Grievances, who reported “that it contains matters of fact, and what they believed to be true and worthy of weighty considera tion,” and it was referred to the house. On the Bth of January, 1723, the house resolved “that it was necessary that a quantity of paper money found ed on a good scheme should be struck and imprinted.” Several interchanges of opinion took place between the assembly and the governor, resulting in the passage, March 2, 1723 of act authorizing the issue of £15.000 in bills of credit—paper money. These bills of credit were to be loaned on land security at 5 per cent interest; they were made a legal ten der in payments of all kinds. The benefits which this paper money brought to the province was so great and so immediately was the benefit felt that in December 1723, a new issue of £30.000 was made. In March 1726. au act was passed for reloaning the currency as it came back into the hands of the colony and to re place such as had become worn, torn or defaced, a further issue of £IO,OOO was ordered. In October 1726, a letter was received from the British Lords of Trade in England, dated May 11, 1127, in refer ence to the two money acts of 1723. This letter set forth the evil conse quences that resulted from issuing bills of credit —paper money and stating that “naught restrained them from laying these bills before his Majesty to be repealed, save tenderness alone to innocent holders in whose hsnds they might be ; and if any further acts were passed creating bills of credit in addi tion to those already iss-’ed. means would be taken to have them disallow ed ; ” and concluded their letter by re questing “that the funds appropriated for the payment of these bills ba duly applied.” that is, that the paper money issued by Pennsylvania and which had been of ‘ great benefit to this province,” should at once be retired and cancel led. When the time drew near to which the £45 000 had been limited, great un easiness was felt at the approaching withdrawal from circulation of so much m- ney, as it was feared the colony would be left without a currency. Dr. Franklin, in his Autobiography, Lippencott’s edition, page 199, says: “About this time (1729) there was a cry among the people for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. The wea thy inhabi tants opposed any addition, being against all paper currency, (jnst as the bankers and wealthy p op e of to-day oppose the issue ot a paper money by the people,) from the apprehension that it weuld depreciate to the prej n dice of all creditors. We had discussed this point in our Junto, where I was on tbe side of an addition, being per suaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good by increas ing the trade, employment and number of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all those old build ngr inhab ited, and many new ones building Whereas I remembered well, that when I first walked the streets of Philadel phia, eating my rob, I saw most of the houses in Walnut street between Sec- ond and Front streets with bills on their doors ’To be let,’ and many like wise in Chestnut street, and other streets, which made me think that the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after another. “Our debates possessed me so fully of the subject, that I wrote am anony mous pamphlet on it, entitled ‘The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Cur rency.’ It was well received by the common people in general, but the rich men disliked it, for it increased and strengthened the clamor for more money, and as they happened to have no writer among them that was able to answer it, their opposition slackened and the point was carried by a majori ty in the house. The utility of the cur rency became by time and experience so evident as never to be much disput ed ; so that it grew soon to twenty-five thousand pounds, and in 1779 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose during the war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds trade, buildings and inhabitants all the while increasing.” The governor of Pennsylvania, in direct opposition to the British Lords, of Trade, in May, 1729, gave his consent to an issue £30,000 of paper money to be loaned upon the same terms as ths former issues of 1723, and to be return ed by the annual payment of one sixteenth part of the principal and the accrued interest. In 1739 the Assembly of Pennsylva nia authorized an issue of paper money —bills of credit —to the amount of £BO 000. This money was to be put in circulation by loaning not more than £IOO in any one person, upon real es tate security of at least double the value of the loan, for a term of 16 years at five per cent interest One sixteenth part of the loan and accrued interest was to be paid back yearly. The interest was to be applied to pub lic improvements. The British Parliament in 1751 pro hibited the further issue of paper money by the American colonies. Dr. Franklin visited England and protested against the act. He stated to the British authorities that before the issue of the paper money the colo nies had neither silver or gold, and that because of this scarcity of metal lic money it was with difficulty that the trade could be carried on ; but that the introduction of paper currency had given new life to business, and had promoted greatly the settlement and development of the country. In 1753 began a struggle between the assembly—the representatives of the people—and the governor. The gener al need of a larger circulation was keenly felt and the assembly framed several acts for the further issue of bills of credit—paper money. The governor, holding himself bound, by the instructions of the British Lords of Trade, not to pass any bills without a clause suspending their operation until the pleasure of his majesty should be known known, either refused to allow them to become laws or else returned them with amendments, which the as sembly considered as an infringement on their liberties and refused to accept. In 1764 the British Lords of Trade objected to the use of pap»r money made legal tender, on the ground that 'everjj medium o" vxchaugeehv'uld have intrinsic value which paper money has not” Dr. Franklin replying to the British Lords of Trade; said : “However fit a.particular thing may be for a particu'ar purpose, whene-er that thing is not to be h»d in sufficient quantities, it becomes necessary to use something else —the fittest th»t can be gotten in lieu of it.” The attention of Parliament being called to the matter of paper money in the Amer can colonies, passed an act in 1764 prohibiting any bills of credit of the colonies beir-g made a legal tender. It was hope! by this to check the further issue of colonial paper money, because “it was injuring the British merchants who were trading in America.” In 1764, while in England, Dr. Frank lin in defense of paper money, said : “On the whole no method has hith erto b »en framed to establish a medium of trade, equal in all its advantages to bills of credit founded on sufficient taxes for discharging them, and made a general legal tender.” April 19, 1775, the battle of Lexing ton was fought, and on the 30th day of June a provisional government was ap pointed by the assembly, called a com mittee of safety, to look to the arming and defense of the colony. In order that the committee could properly do the work the assembly resolved to emit thirty-five thousand pounds in bills of credit—paper money. The issue of this money was an act of rebellion. They were issued by the mere resolve of the assembly, in defiance of his maj esty, and without reference to the gov ernor. At a later period, Dr. Franklin speak ing of the paper money issued by the colony of Pennsylvania said : “Between the years 1740 and 1775, while abundance reigned in Pennsyl vania, and there was peace in all her borders, a more happy and prosperous population could not be found. In every home there was comfort The people generally were highly moral, and knowledge was extensively diffu sed.” “I will venture to say,” said Govern or Prownell, “that there was never a w ser nor better measure, never one better calculated to serve the interests of an increasing county ; and there was never a measure more steadily pursued or steadily executed, for forty years together, than the loan office in Pennsylvania, founded and adminis tered by the assembly of that province ” “The early notes of the colony,” says Phillips’ American Currencv, ‘seem to have kept their credit well and had not the revolution intervened they would all have been redeemed at par, as ample funds were always pro vided by taxation or excise duty, in the same act that issued the bills, for their gradua l but total extinction.” David Hume, the historian, says in substance : “In Pennsylvania the land itself is coined. A planter, immediate ly on the purchase of land, can go to a public loan office; and receive notes to the amount of half the value of his land, which notes he employs in all his payments; and they circulate through the colony by convention. No more than a certain sum is issued to any one planter; aud each must pay back into the public treasury, every year, one-tenth of his notes Whet, they are all paid back, he can repeat the operation.” Can you not see that the paper mon-! 11ft « Jr Your Wife I BOM L Wants i it x ra < jt/fTM She knows that thia flrat class rattan ® Bl •/'”l ’AA-Vl »* rocker sells for? 2.50 and $3.50 at your home <B> pi -'A 4• k aiff store—lt's big enough for either you or ® wwWHWlal lnfsll mW ber —h’s strong enough for both—will last ® OuZWLUMMIm a life-time. It's a "rock-easy” rocker— ® '.OwfW ¥ll WlirV cures “that tired feeling”—get It for her— ® S r #!> # nffuJb nl' la get** now while you can. ® al waLsTw Wyy II »==—-&-. Send us ® Seven Dolhrs and Fifty Cents ® ■ and Ten Names § M and we will send the P. P. P. for one © year to every name and the Rocker © I'3 —we send it (freight paid by us) any © O ~~—fl point in Georgia—if out of Georgia you pay © W- -■ I the freight—it won’t be but a trifle. Go to © work today and get up a club of 10 yearly VO subs at 75 cents each and get this handsome W XKjy II comfortable rocker. The factory has named Vc? |a this new rocker “The Tom Watson Rocker.’’ ! NATIONAL PAPER CLUB. L“The Tom Watson Rocker,” Atlanta, Ga. FwATSON’S I * Story of France, Vol. 1 Cloth bound, SI.OO t Story of Ancient Rome - - - io t Ten copies - - “ " 75 t Campaign Book (not a Revolt) - - 25 t Five copies ... . IiOO Z Railroad Question - - - - 10 * Ten copies .... ! Milledgeville Speech - - - 05 Ten copies .... • send orderjto—— People’s Party Paper, ♦ SPECIAL PRICES TO CLUBS Atlanta, Ga. Pin Honey We will show every lady a chance to make 88 00 to 810.00 a week for the next three months, making sample* darns at home. We use them to show what wonderful work can be done on the Imnerial Machine. PM Will put a fresh heel or toe in a stock ing in two minutes. Mends Table cloths, Curtains, Underwear and all Fabrics. A most wonderful success and the greatest addition to a lady’s wnrk-table. Saves the eyes and tem per and does away with that tedious old-fashioned way of picking up the stitches. SENT FREE for one sub to Jan. 1, 1899, at one dollar. National Paper Club, Atlanta. Ga. BIGGEST OFFER YEI! THE PEOPLE'S PARTY PAPER AND Ths Best Farm and Family Paper in the United States, Both Ons Year FOR ONLY si.oo. Believing that every one of our readers ■ho»ld hav- at leaat one good agricultural and family journa l , we have perfected arrange ments whereby we can send that practical and instructive journal Farm and Home, in con nection with our own publication, Thi Peo ple’s Party Paper, both a full year for only SI.OO. Lack of space forbids a description of the contents of Farm and Home, which un equalled for variety and excellence. Promi nent among its man? departments may be mentioned the Farm and Garden, Market Re ports, Fruit Culture. Plans and Inventions. The apiary. Talks with a Lawyer. Around the G1 be. Livestock and Dairy, The Po Itry Yard, Question Box, The Veterinary. Plants and Flowers, Fashions and Fancy Work, House hold Features. Farm amd Homu is published semi-monthly, thus giving you 34 numbers a year, the whole making a volume of over 400 pages, teeming with all the latest and most rellaoJe informa tion that experience and scienc- can supply. No better proof of its popularity can be offered than its enormous circulation, which extends Into every state and territory in the Union, each number being read by no less than a mil lion readers. Address all orders to NATIONAL PAPER CLUB, Atlanta, Ga, ANY PERSON Wlsblug to kn-'w the truth in regard to their health-hould not tail to eend tor a valuable and new 83-page B oklet w’doh will be sent FREK for a short time »o 'h se who mention this paper. This book it published by the cel brated physicians aud specialists—D*. Hatha way & Co., o’ S- Bro.d St, Atlanta, Ga., whom you should address. Write to-day. ey issued by the colony of Pennsylva nia, was a money of the peop e’s own creation ? And that was used to assist them in bettering their condition ? Dr. Frank! in says, “a more happy and prosperous people could not be found ” Can you say the same thing for the people of to-dav ? Look about you and note the distress, the poverty, the dis con'ent, and the misery of the people, which has been brought upon them by the central zation of wealth, caused, in a great measure by the representa tiv s of the people legislating away one of their sovereign rights tbe right to coin—issue —the’r own money If anything was wanting to show that the deformed papers of Kansas have gone over to Democracy it is sup plied in their vicious criticisms of Sena tor Peffer’s speech before the Populist convention in Iowa; The Kansas pa pers that are harvesting the public printing through fusion with the dem ocrats would rather give up the prin ciples of the pa r ty than the county .printing. They can’t stand Populist speeches or Populist literature. Sovereign went all the way to Idaho to help the Republican* defeat a Pop ulist for United States senator. He was sent there forthat purpose by Sen ■ator Jas. K. Jones.—Buzz Saw. THE AMERICAN WHARTON BARKER’S PAPER, Is Fshting for the People,!or Right Against Might, for Human Rights Against Property Rights, for Justice and Equality tor AU. It advocates and demands political action that will.unite the people in their great con flict with the oligarchy of wealth and enable »hem to elect In 1900, President, Vice-Presi dent and Congress standing on this platform: 1. Free coinage ofjgoldand silverat the ratio of 1 to 16. 2. The issue of all paper money, and the reg ulation of the volume thereof by the National Government. 3. Government ownership of railroads and telegraphs, Allvs to the deplorable conditions that exist appreciating ths pinshed circumstances of the great majority, and deeming It a duty to do onr utmost to put the truth within reach of all we make this COST PRICE OFFER. For JI.OO we will send Ths Ahsbicah for one ysar. To anyone sending us twenty subscrlptlonr at tl.oo each, we will send Ths American for one year free. To anyone sending us twenty subscriptions at *I,OO each, we wld pay a cash commission of 10 cents on each Send for a free sample copy and see If Ths Amssican, a Weekly National Journal advo cating an American policy, Is not the paper you and your friends need and should support. THE AMERICAN, * 110 S. Fourth Bt., PHILADKLPHIA, PA People's Party Paper and The tf| Zfl American, bath tor 1 year )l.*rU o___ I T a Dollar I I and | a Dollar Only | Buts for you for one year the P. P. ® P. the best Populist weekly printed—its © “strictly in-the-middle-of-the-road ” © and you know it. With it we send free © postage paid, by next mail, Vol. © Story of France, | By Hon. Thoa. B. Watson. as It’s the book you have been wanting and it wells for one dollar itself— unless you get it this way. Ele gantly bound in cloth, large print SJ and easy to read—you get more than your money’s worth in the book alone. SJ Os Course {a If you are already a People’s Party ® S Paper subscriber, we will substitute for S S) the P. P. P. any of the following at the S (2 same price: & Southern Mercury, or I 1 Missouri World, or Chicago Express and S. Morgan’s Buzz Saw. liemember, any of the above combi- SS nations aud the book—send in your x Dollar. jg An annual membership In the Club ® FREE with every order. National Paper Club, ® Atlanta, Ga. ® uo not lonjer be deceived by well-worded lie>. Read the truth. It will pay you dividends. THINK OR STARVE THAT IS THE ALTERNATIVE. TO-DAY—this moment—you are being robbed of what you earn. How much J Nut less th**” si.GUO & year. Do you know how ? Do you know why ! Read Formerly NEW OCCASIONS. The Best 5 Only Reform Magazine- V One Dollar a Year in the World. < 10 cents a number. Monthly—Eighty Pages, Enrrnns, ' Elowef, Founder of the Arena. (Fred'lt JU, .ttlantu, Ed. New Occasions. New Time is the fearless advocate of the Initiative and Referendum. Majority Rule, Scientific Government, Monetary Reform and Physical aud Ethical Culture. Antony hundreds of brilliant writers wha will regularly contribute to its pages are Prof. Frank Parsons. Prof. Richard T. Ely. Henry D. Lloyd. Senator Tillman. Senator Butler. Herbert N. Casson. Eltweed Pomeroy. Frances E. Willard. Hamlin Garland. Pres. George A. Gate*. Justice Walter Clark. Mary A. Livermore. Eugene V. Debs. Abby Morton Diaz. Gov. H. S. Pingree. John P. Altgeld. Lillian Whiting. Helen Campbell. A. H. Lewis. Senator Pettigrew. SPECIAL TO YOU.—Send 15 two cont stamps and re ceive THE NEW TIME three months and PRESIDENT JOHN SMITH, the Story of a Peaceful Revolution, by Frederick U. Adams, an illustrated book of 290 pages and an idea on every page. JFWte to-day, Charles H. Kerr & Company, Publishers 56 Fifth Avenue, CHICAGO-